Titus (born December 30, 39 in Rome , † September 13, 81 in Aquae Cutiliae , Latium ) was the successor of his father Vespasian, the second Roman emperor of the Flavian dynasty. He ruled from June 24, 79 until his death. His full birth name was - like that of his father - Titus Flavius Vespasianus ; as emperor he took the name of Imperator Titus Caesar divi Vespasiani filius Vespasianus Augustus .
After his father came to power in 69, Titus ended the Jewish war as military commander in chief , which destroyed Jerusalem and its temple . For his victory he was honored in Rome with a triumphal procession as well as the Arch of Titus on the Via Sacra and a second arch at the Circus Maximus . The Flavians used the spoils of war to finance their construction work in Rome, and Titus himself had the Colosseum completed.
During his reign, little more than two years, he continued the policies of his father Vespasian. Titus was praised by ancient historiography as the ideal ruler. In addition to the extremely good relationship between the senate and the emperor, through which he differed diametrically from his successor Domitian , the benefits of Titus were also decisive for this favorable image. After Vesuvius erupted in 79 , he initiated the relief measures, as did the following year after a fire in the city of Rome. Modern research particularly discusses its role in the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple.
Life until the assumption of power
Origin and youth
Titus was born in Rome on December 30, 39, the eldest son of Vespasian and Flavia Domitilla . He had a sister, also called Flavia Domitilla , and a younger brother, Domitian, who succeeded him in 81 in the office of emperor.
His father's family came from the Sabinerland and was initially of little importance. This changed under Emperor Claudius , who, in addition to freedmen, also favored the knighthood to which Vespasian's family belonged. Under him, Vespasian passed the offices of the Cursus honorum in quick succession and thus laid the foundation for the rise of the Flavians to the imperial dynasty . Emperor Claudius awarded Vespasian the triumphal insignia (ornamenta triumphalia) for his services as commandant of the Legio II Augusta . Titus Flavius Sabinus , his older brother, reached the office of prefect of Rome in 61 . Vespasia Polla , the grandmother of Titus, urged her sons Sabinus and Vespasian to pursue the senatorial career.
Titus initially grew up in modest circumstances. However, the rise of his father made it possible for him to be educated at the court of Emperor Claudius. There he was taught together with Britannicus , the emperor's son. Their joint teacher was Sosibius , who was executed 51 for alleged involvement in a conspiracy. Titus was on friendly terms with Britannicus until the emperor's son died suddenly at a feast. It is possible that the new emperor Nero caused the poisoning of the potential rival to the throne. The death of Britannicus did no harm to Titus himself. The social background of his father did not make him appear as a possible rival to the throne. Titus later had two statues erected for his childhood friend Britannicus. One of them was made of gold and was placed in the imperial palace. Upbringing at the imperial court brought Titus a very good education. Due to the high position of his father, who had held a suffect consulate in 51 , he could hope for a brilliant political career.
Rise under Nero
After his first positions in subordinate offices, of which nothing is known, from 61 onwards Titus served as a military tribune in Upper Germany and Britain . Twenty years earlier, his father had commanded Roman troops as a legate in these provinces . According to Suetonius, Titus was honored there with numerous statues. In Germania he shared a quarter with the elder Pliny . In Britain, Titus is said to have saved his father's life, as Cassius Dio reports. This news could, however, go back to the tendency of later authors to idealize Titus.
Titus returned to Rome from Britain in 64. There he worked as a lawyer and took over the usual offices of a young senator . In that year, when the fire in Rome also fell, which was blamed on the early metropolitan Christians in the persecution of Christians under Nero , he married Arrecina Tertulla. Little is known about the origins and family of his first wife. Her father, Marcus Arrecinus Clemens, was Praetorian Prefect under Caligula . She died just a few months after the wedding, perhaps after the birth of her daughter Julia . Iulia may also have been the daughter of Titus' second wife, Marcia Furnilla, who came from the rich family of a former proconsul from Africa . Marcia was the niece of Quintus Marcius Barea Soranus , who was driven to death as a member of the senatorial opposition to Nero. It is possible that Titus feared for his own life, or at least his career, because of this relationship. The marriage ended in divorce soon after. Probably 63 or 64 Titus held the bursary .
The Jewish War
In the Roman province of Judea , various factors led to an uprising among the local Jews in 66: the taxes were overwhelming, and the Roman governors used their authority to blackmail the provincials. Various provocations against the Jewish religion, whose monotheism was incompatible with the Roman state religion , also contributed to the escalation. To put down the rebellion, the Syrian legate Gaius Cestius Gallus was sent to Jerusalem with 12,000 legionnaires and numerous auxiliary troops in autumn 66 . However, Gallus had to withdraw with heavy losses; the local uprising had become the Jewish War.
The emperor Nero Vespasian, who was staying in Greece, entrusted the conduct of this war, although he had temporarily fallen out of favor with him. As reasons for his appeal calls Suetonius Vespasian drive and experience and above all that he posed no danger because of his humble origins in the eyes of Nero. Twenty-six year old Titus accompanied his father.
Vespasian's army was considerably larger than that of Cestius. In addition to three legions, it consisted of 23 auxiliary cohorts , cavalry units and 15,000 auxiliary troops from the allied oriental princes. In total, Vespasian, including auxiliary troops, had an army of around 60,000 men. The size of the army and the important position of the still quite inexperienced Titus, who had not even been praetor before, show the confidence that the emperor placed in the two Flavians. As a legate, Titus commanded the legio XV Apollinaris . He besieged Iotapata in 67 and conquered Iapha , he was also involved in the fighting over Gischala , Tiberias , Tarichea and Gamala .
The Jewish commander Josephus was captured during the siege of Iotapata . In his captivity he prophesied Vespasian the imperial office; later, after Vespasian had actually attained imperial dignity, he was released. He took part in the later conquest of Jerusalem by Titus on the Roman side, and wrote his work De Bello Iudaico about the course of the war . The historical work of the author, who later received Roman citizenship and was therefore referred to as Flavius Josephus in Christian sources from late antiquity, is one of the most important sources for the early Roman Empire and is the main source for the Jewish War. By May / June 69, all the fallen cities apart from the fortresses Herodeion , Machairos and Masada had been retaken, thus isolating Jerusalem.
The year of the four emperors
After the beginning of the Jewish War, the Roman Empire plunged into its worst crisis since the founding of the Principate . This crisis and the fall of Nero can be traced back to the catastrophic situation of Roman finances and the dwindling acceptance of the emperor by the army and the plebs urbana . After the great fire of Rome and - if one follows the anti-nero tradition - nonsensical waste, Nero could no longer pay his troops. Dissatisfaction and turmoil spread throughout the empire. When Sulpicius Galba , the governor of the Hispanic province of Tarraconensis , declared his defection from Nero on April 4, 68 in Carthago Nova and Nero's forced suicide shortly afterwards brought about the end of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, a precedent was set: henceforth the army could rule the emperor "do".
After the death of Nero, there was a period of inactivity in Judea. For the next twelve months, all activities focused on the struggle for imperial dignity. When Titus found out about the murder of the new emperor Galba, he broke off his trip to the emperor, to whom he wanted to bring the declaration of loyalty of the troops stationed in Judea. During the brief principals of Othos (January 15 to April 16, 69) and Vitellius (January 2 to December 20, 69), Titus had the most momentous achievement. In Vespasian's environment, he was probably the first to say that his future could only be secured by grasping at the Roman Empire. For this he successfully supported his father by negotiating with the Syrian governor Gaius Licinius Mucianus about a revolt against Vitellius. In July 69 the legions of Syria, Egypt and Judea proclaimed Vespasian emperor. In autumn, the troops on the Danube also spoke out in favor of Vespasian, whose troops could now invade Italy and defeat Vitellius in the Battle of Bedriacum in northern Italy on October 24, 69. On December 21, the day after Vitellius' execution, the Roman Senate placed all power in the hands of Vespasian. Titus had risen from the son of an unimportant Italian to heir to the Roman throne.
The siege of Jerusalem
While Vespasian restored imperial authority from Rome after the turmoil of the Four Emperor's Year , Titus stayed in the east. He was commissioned to bring the Jewish War to an end (ad reliqua Iudaici belli perpetranda) , i.e. to take Jerusalem, which up to this point had withstood all attempts at conquest. It is not clear from the sources whether, in addition to the conquest, the complete destruction of the city and the temple was planned.
With four legions under his command, Titus began the siege of Jerusalem during the feast of Passover in the spring . Almost a third of the total population of Iudaea had gathered there to celebrate one of the three Jewish pilgrimage festivals, which is why the population of the city had increased tenfold for a few days. Right at the beginning of the siege, Titus is said to have tortured and crucified those fleeing from the city in front of the besieged . According to Flavius Iosephus, 500 Jews are said to have been executed in this way every day. After the storming and destruction of the two northern suburbs, Titus had the rest of the city, namely the upper and lower city within the First Wall and the temple planade to the northeast, surrounded with a siege wall. As a result, over 600,000 Jews are said to have starved to death within a few weeks. Tacitus, however, estimated the total number of the besieged at 600,000 people. The defenders held the First Wall and the fortress-like temple with its enclosing walls until the beginning of August. After Titus' soldiers had reached the outer courtyard of the temple, they burned the structure and killed all who had not previously starved or killed themselves.
The central sanctuary of all Jews, the temple, was destroyed, whether intentionally or by accident cannot be decided due to the traditional situation. Only the surrounding wall of the temple planade built by Herod , today's Western Wall is part of it, remained. Allegedly around 1,100,000 people died in the siege of Jerusalem, only 97,000 are said to have survived. The temple treasures and cult implements, including the menorah and the showbread table , were brought to Rome. The survivors were sold into slavery or killed in circus games, and the Jewish land and its income were confiscated for the benefit of the imperial treasury . The remaining Jews were forced to pay the poll tax they had paid annually to the Temple of Jerusalem to the Capitoline Jupiter ( fiscus Iudaicus ) . After the suppression of the uprising, Vespasian established Judea as a propratory province.
Political role under Vespasian
After the conquest of Jerusalem, the soldiers acclaimed Titus as emperor, so that the "suspicion arose that he had fallen away from his father and wanted to make himself king of the Orient (Orientis rex) ". The title had been reserved for the Princeps for the past few decades. Titus could have been a competition for Vespasian. But Titus behaved loyally and returned to Rome to make himself available to his father for further tasks. Less than a year after his return to the capital, the Senate granted both Vespasian and himself a triumph that declared the war over, despite the ongoing fighting over Masada. The triumphal procession helped legitimize Flavian rule and strengthened Titus' position in the new regime. It was only more than three years after the destruction and conquest of Jerusalem that the Romans succeeded in conquering the remote fortress Masada in the winter of 73/74, the last place of the rebels.
In the first two years of Vespasian's reign, Titus and Domitian were given equal status as successors. This was reflected in the coinage, where both sons were highlighted equally. From the middle of the year 71, Vespasian's coins no longer showed Titus and Domitian together. With Titus' victorious return to Rome, Vespasian began to build and present him as his successor. Domitian was openly reset. During the following years Vespasian shared almost every honor with Titus, who was elected consul seven times before he came to power - a number of consulates that only the army reformer Marius and Augustus had achieved or surpassed before him. He was proclaimed emperor fourteen times. He also had the title of Caesar since 69 . With his father he exercised censorship in 73 , the office of the Roman censor , which Claudius and Lucius Vitellius had last held in 47/48 . The censorship gave them the legal basis for the reorganization of the patrician, senatorial and knightly class groups and thus the opportunity to form a new, loyal leadership class. On July 1, 71, he received tribunician authority and was endowed with the Imperium Proconsulare , the supreme command of armies and provinces. From 71 onwards, Titus, as Praetorian prefect , commanded the 4500-strong imperial bodyguard , which earned him direct military power in Rome. This decision was a wise move by Vespasian, since the Praetorian prefects had tried again and again to make policy against the emperor, or, as in the case of Galbas, had overthrown him since Sejan , who had held this office under Tiberius . Titus was thus entitled to use force against political opponents, while his father could appear in the role of the mild emperor.
In the trial of criminals and rebels, Titus was apparently so ruthless that he earned the reputation of a "butcher". Suetonius reports that Titus not only led trials himself, but also let them decide through the voice of the people in the theater. He had some highly respected senators executed for alleged treason. However, Titus also showed himself to be a capable steward who attended Senate meetings, valued the advice of experienced politicians, and got on well with most of the major factions and groups.
It is controversial in research whether the numerous honors of Titus identify him as a co-regent of Vespasian or whether he was clearly subordinate to his father. With clear subordination, the honors would only have prepared the successor.
One of the central tasks of Vespasian's rule was to consolidate the finances, which had been shattered by Nero and the civil wars. Through various measures he succeeded in increasing the state's income. Land sales, tax increases and savings filled the treasury. Tax exemptions in the Greek-speaking East and Egypt have been lifted. Taxes on the Jewish population were drastically increased. Vespasian's meticulous tax policy even encompassed public latrines. When Titus criticized the introduction of a fee on the latrines, Vespasian is said to have held the money from the first payment under his nose and asked whether he was offended by the smell. When the latter said no , he is said to have replied: Atqui e lotio est (“And yet it comes from the urine”). When Titus took over, the state finances were in order and the treasury was full.
The Principate of Titus
Entry into government, relationship with Domitian
When Vespasian died on June 23, 79, Titus was able to succeed his father in office without any apparent resistance. Vespasian had already given him extensive competencies and thus prepared him for his successor. Rumors according to which Titus had his father poisoned are mostly regarded as implausible in research. In the week of Vespasian's death, coins appeared on which Titus appeared with the title Augustus and pontifex maximus . A few months later he received the honorary title of pater patriae . Titus continued his father's policy.
As early as 79 coins appeared showing him with Domitian on his lapel with his hands clasped. Domitian was referred to by Titus as a "partner and successor" (consors et successor) and followed Vespasian as consul in 80. However, Domitian was not given any responsible tasks. He neither shared the tribunician power with Titus nor did he receive the office of Praetorian prefect or military command. Rumor has it that the greatest threat to Titus' reign came from his brother. Domitian is said to have conspired partly openly and partly secretly against his brother. He is said to have even sought after Titus' life and caused unrest in the army. Despite this description of the anti-Domitian tradition, the research does not assume that the tensions between the two brothers are too great.
Relationship with the Senate
Since Titus as the Praetorian prefect had ruthlessly murdered or mistreated his political opponents and because rumors about sexual debauchery were not only circulating with the Judean princess Berenike , one should have expected a "second Nero" in him. But the new emperor, now called Titus Caesar Vespasianus Augustus , seems to have changed his behavior significantly: Arbitrariness and majesty trials have not been handed down . Eunuchs and pleasure boys were banned from the palace and open contact with the townspeople was maintained. Titus was emphatically mild and generous . Just like his father, he tried to maintain a good relationship with the Senate and the people. Quite unexpectedly, he swore never to kill a Senator, thus winning the Senate for himself.
Titus set himself apart from those emperors of the 1st century under whom senators had been convicted and executed in high treason trials. Even in the high imperial period, individual emperors repeated the oath that was first handed down for Titus at the beginning of their term of office. The emperor did not fill important offices with family members or supporters, but rather from the ranks of the senators according to rank and reputation. The Senate did not play an important role in realpolitik since Augustus, but “good emperors” were expected to respect the senators' auctoritas (“power of repute”).
Sueton's biography of Titus is compiled from various sources . It shows a clear dichotomy in the assessment of Titus before and after his assumption of power. This two-part assessment can possibly be explained by the different tendencies of the underlying sources. The ancient historiography followed a typical narrative pattern in the division of character drawing with a change to the "good" emperor. In addition, Titus, who gave the Senate little cause for criticism because of the brevity of his government, was seen in tradition, especially in senatorial historiography , as a counter-image to earlier emperors and his successor Domitian. He was portrayed as a model for future emperors.
Legislation and legitimation of rule
As emperor, as in Judea, Titus surrounded himself with capable advisors and, with their help, was able to show himself in public even more clearly as a wise ruler who was concerned about social equilibrium. Its legislation was largely limited to popular social measures, from which the poor Romans and provincial residents also benefited in addition to the army, as well as administrative changes in the financial sector. Titus reorganized land ownership, weddings and freedom of wills for veterans and reduced the number of praetors for inheritance matters.
For the Flavians, the legitimation of their dynasty was a priority, as they had to compensate for the lack of ancestral images and could not refer to a tradition that would have been comparable to that of the dynasty founded by Augustus. It was therefore all the more important to be able to demonstrate tangible successes. This was the purpose of the victory in the Jewish War, in which Vespasian and Titus had distinguished themselves as generals. The propagandistic instrumentalization of victory found its most visible expression in the victory coins that were distributed throughout the empire. The legends of the coins were in most cases IVDAEA CAPTA (SC) , IVD CAP (SC) or IVDEA CAPTA, other legends are IVDEA DEVICTA , DEVICTA IVDAEA SC , DE IVDAEIS or just IVDAE. With the legend IVDEA CAPTA ("Judea conquered"), a phrase used to designate the assumption of an area under Roman authority, Vespasian and Titus expressed themselves as if they had been the first to subjugate this area and under Roman rule brought. In reality, Judea had been around since 63 BC. Under Roman sovereignty and had the status of a procuratorial province from 6 AD .
The coins, which suggested the conquest of a new province, also give a better understanding of the triumphal procession over Judea held by Vespasian and Titus. The ritual bound triumph was only granted for a victory in a just war, a bellum iustum . According to Roman tradition, the mere suppression of the Jewish uprising did not justify a triumph. The Flavians used the triumph to stage their victoriousness. Not only did they celebrate a victory over enemies, but the Flavians also glorified their success as the “end of the turmoil of civil war and the beginning of hopes for a happy future”. For Roman conquerors it was honorable when they were given an epithet such as Africanus , Germanicus or Balearicus when they triumphed . But Titus rejected the title Iudaicus because this word, meaning “the Jewish”, could have been misunderstood as an assumption of Jewish customs and religion.
The legitimacy of the ruling family tried Titus by indirect linkage to the Julio-Claudian to substantiate. Among other things, he minted commemorative coins for Augustus and Claudius, who belonged to the Julio-Claudian dynasty. While the Flavians thus decidedly differentiated themselves from Nero, they presented themselves as the heirs of the first Princeps Augustus and continuers of his plans. According to Suetonius, Augustus had already planned to build the amphitheater.
In addition, Titus cultivated the ruler's cult that established continuity for his late father Vespasian, because he began with the construction of the sanctuary later known as the Temple of Vespasian and Titus . After the death of Titus, this family temple was completed by Domitian. The legitimacy policy of the Flavians also included economic measures, for which Titus could fall back on the state treasure , which Vespasian had greatly expanded .
Titus' two-year reign was overshadowed by three disasters . Only two months after he took office, the eruption of Mount Vesuvius occurred on August 24, 79 , which buried the cities of Herculaneum , Pompeii and Stabiae under ashes and mud and brought great hardship to large parts of Campania . A commission (curatores restituendae Campaniae) organized the reconstruction. Ten years later, the poet Statius reported on the resurrected cities on Vesuvius. In the same year Rome was struck by an epidemic of previously unknown proportions. The sources do not provide any further details about the epidemic. The next year a three-day great fire devastated Rome. According to Cassius Dio , all the buildings between the Pantheon and the Capitol were damaged or destroyed. In all disasters, Titus immediately initiated the relief measures, which left a deep impression. According to Cassius Dios' report, the emperor did not accept any monetary donations, although there were many offers from individual citizens, cities and kings, but covered all costs from already available funds. He demonstrated his freedom of movement with his generous offer to use the decorations of the imperial palace for the construction of public buildings and temples. This gesture was possibly intended to clarify the Flavians' contrast to Nero.
Titus completed the Flavian amphitheater begun by his father, which has been known as the Colosseum since the Middle Ages because of a colossal statue of Nero that originally stood there . However, the original name was Amphitheatrum Flavium ("Amphitheater of the Flavians"), which indicates the close connection of the building with the Flavian dynasty. It was inaugurated in May / June 80 with 100-day games paid for by the emperor. In addition to gladiator fights , animal hunts and re-enacted infantry battles, sea battles were also performed. The Colosseum arena was flooded with water especially for this purpose. Only recently was Géza Alföldy able to prove a building inscription by reading the so-called dowel hole finds in the amphitheater, which shows that Vespasian and Titus had financed the amphitheater from the spoils of war. It read: I [mp (erator)] Vespasi [anus Aug (ustus)] / amphitheatru [m novum?] / [Ex] manubis (vac.) [Fieri iussit (?)] (“Emperor Vespasian Augustus left the new amphitheater to build from the booty [of the Jewish war] ”). Previously, this was only suspected.
In order to distance themselves from their hated predecessor, the Flavians had Nero's Domus Aurea partially demolished and built over with the amphitheater and the so-called Titus Baths. The construction of such baths was part of the program of emperors who wanted to be considered exemplary. In addition to the construction and completion of representative and entertainment buildings, Titus and Vespasian improved the infrastructure in Italy and the provinces . Titus improved the Roman water supply by expanding and repairing the aqueducts Aqua Marcia , Curtia and Caerulea . A thermal bath for the population on the mons Oppius , the southern part of the Esquiline in the east of the city , is the only independent construction project in his short reign. Above all, he pushed road construction . Large sums of money went into the reconstruction of the cities in Campania destroyed by the eruption of Mount Vesuvius on August 24, 79, as well as into the measures after the great fire and the subsequent epidemic in Rome. In addition to other characteristics of the emperor, his generosity was often emphasized. Nevertheless, Titus remained thrifty and the finances in order.
Titus also continued his father's course in foreign policy. This continuity is evident in his measures to strengthen and secure the imperial borders and in the continuation of the successful offensive in Britain under Gnaeus Iulius Agricola . Domitian broke off this offensive in the year 84 and bundled the Roman forces in Germania.
In his short reign, Titus had no opportunity to visit the border provinces. There he stepped up road construction and border security along the Danube and Euphrates. The relative calm that reigned at these borders over the next few years may also be related to these measures.
Titus and Berenike
Since the Jewish War, Titus had a liaison with Berenike, who was eleven years his senior . She was a great-granddaughter of Herod the Great and the sister of the Jewish king Herod Agrippa II. She was recognized as her brother's co-regent. Berenike successfully campaigned for her homeland, which fell into disrepair after the Jewish war waged by her partner and his father. In 75 Berenike appeared in Rome. There she reached a similarly influential position as the imperial women under Caligula and Claudius. Titus had a senator who wanted to seduce her executed before he took office. Quintilian , an important lawyer at the time, the first teacher of rhetoric paid by the emperor and later educator of the princes under Domitian, reports of a case before the Vespasian Privy Council (consilium principis) whose subject matter concerned Berenice. According to Quintilian, she was a member of the panel and was involved in the decision herself while he was a lawyer before it. However , it does not appear from his report in the training of the speaker what this procedure was about. Helmut Castritius assumes that a property matter was negotiated because Berenike was very rich and owned valuable lands in Palestine, where the Romans had expropriated landowners on a large scale after the Jewish uprising.
But a marriage between a Jewish princess and a Roman general threatened political stability in the eyes of the Romans and was therefore even more impossible for an emperor's son like Titus. After he came to power in June 79, there was a break in the close relationship between the two. Due to the enormous public criticism, Titus was forced to leave her against his and her will (invito, invitam) . When exactly this happened is controversial. Berenike was probably banished from Rome immediately after Titus came to power.
However, there were no legal obstacles to marital union. Berenike was a Roman citizen from birth, since Gaius Iulius Caesar her family in the 1940s of the 1st century BC. For their services in the civil war had been granted Roman citizenship. However, the marriage may have been prevented by the fact that she was Jewish and any children would have been Jews as well. Apparently, the Senate and the people of Rome could not make friends with this so shortly after the Jewish uprising and the city fire of 64, which was associated with the Christians - according to the Roman view of a Jewish sect. The plebs urbana , incited by two Cynical philosophers in the theater, openly showed their rejection and thus not for the first time influenced the decisions in the imperial family. Because of the public protests and for reasons of state , Titus failed to legalize his connection with Berenike and also removed her from his personal circle. Berenike stayed in Italy, however. Apparently she came to Rome again shortly before the untimely death of Titus in 81 and then left Italy to return to her homeland.
Death and succession
After giving hundred-day games in Rome, Titus largely withdrew from the public in the summer of 81. He died on September 13th after only 26 months of reign. According to Suetonius , he fell ill with a fever on the way to the Sabinerland , the home of his ancestors, and died in the same villa as his father Vespasian two years earlier. According to Plutarch , Titus had visited the thermal baths against the advice of the doctors despite a serious illness and died of the illness which it made worse. Other authors report rumors that Domitian brought about the death of his brother by exposing the sick emperor to hypothermia. Unexplained deaths of rulers often sparked rumors of murder. According to Suetonius, he is said to have lamented bitterly about his untimely death; his last words are said to have been that he had to regret no deed except for one. In addition, Cassius Dio delivers two contradicting contemporary assumptions. According to one, Titus regretted his relationship with Domitia, Domitian's wife, according to the other, he could not forgive himself for having secured the succession to the throne for his brother.
Domitian took power without difficulty and was acclaimed as emperor by the Praetorians on September 13th. A day later, the Senate gave him the powers associated with the rulership and the Augustus name . The tradition, hostile to Domitian, maintains that the new emperor did not give his brother any honors other than divinization . But Domitian had a number of representative buildings erected in Rome to glorify Titus and his own gens . The family temple begun by Titus was completed under Domitian, its name changed to Temple of Vespasian and Titus . There Domitian erected a cult statue for his brother. He built a templum gentis Flaviae on the Quirinal at the place where he was born, and had a templum deorum built on the Martius campus . With the Domus Flavia he created a representative palace on the Palatine Hill. From 81 to around 84 Domitian had consecration coins minted for Titus.
For his victory over Judea, after his death, a triumphal arch , known as the Arch of Titus, was built on the highest point of the Via Sacra on the eastern edge of the Roman Forum . According to Michael Pfanner , however, this arch celebrates the consecration of Titus. The inscription on the arch reads: Senatus / populusque Romanus / divo Tito divi Vespasiani f (ilio) / Vespasiano Augusto (“The Senate and the Roman people to the deified Titus, son of the deified Vespasian, Vespasian the Exalted”). Titus alone is granted triumph, his father Vespasian does not appear. A relief on the inside of the arch still commemorates the siege and destruction of Jerusalem. For the victory over the Jews and the destruction of Jerusalem, a second arch, excavated in 2014 and 2015 at the Circus Maximus, was erected for the emperor.
The writers Tacitus , Cassius Dio and Suetonius wrote their works only after the death of the last flaver. They are in the tradition of senatorial historiography and concentrated in their presentation on the conflicts between the Senate and the Princeps. Since Titus allegedly lived in complete harmony with the Senate, this also shaped the judgment of later ancient historiography. In particular, Titus was seen as a counter-image to his brother and hated successor Domitian, who was murdered and whose memory was to be erased by order of the Senate. For the senators, Titus was the ideal ruler. According to Suetonius, the Senate "thanked the dead man so much and showered him with honors in a way that he had not even experienced in his best days."
Consequently, the senatorial tradition described Titus as extraordinarily gifted physically and mentally and, at least in his youth, popular with everyone. In addition, he is said to have been successful in all sports and as a speaker as well as a poet and singer. It was also admired that he was able to write poems off the cuff, deceptively imitate other people's handwriting and “shorthand” with extraordinary speed. Pliny the Elder , who died when Mount Vesuvius erupted, dedicated his natural history to his friend Titus . As proof of Titus' philanthropic nature, the saying attributed to him that he had lost a day because he had done no one good was used.
The Roman emperor biographer Suetonius celebrated Titus as the “darling of the human race” (amor ac deliciae generis humani). However, he did not even consider the destruction of the Jerusalem temple worth mentioning. In view of the amphitheater, Martial emphasized that Titus Rome had reproduced himself and that the people below him could now enjoy what the tyrant alone enjoyed before - the amphitheater was built where Nero's Golden House , its artificial ponds and swanky gardens were. For the following generations of senatorial historiography he was considered an exemplary ruler. In the 4th century Aurelius Victor described him as "the bliss of humanity"; his death filled Rome and the provinces with indescribable pain. But even in antiquity there was no lack of sober voices. In the fourth century, Ausonius described Titus as "happy because of the brevity of his regiment" (felix brevitate regendi) .
The Roman-Jewish historian Flavius Josephus, who had witnessed the Jewish War, made the Jewish factions responsible for the revolt against Rome in his work Bellum Iudaicum and glorified the Flavian emperors. He insisted that the Jews were to blame for their own downfall. Only the siege of Jerusalem by Titus could have put an end to their murderous and incomprehensible goings-on. Josephus glorified his hero Titus intensely, whereby gratitude also played a role, because he had been instrumental in saving his life. The Roman general appears to Josephus as a benefactor and savior of the Jewish people, even trying to prevent the destruction of the temple.
However, not all ancient historians followed the Jewish scholar's account. Towards the end of the fourth century, Sulpicius Severus wrote that Titus shared the view of the members of his staff who pleaded for the destruction of the temple. Christian tradition extolled the destruction of the city as a work of retaliation against the Jews for killing Christ.
In contrast, the image of Titus in rabbinical literature is extremely negative. Here Titus has the constant nickname "the wicked" (הרשע). These are legends on three topics: Titus in the temple; Journey of Titus to Rome and his painful untimely death; his nephew Onkelos, who had converted to Judaism. The writers of the Talmud viewed his untimely death as a just punishment from heaven. Titus not only took Jerusalem, but also behaved extremely cruelly towards his Jewish prisoners. The Sibylline oracles , a collection of prophecies of various origins, contain text that interprets the eruption of Vesuvius as a punishment for the destruction of Jerusalem.
In particular, Titus' conquest of the Temple of Jerusalem, the love affair with Berenike and the gentleness attributed to him have stimulated visual artists to work. As early as the early 8th century, an Anglo-Saxon rune master used the conquest of Jerusalem as a motif. On the rune box of Auzon - presumably a royal treasure box - this depiction in connection with the runic inscription is supposed to secure the luck in battle and thus the glory of the Anglic warrior king.
Nicolas Poussin created a representative painting for Cardinal Francesco Barberini on this subject in Rome in 1625 , which reinforced his reputation as a history painter. He depicts Titus on horseback with a gesture reminiscent of the equestrian statue of Marcus Aurelius on the Capitol, with which he still wants to prevent the sacking of the temple by his soldiers.
The monumental painting Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, on the other hand, which Wilhelm von Kaulbach created 1841–1846 on behalf of King Ludwig I of Bavaria , elevates Titus, who is depicted in a similar pose on horseback, to a divine tool, with prophets and angels as the destruction of the temple let divine judgment appear. The work, which combines numerous anti-Semitic clichés of Western art in its layout and in many details , is now part of the collection of the Neue Pinakothek in Munich. The painters David Roberts (1850) and Francesco Hayez (1867) created other paintings about the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple . The triumphal procession over Judea inspired the painters Giulio Romano (1540) and Lawrence Alma-Tadema (1885).
Titus appeared early on as a character in opera: Antonio Cesti's opera Il Tito, based on a libretto by Nicolò Beregan , was premiered in Venice in 1666 . The opera takes place at the time of the conquest of Jerusalem.
But its mildness (clementia) was also often treated in art and fiction. Pietro Metastasio's opera libretto La clemenza di Tito (1734) was set to music by more than 40 baroque and classical opera composers. The best known is the setting by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart , La clemenza di Tito . Other composers such as Antonio Caldara , Baldassare Galuppi , Johann Adolph Hasse , Niccolò Jommelli , Ignaz Holzbauer and Christoph Willibald von Gluck composed operas based on this text. Metastasio portrays Titus as a virtuous ruler committed to leniency, who should serve as a model for the princes of absolutism . Metastasio's portrayal, however, has little to do with the historical Titus; rather, his libretto is influenced by Pierre Corneille's drama Cinna , which portrayed the gentleness of the emperor Augustus towards the conspirator Gnaeus Cornelius Cinna Magnus .
In Lion Feuchtwanger's Josephus trilogy , which deals with the life and work of Flavius Josephus and in which the three emperors of the Flavier dynasty appear as important minor characters, Titus is portrayed as honest, loyal and intelligent, but also as sometimes melancholy and desperate. Feuchtwanger suggests in his trilogy of novels that at the end of his life, Titus suffered psychologically from his decision to have destroyed Jerusalem, since this decision was an affective act of jumping over and over that, in retrospect, put the otherwise rationally thinking Titus ashamed.
Titus in research
Titus' close cooperation with Vespasian and the brevity of his rule make an adequate assessment of his politics difficult. Overall, he is seen as a capable ruler and administrator who was able to secure the Flavian dynasty. In the only biography of the emperor to date, Brian W. Jones sees Titus as a benevolent, paternalistic autocrat who, by clinging to a still de facto disempowered Senate - with full honoring of the committee - can be considered a role model for Trajan and the adoptive emperors . Jones suspects that the first Roman emperor Augustus was the model for Titus' style of government.
In addition, the research discusses individual aspects such as Titus' role in the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple and his relationship with Berenike.
In the late 19th century, on the basis of bourgeois values and her own reservations against a considerably older companion, sexual permissiveness, Judaism and the developing emancipation, Berenike was severely criticized. She was considered an ambitious, aging, libido- devoted woman who tied her younger lover to herself for selfish motives. The assessment of the love affair fluctuated between "ridiculous passion" ( Adolf Hausrath ) and "world-historical (m) love affair" ( Emil Schürer ). The meager sources of information about the love affair gave subsequent generations of historians space for attempts to reconstruct the closer relationships.
The alleged intention to preserve the temple has sparked a wide variety of speculations in historical science. Heinrich Graetz said that Titus wanted to spare Jerusalem for two reasons, first because he was in a hurry to return to Rome, and second because he knew how much the heart of his beloved was attached to the holy city. Mary Smallwood believes that Josephus 'presentation of Titus' leniency is incompatible with Roman military discipline. Titus might have preferred the starvation of the defenders and the surrender of the intact temple, but if militarily required, he would also have approved the destruction of the temple. Ingomar Weiler suspects that Josephus' Bellum was finished just at the time when the royal siblings Herodes Agrippa II and Berenike were honored in Rome. Both were very interested in saving the temple. That is why Titus may have wished to be acquitted of all guilt for the destruction of the temple in Bellum . In his study of the destruction of the temple, Adalberto Giovannini concludes: The events "leave no doubt that he not only wanted to conquer and destroy Jerusalem and its temple, but also destroy as many Jews as possible." where "millions of pilgrims" who knew nothing of the danger were in the city. (ibid.) Vespasian as a "businessman", however, was concerned with the expected huge booty: "The state interest required the destruction of Jerusalem and its world-famous temple."
- Ursul Philip Boissevain (Ed.): Cassii Dionis Cocceiani historiarum Romanarum quae supersunt , Volume 3. Weidmann, Berlin 1901, pp. 152–161 (critical edition of the excerpts from Book 66)
- Otto Veh (Ed.): Cassius Dio: Römische Geschichte , Volume 5, Artemis, Zurich 1987, ISBN 3-7608-3675-5 , pp. 157-168 (translation of the epitomes of book 66)
- Otto Michel , Otto Bauernfeind (ed.): Flavius Josephus: De bello Judaico. The Jewish War. Bilingual edition of the seven books . 3 volumes, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 1959–1969 (critical edition with limited equipment)
- Max Ihm (Ed.): C. Suetoni Tranquilli opera , Volume 1: De vita Caesarum libri VIII . Teubner, Stuttgart 1973, ISBN 3-519-01827-6 , pp. 309-316 (reprint of the 1908 edition; critical edition, editio minor)
- Hans Martinet (ed.): C. Suetonius Tranquillus: The imperial servants. De vita Caesarum. Famous men. De viris illustribus . Artemis & Winkler, Düsseldorf 1997, ISBN 3-7608-1698-3 , pp. 866-883 (uncritical edition of the Latin text with German translation)
- Hermann Bengtson : The Flavians. Vespasian, Titus and Domitian. History of a Roman Imperial House . CH Beck, Munich 1979, ISBN 3-406-04018-7 (representation that is very controversial in terms of content and source criticism).
- Helmut Castritius : The Flavian Family. Women next to Vespasian, Titus and Domitian . In: Hildegard Temporini-Countess Vitzthum (Hrsg.): Die Kaiserinnen Roms . CH Beck, Munich 2002, ISBN 3-406-49513-3 , p. 164–186, especially 166–169 (overview of the role of imperial women in the time of the Flavians with discussion of the relationship between Titus and Berenike; review ).
- Karl Christ : History of the Roman Empire . 6th edition. CH Beck, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-406-59613-1 , p. 261 ff . (Condensed overview with excerpts from sources, standard work for the Roman Empire).
- Miriam Griffin : The Flavians . In: Alan K. Bowman , Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone (Eds.): The Cambridge Ancient History . tape 11 . Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2000, ISBN 0-521-26335-2 , pp. 1-83 .
- Charles Leslie Murison: The Emperor Titus . In: Andrew Zissos (Ed.): A Companion to the Flavian Age of Imperial Rome . Wiley, Chichester / Malden 2016, ISBN 978-1-4443-3600-9 , pp. 76-91 ( review ).
- Stefan Pfeiffer : The time of the Flavians. Vespasian, Titus, Domitian . Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 2009, ISBN 978-3-534-20894-4 ( review ).
- Adalberto Giovannini: The destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. A punishment from God or a historical necessity? In: Pedro Barceló (Ed.): Contra quis ferat arma deos? Four Augsburg lectures on the religious history of the Roman Empire. For the 60th birthday of Gunther Gottlieb (= writings of the philosophical faculties of the University of Augsburg . No. 53 ). Vögel, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-89650-020-1 , p. 11-34 ( online ).
- Brian W. Jones: The Emperor Titus . Croom Helm, London 1984, ISBN 0-7099-1430-X (essential for dealing with the reign of Titus).
- Sabine Panzram: The Jerusalem Temple and the Rome of the Flavians . In: Johannes Hahn (Ed.): Destruction of the Jerusalem Temple. Events - Perception - Coping (= Scientific Investigations on the New Testament . Volume 147 ). Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2002, ISBN 3-16-147719-7 , p. 166-182 .
- Perry M. Rogers: Titus, Berenice and Mucianus . In: Historia . tape 29 , 1980, ISSN 0018-2311 , pp. 86-95 .
- Helmut Schwier: Temple and Temple Destruction. Investigations into the theological and ideological factors in the first Jewish-Roman war (66–74 AD) . Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1989, ISBN 3-525-53912-6 (also dissertation, University of Heidelberg 1988).
- Ines Stahlmann: Titus . In: Manfred Clauss (Ed.): The Roman Emperors. 55 historical portraits from Caesar to Justinian . 4th updated edition. CH Beck, Munich 2010, ISBN 978-3-406-60911-4 , p. 95–98 (concise but easy to read overview containing the most important facts).
- Ute Jung-Kaiser : Titus. In: Peter von Möllendorff , Annette Simonis, Linda Simonis (ed.): Historical figures of antiquity. Reception in literature, art and music (= Der Neue Pauly . Supplements. Volume 8). Metzler, Stuttgart / Weimar 2013, ISBN 978-3-476-02468-8 , Sp. 1001-1010.
- Helga Lühning: Titus settings in the 18th century. Studies on the tradition of the opera seria from Hasse to Mozart (= Analecta musicologica . Volume 20 ). Laaber, Laaber 1983, ISBN 3-921518-78-4 (partly also dissertation, University of Erlangen-Nürnberg 1974).
- Literature by and about Titus in the catalog of the German National Library
- John Donahue: Short biography (English) at De Imperatoribus Romanis (with references).
- Jona Lendering: Jewish War (66-70) . In: Livius.org (on the causes and course of the Jewish War from 66-70; English)
- Albert Ottenbacher: The Destruction of Jerusalem - a “Divine Judgment”? (Interpretation of the Titus paintings by Kaulbach and Poussin)
- Cassius Dio, Roman History Book 66 (English translation by LacusCurtius )
- Josephus, Jewish War (Greek text and English translation)
- Suetonius, Titus : Latin text , English translation
- His date of birth is not recorded consistently. The chronograph of 354 attests to December 30, 39, Suetonius, Titus 1, on the other hand, also mentions the year 41, but thereby contradicts himself. Cassius Dio 66,18,4 is more precise on this point; he reports that Titus was 39 years, five months and 25 days old when he took office on June 24, 1979.
- On Vespasian's ancestors Suetonius, Vespasian 1, 2–4 .
- On Vespasian's career Suetonius, Vespasian 2,3 ; 4.1-4 .
- Suetonius, Vespasian 1,3 ; Domitian 1,2 .
- Cf. Suetonius, Vespasian 2,2 ; Barbara Levick : Vespasian. London u. a. 1999, p. 7.
- Suetonius, Titus 2 ; Tacitus, Annals 11,1,4. Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, pp. 7-11.
- Tacitus, Annals 13: 15-17; see. Cassius Dio 61.7.4 . The portrayal of Tacitus could be rumored and tendentious.
- Ines Stahlmann: Titus. In: Manfred Clauss (Ed.): The Roman Emperors. 55 historical portraits from Caesar to Justinian. 4th updated edition. Munich 2010, pp. 95–98, here: p. 95.
- See Suetonius, Titus 2 .
- Suetonius, Titus 4,1 .
- Cassius Dio 61,30,1 .
- Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, pp. 16f.
- Barbara Levick: Vespasian. London et al. 1999, p. 23.
- Josephus, Jewish War 2,499–555.
- Suetonius, Vespasian 4 .
- Josephus, Jewish War 3.69.
- Egon Flaig : Challenge the Emperor. Usurpation in the Roman Empire. Frankfurt / Main u. a. 1992, p. 240ff.
- Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, p. 45.
- Tacitus, Historien 4,51.
- Ingomar Weiler: Titus and the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem - intent or coincidence? In: Klio. Contributions to ancient history . 50: 139-158 (1968); Sabine Panzram: The Jerusalem Temple and the Rome of the Flavians. In: Johannes Hahn (Ed.): Destruction of the Jerusalem Temple. Events - perception - coping. Tübingen 2002, pp. 166–182, here: p. 169.
- Adalberto Giovannini: The destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. A punishment from God or a historical necessity? In: Contra quis ferat arma deos? Four Augsburg lectures on the religious history of the Roman Empire. On the occasion of Gunther Gottlieb's 60th birthday , Munich 1996, pp. 11–34, here: p. 16. ( online ).
- Josephus, Jewish War 5,446f.
- Josephus, Jewish War 5,491ff.
- Josephus, Jewish War 5,567ff.
- Tacitus, Historien , 5,13.
- Josephus, Jewish War 6,420. As evidence for these figures, Josephus cites the census that the governor of Syria, Gaius Cestius Gallus , carried out shortly before the uprising.
- Suetonius, Titus 5.3 .
- Gunnar Seelentag : Children instead of legions: The preparation of the succession of Vespasian. The findings of the coins and comments on the methodical handling of the literary sources. In: Christiane Reitz, Norbert Kramer (Hrsg.): Tradition and Renewal. Media strategies in the time of the Flavians. Berlin 2010, pp. 167–190, here: p. 179.
- Sabine Panzram: The Jerusalem Temple and the Rome of the Flavians. In: Johannes Hahn (Ed.): Destruction of the Jerusalem Temple. Events - perception - coping. Tübingen 2002, pp. 166–182, here: p. 169.
- Suetonius, Titus 6.1 ; Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, p. 78.
- Gunnar Seelentag: Children instead of legions: The preparation of the succession of Vespasian. The findings of the coins and comments on the methodical handling of the literary sources. In: Christiane Reitz, Norbert Kramer (Hrsg.): Tradition and Renewal. Media strategies in the time of the Flavians. Berlin 2010, pp. 167–190, here: p. 175; Karl Strobel : Emperor Traian. An epoch in world history. Regensburg 2010, pp. 60f.
- Gunnar Seelentag: Children instead of legions: The preparation of the succession of Vespasian. The findings of the coins and comments on the methodical handling of the literary sources. In: Christiane Reitz, Norbert Kramer (Hrsg.): Tradition and Renewal. Media strategies in the time of the Flavians. Berlin 2010, pp. 167–190, here: p. 168.
- Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, pp. 80f.
- Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, p. 82.
- Karl Strobel: Emperor Traian. An epoch in world history. Regensburg 2010, p. 64; Barbara Levick: Vespasian. London u. a. 1999, p. 170ff.
- Karl Strobel: Emperor Traian. An epoch in world history. Regensburg 2010, p. 61.
- On Titus' role under his father Vespasian, cf. Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, pp. 77-100.
- Suetonius, Titus 6 .
- See the different judgments by Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, pp. 79ff .; 85-87 and Rudolph Weynand: Flavius 206). In: Paulys Realencyclopadie der classischen Antiquity Science (RE). Volume VI, 2, Stuttgart 1909, Col. 2623–2695, here: Col. 2676.
- On Vespasian's tax policy cf. Barbara Levick: Vespasian. London u. a. 1999, pp. 95-106.
- Suetonius, Vespasian 23.3 .
- Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, p. 114; 157 in connection with note 3.
- Karl Christ: History of the Roman Empire. 6th edition, Munich 2009, p. 262.
- Suetonius, Titus 9 .
- Suetonius, Titus 9.3 ; Suetonius, Domitian 2,3 .
- Suetonius, Titus 9.3 .
- Stefan Pfeiffer: The time of the Flavians. Vespasian, Titus, Domitian. Darmstadt 2009, p. 55; Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, pp. 117-121.
- Suetonius, Titus 7 .
- Suetonius, Titus 1,1 ; 9.1 . Cassius Dio 66.19.1 .
- See Anthony R. Birley : The Oath not to Put a Senator to Death . In: The Classical Review . Volume 76, 1962, pp. 197-199.
- Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, pp. 146-148.
- Sabine Panzram: The Jerusalem Temple and the Rome of the Flavians. In: Johannes Hahn (Ed.): Destruction of the Jerusalem Temple. Events - perception - coping. Tübingen 2002, pp. 166–182, here: p. 178.
- Sabine Panzram: The Jerusalem Temple and the Rome of the Flavians. In: Johannes Hahn (Ed.): Destruction of the Jerusalem Temple. Events - perception - coping. Tübingen 2002, pp. 166–182, here: p. 170.
- Josephus, Jewish War 7.157.
- Suetonius, Vespasian 9.1 .
- Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, pp. 141-146.
- Statius, Silvae 3, 5, 72-74.
- Cassius Dio 66,24,1-3 .
- Cassius Dio 66,24,4 .
- Andrea Scheithauer: Imperial building activity in Rome. The echo in ancient literature. Stuttgart 2000, p. 136.
- Cassius Dio 66.25 .
- Géza Alföldy: A building inscription from the Colosseum . In: Journal of Papyrology and Epigraphy . Volume 109, 1995, pp. 195-226 ( PDF ).
- Stefan Pfeiffer: The time of the Flavians. Vespasian, Titus, Domitian. Darmstadt 2009, p. 48.
- Cassius Dio 66,19,3 ; Suetonius, Titus 7.3 , 8.1 .
- Cassius Dio 66,19,3 ; Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, p. 141.
- Karl Christ: History of the Roman Empire. 6th edition, Munich 2009, pp. 262-265.
- Tacitus, Historien 2,2,1.
- Helmut Castritius : The Flavian Family. Women next to Vespasian, Titus and Domitian. In: Hildegard Temporini-Countess Vitzthum (Hrsg.): Die Kaiserinnen Roms. Munich 2002, pp. 164–186, here: p. 166.
- Training of the speaker 4, 1, 19.
- Helmut Castritius: The Flavian Family. Women next to Vespasian, Titus and Domitian . In: Hildegard Temporini-Countess Vitzthum (Hrsg.): Die Kaiserinnen Roms . Munich 2002, pp. 164–186, here: p. 167.
- Cassius Dio 65.15.4 .
- Suetonius, Titus 7.2 .
- Stefan Pfeiffer: The time of the Flavians. Vespasian, Titus, Domitian. Darmstadt 2009, p. 47; David C. Braund: Berenice in Rome. In: Historia , Vol. 33, 1984, pp. 120-123.
- On Berenike and the reasons for the separation cf. Helmut Castritius: The Flavian Family. Women next to Vespasian, Titus and Domitian . In: Hildegard Temporini-Countess Vitzthum (Hrsg.): Die Kaiserinnen Roms . Munich 2002, pp. 164-186, especially pp. 166-169.
- Suetonius, Titus 10 .
- Suetonius, Titus 10-11 .
- Plutarch, De Sanitate Tuenda third
- Cassius Dio 66.26 .
- Suetonius, Titus 10
- Cassius Dio 66,26,3 .
- Suetonius, Titus 2,3 .
- Miriam Griffin: The Flavians. In: Alan K. Bowman, Peter Garnsey, Dominic Rathbone (Eds.): The Cambridge Ancient History . Volume 11, Cambridge 2000, pp. 1-83, here: pp. 56ff.
- Michael Pfanner: The Arch of Titus. Mainz 1983, p. 103.
- Stefan Pfeiffer: The time of the Flavians. Vespasian, Titus, Domitian. Darmstadt 2009, p. 44.
- Ursula Rombach : Object referentiality and imagination. Notes on the “Dittamondo” of the Fazio degli Uberti. In: Horst Bredekamp , Arnold Nesselrath (Ed.): Pegasus. Berlin contributions to the afterlife of antiquity Berlin 2008, pp. 21–35; here: p. 34; Second Arch of Titus discovered in Rome. Deutsche Welle, May 29, 2015; Annette Reuther: Rome opens new Circus Maximus. In: Frankfurter Neue Presse , November 16, 2016.
- Suetonius, Titus 11 .
- Suetonius, Titus 3 .
- Suetonius, Titus 8 .
- Suetonius, Titus 1,1 .
- Martial, Epigrams 2.
- Epitome de Caesaribus 10.
- Ausonius, Caesares 2,12.
- Josephus, Jewish War 1.27; 5.257.
- Josephus, Jewish War 6.236.
- Sulpicius Severus, Chronica 2,30,7: alii et ipse Titus evertendum in primis templum censebant.
- Günter Stemberger: The judgment of Rome in the rabbinical literature . In: Hildegard Temporini, Wolfgang Haase (Hrsg.): Rise and decline of the Roman world . Volume II 19/2. Berlin-New York 1979, pp. 338-396, here: pp. 351-358.
- Ute Schall : The Jews in the Roman Empire. Regensburg 2002, p. 244.
- Sibylline Oracle IV 126-136.
- Illustration at Franks-Casket.de .
- Stefan Pfeiffer: The time of the Flavians. Vespasian, Titus, Domitian. Darmstadt 2009, p. 51 f.
- Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, p. 157.
- Brian W. Jones: The emperor Titus. London 1984, p. 121.
- Gabriele Wesch-Klein : Titus and Berenike. Ridiculous passion or world history love affair? In: Wolfgang Spickermann u. a. (Ed.): Rom, Germanien und das Reich, Festschrift in honor of Rainer Wiegels on the occasion of his 65th birthday , St. Katharinen 2005, p. 163–173, here: p. 172.
- Cf. on this Gabriele Wesch-Klein: Titus and Berenike: Ridiculous passion or world-historical love affair? In: Wolfgang Spickermann u. a. (Ed.): Rom, Germanien und das Reich, Festschrift in honor of Rainer Wiegels on the occasion of his 65th birthday , St. Katharinen 2005, p. 163–173, here: p. 168.
- Heinrich Graetz: Volkstümliche Geschichte der Juden . Volume 1, Leipzig 1888, p. 709.
- Mary Smallwood: The Jews under Roman rule. From Pompey to Diocletian . 2nd Edition. Leiden 1981, p. 325f.
- Ingomar Weiler: Titus and the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem - intent or coincidence? In: Klio. Contributions to ancient history . 50 (1968), pp. 139-158, here p. 154.
- Adalberto Giovannini: The destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. A punishment from God or a historical necessity? In: Contra quis ferat arma deos? Four Augsburg lectures on the religious history of the Roman Empire. On the 60th birthday of Gunther Gottlieb , Munich 1996, pp. 11–34, especially p. 17 ( online ).
- Adalberto Giovannini: The destruction of Jerusalem by Titus. A punishment from God or a historical necessity? In: Contra quis ferat arma deos? Four Augsburg lectures on the religious history of the Roman Empire. On the 60th birthday of Gunther Gottlieb , Munich 1996, pp. 11–34, especially p. 24.
- Werner Eck : Hermann Bengtson: The Flavier. Vespasian, Titus and Domitian. In: Gnomon . Volume 53, 1981, pp. 343-347.
|ALTERNATIVE NAMES||Titus Flavius Vespasianus|
|BRIEF DESCRIPTION||Roman Emperor (79–81)|
|DATE OF BIRTH||December 30, 39|
|PLACE OF BIRTH||Rome|
|DATE OF DEATH||September 13, 81|
|Place of death||Aquae Cutiliae|