Jewish war

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Roman camp F near Masada

The great Jewish war against the Romans began in Judea in AD 66 , triggered by state and religious oppression, and ended in 70 with the conquest of Jerusalem and the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem . The war could not be finally ended until the fall of Masada in 74 . It was the first of the three great Jewish uprisings against the Romans in the 1st and 2nd centuries. The second was the Diaspora uprising at 116, the third the Bar Kochba uprising 132–135. Jewish War (Flavius ​​Josephus) is the main source. As a member of the Jerusalem priestly nobility, a Jewish military leader in Galilee and a freed Vespasian, Flavius ​​Josephus himself was involved in the event.

Judea under Roman administration

Villas of the Jerusalem priestly
aristocracy in the Herodian Quarter

Since the year 6 AD Judea was annexed to the province of Syria and was administered by knightly prefects (or since Claudius : procurators ) as a kind of subordinate. It is true that the prefect was only at the beginning of his office career and was subordinate to the governor of Syria, who had already completed it as consular; but the governor resided far away in Antioch on the Orontes . That gave the prefect a lot of personal responsibility. He had his official residence in Caesarea Maritima . He was responsible for the administration, exercised the supreme legal authority and was in command of the auxiliary troops stationed in the province ; he did not have a permanent legion. The provincial Jewish residents were exempt from military service. The garrisons were in Caesarea, Jerusalem , Samaria / Sebaste , Kypros (near Jericho), Macharus , in the Jezreel plain and in Ascalon . Taxes and customs were collected from tax farmers, another source of Roman income was the income from the royal estates, especially the balsam plantations near Jericho and En Gedi . The native elite (the temple aristocracy headed by the high priest) enjoyed limited internal autonomy and, since their privileges and economic interests were preserved, they had a positive attitude towards the Roman state.

According to Josephus, the zealotic movement arose around the same time as Judea was transformed into a Roman province. Josephus usually referred to these Jewish resistance fighters as λησταί lēstai (Latin latrones , Hebrew listim ) "robbers, bandits". In doing so, he made the Roman perspective his own, which did not distinguish between crime and political resistance. The self-name of these fighters, however, was zēlōtai (Hebrew qana'im ) "zealot". Their concept of freedom was based on their belief in the royal rule of the god YHWH , and the consequence of this was the rejection of the Roman tax system.

Serious unrest broke out in 26 when Pontius Pilate ordered his troops to bring their standards into Jerusalem . Among other things, the emperor was depicted on it. As a violation of the ban on images , showing the images of the emperor was offensive to the Jewish population. Josephus also writes that Pilate had the standards brought into the city at night: he was aware of the problem and tried to combine "what was necessary for Rome with what was to be avoided for Jews." When he realized that this solution was not acceptable and there would be massive resistance, he ordered the standards to be returned to Caesarea.

When Caligula issued the order to erect his statue in the Jerusalem temple , the Syrian governor Publius Petronius managed to delay this with a delaying tactic. The assassination of Caligula in January 41 prevented the implementation of the imperial plan, which at that time would probably have been the cause of war.

A mostly positive intermezzo was the reign of Agrippa I , who ruled over the territory that had once been the kingdom of his grandfather Herod from 41 to 44 as a Roman clientele . Domestically, he promoted traditional Jewish piety, which also strengthened the national element. Outside of his realm he appeared as a promoter of Greek culture.

After Agrippa's sudden death, most of Palestine came under direct Roman administration again. From now on, the domestic political situation worsened more and more until the outbreak of war. The procurators exploited the province financially and intensified the indignation of the inhabitants through provocations. At least that is how Josephus portrays it.

At 45 a certain Thaddäus gathered a large crowd at the Jordan and announced that he could share the water like a Second Moses . Procurator Cuspius Fadus had the crowd forcibly dispersed, and Squidward captured and beheaded. During the tenure of Tiberius Iulius Alexander (46-48), the province suffered from a famine, which meant a catastrophe for the rural population and drove their political radicalization. The tenure of Ventidius Cumanus (48–52) was marked by several clashes between Jews and Romans. The worst incident was the murder of a Jewish pilgrim to Jerusalem by Samaritans . Since Cumanus remained inactive, zealot groups raided Samaritan villages and murdered the inhabitants. Cumanus was able to put down this revolt relatively quickly, but Zealot groups (Josephus: "robbers") now had a crowd all over the country and were barely hindered in their actions.

Under the procurator Marcus Antonius Felix (52-60) the province got more and more out of control. It was possible to capture the Zealot leader El'azar ben Dinai and send him to Rome, but the Zealots changed their tactics: they moved their activities to the cities and especially to Jerusalem. Here they murdered their victims with short daggers that they carried with them hidden in their clothing and then disappeared into the crowd. On behalf of the procurator, these so-called Sicarians murdered the high priest Jonathan; Felix did not shy away from using this terrorist group for his own purposes. The families of the priestly aristocracy got themselves private militias for their protection, who fought one another. As the situation became more and more chaotic, enthusiastic prophets and miracle workers appeared; the best known was the so-called "Egyptian", who is also mentioned in the New Testament (Acts 21:38). The procurator Porcius Festus was only briefly in office. It was now becoming clear that there were profound contrasts between the priestly nobility and the Herodian royal family ; the latter were considered partisans of the Romans, and this constellation made it possible for members of the priestly aristocracy to switch to the Zealot camp during the war. Lucceius Albinus finally resigned as procurator (62–64) and let the Zealots have their way.

Course of war

Control over Jerusalem

Silver shekel. The inscription in old Hebrew script begins at the bottom right: שקל ישראל "Shekel of Israel". The date above the chalice: the letter א Alef, read as a number: (year) 1 ( Bode-Museum )

Due to the political chaos, the economic situation also became increasingly precarious. Probably to compensate for the steadily falling tax revenue, the procurator Gessius Florus had the temple treasures plundered in April / May 66 . Werner Eck suspects that the money was supposed to be a contribution from Judea to the reconstruction of Rome after the fire of 64 . An open popular uprising was the result. Florus went to Caesarea. He blamed the Jewish elite for restoring law and order in Jerusalem and left a cohort to assist them. The official break with Rome was then the order of the temple captain El'azar to stop the sacrifice for the emperor. The Jerusalem "Peace Party " around the high priest Ananias ben Nedebaios asked Agrippa II for military support. He sent 3,000 horsemen to temporarily secure the upper city of Jerusalem. But after heavy fighting they had to retreat to the fortress-like Herod's palace together with the Roman cohort; there they were besieged by the Zealots. Meanwhile, a group of Zealots led by the Menahem had taken the fortress of Masada in a flash. Menahem then entered Jerusalem like a king with his entourage. He took command of the siege of Herod's palace. Agrippa's troops surrendered and were allowed to withdraw, but the Roman soldiers, who had been promised safe conduct, were murdered. The people of Menahem also murdered the leader of the Peace Party, along with the high priest Ananias. El'azar, the captain of the temple, was related to the high priest and sought revenge. While visiting the temple, Menahem was ambushed by El'azar's people and murdered. Some of his followers fought their way to Masada and held the fortress until the end of the war, but without influencing the overall course of the war.

Organization of resistance against Rome

The governor of Syria, Gaius Cestius Gallus , made an attempt in September / October 66 to put down the uprising with the help of the Legio XII Fulminata . This legion was reinforced by a detachment of another legion (2000 men), six cohorts, two cavalry units, auxiliary troops and contingents of client kings. This army appeared before Jerusalem, set fire to the northern, unfortified suburb, tried unsuccessfully to storm the Temple Mount, and then withdrew. On the way back, Gallus was ambushed by the Zealots near Bet Horon and was only able to save himself and the core of his troops by leaving a lot of war material behind. More important than the military success was its symbolic meaning for the Zealot party. From now on the war against Rome was planned in Jerusalem, initially under the leadership of the elites as far as they had joined the uprising. Commanders were appointed to organize the resistance for all the top archives (districts) in the province. One of these military leaders was Flavius ​​Josephus , who was sent to Galilee. As a member of the priestly aristocracy, he had to deal with the radical zealot John of Gischala , who mistrusted him and suspected him of seeking a negotiated peace with the Romans.

Galilean theater of war

Gamla, in the foreground the temporary wall with a round tower built by the Zealots

Emperor Nero commissioned his general Titus Flavius ​​Vespasianus (Vespasian) with the suppression of the uprising in Judea. In the spring of 67 Vespasian approached the uprising area from the north with the Legio V Macedonica and the Legio X Fretensis . Titus , his son, brought the Legio XV Apollinaris from Egypt. When this arrived in the port of Ptolemais , the campaign in Galilee began. About 60,000 soldiers fought on the Roman side: three legions, 23 cohorts, 6 cavalry units and auxiliary troops of friendly kings. Sepphoris requested a Roman garrison so that Vespasian could occupy an advantageous position in Galilee without a fight.

Josephus, as the military leader of the rebels, wanted to face the Roman army near Garis (near Sepphoris), but in view of the Roman superiority his fighters fled. He therefore withdrew to the mountain fortress Jotapata , where he was besieged and defeated by Vespasian in June / July 67. Josephus moved to the Roman camp and became a chronicler of the war. After the fall of Jotapata, Tiberias surrendered without a fight. Tarichaea on the Sea of ​​Galilee was conquered, whereupon the Zealots and their families fled to the lake with all available boats. Vespasian then had numerous rafts built on which his soldiers set out in pursuit. The Jewish boats had nowhere to land as the Romans occupied the entire bank. They were also no match for the legionnaires on their rafts: “The small, lightly built pirate-style boats turned out to be far too weak.” According to Josephus, no one escaped the following slaughter by swimming .

The town of Gamla lay on a steep rock spur within a ravine. It was unpaved in times of peace and was hastily secured with a wall in view of the advancing legions. The steep slopes towards the gorge were an obstacle for the attackers, but also spared the legionnaires the need to build a siege wall: an escape from Gamla seemed hardly possible. The mass of arrowheads and ballista stones found shows that Gamla was not besieged, but taken under heavy fire. The attackers broke through at the weakest point of the temporary city wall. According to Josephus, the approximately 9,000 defenders committed collective suicide by throwing themselves into the ravine. Kenneth Atkinson thinks it likely that some defenders would plunge down from the summit in the face of the invading legionnaires, but large numbers of people could not have committed suicide this way. Even in several archaeological campaigns, only one human bone was found. Josephus indirectly indicates a different outcome of the fighting when he writes that many defenders climbed down the steep slope and escaped, which the Romans had not thought possible. They also fled through tunnels (there are no such in Gamla, but there are in Jotapata).

Finally, Gischala also surrendered to the Romans, but the Zealot leader John of Gischala escaped with his followers to Jerusalem. At the end of the year all of Galilee was under Roman control. Seth Schwartz sees a fatal trend in John's maneuver: the city, which was magnificently developed by Herod, had so much prestige that anyone who wanted to fight the Romans set off for Jerusalem. This shows the military and political weakness of the rebels in their areas of origin. Thousands of militants flocked to Jerusalem, but most of the province fell to the Romans with relative ease.

Battle for Jerusalem

Civil war in the city

While Vespasian was conquering other parts of the country in 67/68, civil war had broken out in Jerusalem. John of Gischala had taken power there after his arrival. His faction disempowered the priesthood and tried to renew the office of high priest. A simple rural priest named Phanni (Pinchas) was chosen by lot as the new high priest . The moderate politicians failed in their attempt to overthrow John of Gischala; many paid for this with their lives. John of Gischala had become the sole ruler.

During the year 68 Vespasian circled Judea and its center Jerusalem more and more. On hearing of Nero's death, however, he temporarily suspended military operations from June 68 to May / June 69. The time of the ceasefire was used for internal fighting on the part of the rebels: Simon bar Giora had initially fought in the countryside, in Idumea. He was supported by small farmers and freed slaves. In the hope that he could overthrow John of Gischala, the Jerusalemites let him into the city. But this created a stalemate: John's party controlled the Temple Mount, Simon's party the Upper City. In May / June 69 Vespasian intervened again and conquered the rest of the province except for Jerusalem and three fortresses: Masada, Macharus and Herodion. On July 1, 69, the Egyptian legions proclaimed Vespasian emperor. He went to Alexandria and stayed there until the early summer of 70 to await the political developments in Rome. Meanwhile his son Titus continued the campaign in Judea.

Siege and Conquest

Remains of a house in Jerusalem's Upper City that burned out during the Roman conquest ( Burnt House )

Just before Titus began the siege of Jerusalem, the civil war in the city had entered a new phase. Simon bar Giora continued to control the upper town and parts of the lower town, Johannes von Gischala had established himself on the temple grounds, but there the faction of the priest El'azar ben Simon had also brought the inner temple courtyard under their control. During the festival of Passover, John of Gischala had the priest El'azar murdered. At about the same time, Titus began to siege the city. He had four legions available: in addition to the Legio V Macedonica , the Legio X Fretensis and the Legio XV Apollinaris , the Legio XII Fulminata . While the legionaries began to build siege walls, the two Zealot leaders, Johannes and Simon, agreed to put their hostilities on hold and to plan the defense of Jerusalem together.

Titus attacked the weakest point of the Jerusalem city fortifications: the so-called Third Wall in the west of the city (north of today's Jaffa Gate ). At the end of May the third wall fell and shortly afterwards the second wall. The Zealots still defended the temple with the lower town and the fortified upper town. They succeeded in undermining the first siege ramps. Titus responded by having a curtain wall built around the city. Jerusalem was to be starved. Antonia Castle also fell at the end of July .

On August 6th, the temple was unable to make the daily sacrifice, and by the end of the month the legions invaded the temple grounds. The decision on how to deal with the temple was not a question of principle for the Roman military leadership, but a siege-technical one: the temple was classified as an enemy fortress. It went up in flames and was dragged when the fighting ended.

The fortified upper town still held out, but this too was taken at the beginning of September. Most Jerusalemites were murdered, enslaved, or deported to work in the mine. Johannes von Gischala and Simon bar Giora, as well as some selected prisoners, were kept for the triumphal procession in Rome.

Victory celebrations

Iudaea capta coin Vespasians ( Sesterz ) minted in 71 : on the left a bound prisoner, behind him captured weapons. In the middle a date palm, below it on the right the mourning Judea

Titus spent the winter of 70/71 playing gladiatorial games and punishing surviving prisoners. In June 71 he returned to Rome as emperor . He and his father celebrated the lavish triumph over Judea there. The Arch of Titus in the Roman Forum is a reminder of this .

Actually, a triumphal procession because of the victory in Judea did not correspond to Roman customs. No foreign enemy had been defeated, no new territory won for the empire. The Zealots also held last fortresses; the war was not over. But as a usurper, the legitimation of power was very important for Vespasian. The triumphal procession should show his imperial victory.

Coins to commemorate the victory in Judea appeared in all metals. They are labeled as Iudaea capta or Iudaea devicta . The most famous coin image shows the captive personification of Judea under a tropaion or a palm tree. Iudaea capta coins were also issued in the name of Titus. At least one, perhaps several triumphal arches were erected in Rome in honor of Vespasian. The Arco di Camigliano at the Iseum Campense can be identified as such with relative certainty ; Domitian renovated it and integrated it into the west entrance of the Isis Shrine after the city fire in 80. Vespasian also had the Templum Pacis with a garden and library built as a monument to victory. The ritual implements of the Jerusalem temple that were carried on the triumphal procession were deposited here as spoils of war. Finally, he financed the Amphiteatrum Flavium ( Coliseum ) from the spoils of war and thus completed the memorial landscape in the center of Rome. When Titus succeeded his father, the victory in Judea was once again emphasized propagandistically, among other things through the history of Josephus. On the one hand, Titus could be celebrated as the conqueror of Jerusalem, on the other hand, apart from that, he had no further military successes. The Senate approved a triumphal arch to Titus in 71, which was built in the Circus Maximus and is no longer preserved. When Domitian became emperor, he could not point to any military achievements of his own and compensated for this shortcoming by having the victory of his father and brother in Judea glorified. According to the majority opinion of the researchers, the construction of the Arch of Titus is related to the divinization of Titus.

Case of Masada

Masada fortress with Roman siege ramp

The fighting dragged on. The last fortresses were conquered by the legate Sextus Lucilius Bassus with the Legio X Fretensis : In 71 the Herodium south of Jerusalem and the Machaerus east of the Jordan . Then the legate fell ill and was replaced by Lucius Flavius ​​Silva Nonius Bassus . From autumn 72 (or 73) he besieged the mountain fortress Masada , which lay on an inaccessible rock plateau above the Dead Sea . It was defended by the radical zealots under El'azar ben Jair , the faction of Menachem that had been ousted from Jerusalem when the war began.

Masada could not be taken until April of the year 73 or 74. (Traditionally the event was dated to the year 73; Werner Eck was able to make the year 74 likely, since Flavius ​​Silva only became governor in 73.) Atkinson calculates that around 8,000 Roman soldiers took part in the siege. About 2,000 slaves and 3,000 laborers had to support the military in this action. The legionaries were housed in eight camps , the slaves and laborers in barracks. Traces of these accommodations are visible in the area. Inside the camp you can see stone triclinia that were used to attach a tent for eight people ( contubernium ). The Roman siege wall, which was about 4,500 m long, 1.65 m wide and 3 m high, was relatively inoperable, as the besieged were trapped on their rocky plateau anyway. One sees it more as an employment measure for the troops. Under the protection of the Roman artillery (numerous ballista bullets were found), the construction of the siege ramp proceeded rapidly, using an existing rock spur. Since they did not have their own artillery, there is nothing from an archaeological point of view that the defenders of Masada could do against the Roman siege technique. According to the findings, it was entire families who had sought refuge here. A few hours before the fortress was stormed, the defenders, allegedly over 900 people, escaped capture by joint suicide . This is what Josephus reports. There is no archaeological confirmation of this, as Yigael Yadin's team only found the skeletons of 28 individuals in Masada.

consequences

  • Judea became an independent Roman province. The governor resided in Caesarea Maritima. A legion, the Legio X Fretensis, moved its headquarters on the grounds of the city of Jerusalem, which was destroyed in the war. The soldiers of the six auxiliary units did not come from the region; they had been recruited in the west of the empire: two equestrian associations (Veterana Gaetulorum, Ala I Thraca Mauretana) and four cohorts on foot (I Augustua Lusitanorum, I and II Thracum, II Cantabrorum).
  • According to modern estimates, up to a third of the population of Judea died in the Jewish War. However, Peter Schäfer considers the statement by Flavius ​​Josephus that approx. 1.1 million Jewish war dead are "vastly exaggerated."
  • Another 97,000 people became prisoners in the course of the war. Schwartz considers this statement by Josephus to be realistic: the Roman army probably kept a record of the number of people they sold to slave traders, sent to the navy or to the silver mines. Because of the oversupply in the slave markets, prices collapsed.
  • Much of the land in Judea went to the emperor, who sold or leased it. The Jewish farmers became tenants ( coloni ).
  • In Samaria, a new city, Flavia Neapolis , was founded in place of the destroyed Shechem . Caesarea maritima was raised to a Roman citizen colony as Colonia prima Flavia Augusta Caesariensis . In contrast, after the destruction of Jerusalem there was no more urban center in the heartland of Judea.
  • Due to the massive sale of the spoils of war, the gold price in the Roman province of Syria fell by half.
  • Numerous Jews left their homeland and increased the number of those living in the diaspora . The diaspora soon spread around the Mediterranean. However, many emigrated to the Persian Empire , which was hostile to Rome , where conditions were more favorable for the Jews than in the Roman Empire.
  • With the temple, Judaism lost its cultural and religious center. The office of high priest was no longer filled and the religious party of the Sadducees , supported by the priestly nobility, disappeared. About a third of the Torah commandments are related to the existence of the temple and have not been practiced since then. The temple tax had to be paid as Fiscus Judaicus to the temple of Jupiter in Rome.
  • According to Klaus Bringmann , surviving Sicarians tried to continue the fight against Rome in the Jewish diaspora of the province of Egypt . Vespasian then had the Jewish temple in Leontopolis and thus the last Jewish sacrificial site closed.
  • The new religious party of the rabbis was constituted according to its own founding legend in Jawne / Jamnia . The central figure is Jochanan ben Zakkai . The doctrinal decisions handed down by him show the motive to reformulate the commandments of the Torah in such a way that they could also be practiced without a temple. The influence of the rabbis on the Jewish population as a whole was rather limited at this time.
  • Two more Jewish-Roman uprisings followed, the Diaspora uprising from 116 and the Bar Kochba uprising from 132 to 135. After the uprisings, there was no longer any contiguous Jewish settlement area in the Roman province of Judea. This solidified the diaspora situation of Judaism.

archeology

The so-called Western Wall in Jerusalem is a remnant of the western perimeter wall of the Herodian temple platform.

During an excavation by the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA) in the western sector of Kerem al-Ras near Kfar Kana in Lower Galilee, Israeli archaeologists discovered a system of catacombs, which suggests that the uprising was not spontaneous but planned and prepared. Yardenna Alexandre from the IAA announced the tunnels and vaults north of Nazareth , which were located directly below the residential buildings and were not visible from the outside. They are considered 2000 years old and offered protection for larger groups in an emergency. The archaeologists found eleven large storage vessels in one of the caves.

Memorial days

The destruction of Jerusalem in 586 BC Chr. And 70 AD is remembered by the following feast days:

  • in Judaism: On 9 Av, the Tischa beAv
  • in Christianity (Protestant): on the 10th Sunday after Trinity ( Israeli Sunday ) and on August 10 (commemoration day of the destruction of Jerusalem)

Movies

  • Expulsion from the Holy Land: The Roman-Jewish War 52-minute television documentary by Alan Rosenthal (ZDF, Israel 2019)

See also

literature

  • Christopher Weikert: From Jerusalem to Aelia Capitolina. The Roman policy towards the Jews from Vespasian to Hadrian (= Hypomnemata . Volume 200). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2016, ISBN 978-3-525-20869-4 .
  • Werner Eck : domination, resistance, cooperation:.. Rome and the Jews in Judea / Palestine before the 4th century AD . In: Ernst Baltrusch , Uwe Puschner (Ed.): Jüdische Lebenswelten. From antiquity to the present . Frankfurt / Main et al. 2016, pp. 31–52. ( online )
  • Werner Eck: Judäa - Syria Palestine: The conflict of a province with Roman politics and culture (= Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism , Volume 157). Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2014. ISBN 978-3-16-153026-5 . ( Review )
  • Peter Schäfer : History of the Jews in antiquity. The Jews of Palestine from Alexander the Great to the Arab conquest. 2nd edition Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2010. ISBN 978-3-16-150218-7 .
  • Kenneth Atkinson: Noble Deaths at Gamla and Masada? A Critical Assessment of Josephus' Accounts of Jewish Resistance in Light of Archaeological Discoveries. In: Zuleika Rodgers (ed.): Making History. Josephus and Historical Method. Brill, Leiden / Boston 2007. ISBN 90-04-15008-0 . Pp. 349-371. ( PDF )
  • Klaus Bringmann : History of the Jews in Antiquity. From the Babylonian exile to the Arab conquest. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2005, ISBN 3-608-94138-X .
  • Markus Sasse: History of Israel in the Second Temple Period. Historical events, archeology, social history, religious and intellectual history. Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn 2004, ISBN 3-7887-1999-0 .
  • Andrea M. Berlin, J. Andrew Overman (eds.): The First Jewish Revolt. Archeology, History and Ideology. Routledge, London et al. 2002, ISBN 0-415-25706-9 .
  • Ute Schall : The Jews in the Roman Empire. Pustet, Regensburg 2002, ISBN 3-7917-1786-3 .
  • Helmut Schwier : Temple and Temple Destruction. Studies on the theological and ideological factors in the first Jewish-Roman war (66-74 AD) (= Novum Testamentum et Orbis Antiquus. Vol. 11). Universitäts-Verlag ua, Freiburg (Switzerland) 1989, ISBN 3-525-53912-6 (also: Heidelberg, Universität, Dissertation, 1988).
  • Martin Goodman : The Ruling Class of Judaea. The Origins of the Jewish Revolt against Rome AD 66-70. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge et al. 1987, ISBN 0-521-33401-2 .
  • E. Mary Smallwood: The Jews under Roman Rule: from Pompey to Diocletian: a study in political relations . 2nd ed., Brill, Leiden 2001. ISBN 0-391-04155-X .
  • Emil Schürer : The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ. (175 BC - AD 135). Volume 1. A new English version, revised and edited by Geza Vermes and Fergus Millar . Clark, Edinburgh 1973, ISBN 0-567-02242-0 .

Web links

Commons : First Jewish-Roman War  - Collection of Pictures, Videos and Audio Files

Individual evidence

  1. Werner Eck: Rule, Resistance, Cooperation: Rome and Judaism in Judaea / Palaestine before the 4th century AD . Frankfurt / Main et al. 2016, pp. 32–34.
  2. ^ Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 127.
  3. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 129.
  4. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 130 f.
  5. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, pp. 132-137.
  6. Werner Eck: The Roman Representatives in Judea: Provocateurs or Representatives of Roman Power? In: Judäa - Syria Palestine: The conflict of a province with Roman politics and culture , Tübingen 2014, p. 175.
  7. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 131 f. Werner Eck: domination, resistance, cooperation:.. Rome and the Jews in Judea / Palestine before the 4th century AD . Frankfurt / Main et al. 2016, p. 37.
  8. ^ Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 137 f.
  9. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, pp. 139–141. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in Antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, pp. 238-241.
  10. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 141 f. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in Antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, pp. 242-244.
  11. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 143 f.
  12. Werner Eck: Rule, Resistance, Cooperation: Rome and Judaism in Judaea / Palaestine before the 4th century AD . Frankfurt / Main et al. 2016, p. 38. Werner Eck: The Roman representatives in Judea: Provocateurs or representatives of Roman power? In: Judäa - Syria Palestine: The conflict of a province with Roman politics and culture , Tübingen 2014, p. 181.
  13. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, pp. 144–146. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in Antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, pp. 248-249.
  14. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, p. 250.
  15. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 147 f.
  16. ^ Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 148. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, p. 251.
  17. Flavius ​​Josephus: Bellum Judaicum . tape 3 , no. 523 : "τά τε γὰρ σκάφη μικρὰ ὄντα καὶ λῃστρικὰ πρὸς τὰς σχεδίας ἦν ἀσθενῆ"
  18. Ιουδαϊκός Πόλεμος. Retrieved January 22, 2018 .
  19. Kenneth Atkinson: Noble deaths at Gamla and Masada? , Leiden / Boston 2007, pp. 359-363.
  20. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 149 f. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in Antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, p. 251 f.
  21. ^ Seth Schwartz: The Ancient Jews from Alexander to Muhammad , Cambridge 2014, pp. 82 f.
  22. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 150 f. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in Antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, p. 252 f.
  23. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 152. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, p. 254 f.
  24. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 153. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, p. 256.
  25. Christopher Weikert: From Jerusalem to Aelia Capitolina , Göttingen 2016, pp. 83–90.
  26. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 153 f. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in Antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, pp. 256-258.
  27. Christopher Weikert: From Jerusalem to Aelia Capitolina , Göttingen 2016, p. 65 f.
  28. Christopher Weikert: From Jerusalem to Aelia Capitolina , Göttingen 2016, pp. 68–71.
  29. Christopher Weikert: From Jerusalem to Aelia Capitolina , Göttingen 2016, pp. 68–76.
  30. Christopher Weikert: From Jerusalem to Aelia Capitolina , Göttingen 2016, p. 77 f.
  31. Kenneth Atkinson: Noble deaths at Gamla and Masada? , Leiden / Boston 2007, pp. 351–357.
  32. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 155 f. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in Antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, p. 259 f. Christopher Weikert: From Jerusalem to Aelia Capitolina , Göttingen 2016, p. 98.
  33. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 156.
  34. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, p. 262.
  35. Flavius ​​Josephus: History of the Jewish War , Book VI, 420
  36. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 156 f.
  37. ^ Seth Schwartz: The Ancient Jews from Alexander to Muhammad , Cambridge 2014, p. 83.
  38. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 158. Christopher Weikert: From Jerusalem to Aelia Capitolina , Göttingen 2016, p. 103-109.
  39. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, p. 263.
  40. Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, p. 158 f.
  41. Klaus Bringmann: History of the Jews in antiquity. Stuttgart 2005, p. 261. Christopher Weikert: From Jerusalem to Aelia Capitolina , Göttingen 2016, p. 119 f.
  42. ^ Peter Schäfer: History of the Jews in antiquity , Tübingen 2010, pp. 160, 163, 164–170.