History of the Greens - The Green Alternative
The Green Parliamentary Party (1986-2017) of Austria ( The Greens - The Green Alternative ) goes back to various social changes in the 1970s. Citizens' initiatives that formed against large local projects, as well as the mass movements against the Zwentendorf nuclear power plant and the occupation of the Hainburger Au , laid the foundation for the founding of a green party in Austria. After the first competing green parties, the Alternative List of Austria (ALÖ) and the United Greens Austria (VGÖ), failed to enter parliament in 1983, Freda Meissner-Blau succeeded in 1986 with an electoral list of VGÖ and ALÖ representatives Entry into the Austrian National Council. In 1987, the supporters of the new parliamentary group founded the Green Alternative (GA), which has been officially called The Greens - The Green Alternative (GREEN) since 1993 . With the exception of the National Council elections of 1995, the Greens were able to constantly increase their share of the vote in National Council elections and in 2006 they became the third-largest party in the Austrian National Council for the first time with 11.05%. While the Greens have not yet belonged to a government at the federal level, there has been a coalition with the SPÖ in Vienna since 2010 and a coalition with the ÖVP in Vorarlberg since 2014. In addition, there was a coalition with the ÖVP in Upper Austria from 2003 to 2015 .
After a massive loss of votes in the National Council elections in Austria in 2017, the Greens left the National Council. After the state elections in Salzburg in 2018, the Greens are now only represented with two federal councilors in the Austrian parliament.
Social foundations
The basis for the emergence of the Green Party in Austria was created by the social changes in the 1970s. As early as the 1960s, individuals and groups were increasingly concerned with the topic of ecology and environmental protection . In the early 1970s, the issue of environmental pollution also became politically relevant, and in 1972 Bruno Kreisky expanded the Ministry of Health to include environmental protection. At the beginning of the 1970s, many of the later Greens defined themselves through resistance to large-scale projects, nuclear power plants, road construction and armament. Projects such as the Bodenseautobahn , a motorway across Lake Neusiedl or power plants like those in Kalser Dorfertal were actively fought. The first green success in Vienna is the referendum on May 26, 1973 on the observatory park , the construction of which was rejected by 57.4% and led to the resignation of Mayor Felix Slavik . The decisive factor here, however, was the massive media campaign by the Kronenzeitung . Countless citizens' groups formed in the 1970s against hundreds of other large and small building projects. Many of the people working in these initiatives later became activists or voters of the Green Party. In addition to the numerous opposition to building projects, the arena movement developed into an important driving force behind the green movement in 1976. Numerous social, cultural and ecological initiatives developed during the occupation of the Sankt Marx domestic slaughterhouse, which was slated for demolition . Citizens' initiatives and the arena movement were localized, but the resistance against nuclear energy developed into an Austria-wide movement. As early as 1971, resistance was formed in Vorarlberg against a Swiss nuclear power plant near the border, and a little later activists also became active against the planned St. Pantaleon nuclear power plant (Lower Austria). However, the fight against the Zwentendorf nuclear power plant , against which initial resistance developed as early as 1970 and against which Konrad Lorenz also mobilized, became a nationwide initiative . In 1976 the Initiative Österreichischer AKW-Opponents (IÖAG) was formed, which was dominated by the Maoist Communist League of Austria , the Trotskyist group Revolutionary Marxists , and university grassroots groups. Further anti-nuclear groups formed, and on June 12, 1977 7,000 people from all over Austria, including many later green politicians, demonstrated in Zwentendorf against the already completed power station building. Finally, the National Council passed a referendum on the commissioning of the Zwentendorf nuclear power plant, which on November 5, 1978 resulted in a slim majority of 50.47% against the commissioning. However, the great success did not lead to the establishment of a Green Party. The first all-Austrian alternative meeting in Graz, held a week later as a victory celebration, showed the strong differences in the political ideas of anti-nuclear activists, nature conservationists and left grassroots groups.
First political parties
As early as 1974, the actor Herbert Fux was involved with citizens against various building projects in the city of Salzburg and particularly demanded the protection of the historic urban landscape. The group, supported by respected citizens, ran in October 1977 as a list of citizens for the Salzburg municipal council and won two seats with 5.6% of the vote. In addition, the citizens 'list was the first Austrian citizens' initiative to be represented in a local council. Another important figure of the early green movement was the former social democrat Josef Buchner , who with his Steyregger citizens' initiative for environmental protection against air pollution of the VÖEST got 18% of the votes and the deputy mayor in the local council elections in 1979. Driven by further impulses from the peace movement active in the early 1980s and the founding of the European Greens in 1979, numerous groups were formed in the early 1980s that tried to establish political parties. Finally, the bourgeois-conservative United Greens Austria (VGÖ) fought with Buchner and Fux and the left Alternative List Austria (ALÖ) for green supremacy in Austria. In the autumn and winter of 1982/83 there were still talks about a joint candidacy for the two parties in the upcoming National Council elections, but this plan was rejected by the chairman of the VGÖ, Alexander Tollmann . As a result, the VGÖ achieved the best poll ratings of the two green lists, but were severely weakened by a largely made-up Basta report on the supposedly dissolute sex life of the second party chairman Herbert Fux. If the VGÖ was initially predicted to be able to enter the National Council, the VGÖ as the Tollmann List on April 24, 1983 only achieved 1.93%. The ALÖ also clearly failed with the 4% hurdle with 1.36%. As a result, the ALÖ lost more and more importance, the VGÖ was led by Josef Buchner after Tollmann's resignation. However, alliances between the two parties in different federal states did not lead to success. Only in Vorarlberg did the united green movement in October 1984 under Kaspanaze Simma achieve a surprising success with 13% of the vote.
The argument about Hainburg
Another important step towards establishing the green movement was the conflict over the construction of a power plant in Hainburg . Donaukraftwerke AG planned the construction of a 500-meter-long dam wall, which was to flood seven square kilometers of floodplain landscape on the northern bank of the Danube. As early as the turn of the year 1982/1983, the WWF had started a Rettet die Auen campaign, which was supported by numerous environmental activists. The animal press conference , where prominent personalities such as Günther Nenning disguised as animals campaigned for the conservation of the floodplains, formed the media prelude to the intensive campaign of the Au protectionists on May 7, 1984 and started the Konrad Lorenz referendum to establish a national park. The clearing notice for the power plant area issued on December 5th finally led to a star hike of 5,000 people to Stopfenreuth on December 8th . Several activists then began to occupy the area. The number of occupiers quickly grew to several thousand people, and after violent clashes with the police there was a spontaneous mass rally in Vienna on December 19, with an estimated 40,000 participants. Eventually the project was slowly being buried. However, neither the ALÖ nor the VGÖ could pin the success of Hainburg on their flags. Neither party had played an active role in Hainburg, and afterwards neither party succeeded in usurping opinion leadership. The opening of the ALÖ and the attempt to establish a green collective movement, however, led to the ALÖ in Vienna breaking up into two competing wings.
The way to parliament
Since a united green party was not in sight, Günther Nenning, Gerhard Heilingbrunner and the lawyer Michael Mayrhofer constructed the main features of a green parliamentary list. Instead of a green party, there should initially only be one green club. The moderate part of the ALÖ finally gathered in the Citizens' Initiative Parliament (BIP), whose first meeting took place on October 26, 1985 in Salzburg. The management committee (initiative committee) included Kaspanaze Simma, Andreas Wabl and Johannes Voggenhuber . Freda Meissner-Blau, who was perceived as one of the most determined environmentalists during the dispute over Hainburg, was also represented in the plenary. On January 6, 1986, at a meeting of the BIP in Graz, Meissner-Blau was promised support for running in the federal presidential elections. As a counterpart to BIP, the left (Vienna) wing of the ALÖ founded the Green Alternative Collection (GRAS) on February 12, 1986 . At the same time, however, more and more green groups were pushing their way into GDP. Günther Nenning tried to get all green groups from left to right, including the VGÖ, under one roof, instead of an elitist election platform. This resulted in a program in which controversial topics were missing (“program with holes”). With the tailwind of Peter Pilz's petition against the stationing of Draken interceptors in Styria and the disaster at the Chernobyl nuclear power plant , Freda Meissner-Blau achieved a respectable success in the presidential elections on May 4, 1986 with 5.5%. Freda Meissner-Blau was now known in the media as the front woman, but she and Günther Nenning did not manage to unite the green trends, above all BIP and VGÖ. After the failure of the SPÖ-FPÖ government in 1986 and the resulting new elections, Freda Meissner-Blau was forced to enter the list The Green Alternative - List Freda Meissner-Blau together with Pius Strobl on September 20 . One day later, the Green Alternative List Styria (VGÖ-AL), with 3.73% and 2 mandates, was the first Green List to enter a state parliament.
As a result of the establishment of the list by Meissner-Blau, the base held votes on their approach. While Meissner-Blau was victorious in Lower Austria, she lost the vote in Vienna on October 4th against the historian Andrea Komlosy, nominated by GRAS . Despite all adversities, Die Grüne Alternative - List Freda Meissner-Blau achieved 234,028 votes in the National Council elections on November 23, 1986 and achieved 8 seats with 4.82%. The left-wing Viennese group under Andrea Komlosy remained under the perception limit as The Green Alternatives - Democratic List (GAL) with 6,005 votes.
First steps as a parliamentary party (1987–1990)
Soon after the elections, on 13./14. February 1987 the founding congress of the Green Alternative Party was carried out in Klagenfurt. The party was given a federal structure, instead of a party spokesman, two federal executives were nominated. The Greens were present in public several times through actionism. Peter Pilz called for military insubordination , Andreas Wabl unveiled a swastika flag in parliament as a protest against Federal President Kurt Waldheim . After the VGÖ ran against the Green alternatives in the Vienna state parliament elections in 1987 (and thus prevented entry into the state parliament), Josef Buchner was excluded from the parliamentary club. There were also structural problems and a financial crisis. As a sign of reform, Johannes Voggenhuber and Pius Strobl were elected as federal managing directors. Nevertheless, distrust remained between the parliamentary club and the party base. Meissner-Blau finally resigned her mandate in autumn 1988, Herbert Fux and the lawyer Geyer followed.
Despite all internal quarrels, the Green Party was able to establish itself as a control party in 1989, with the Salzburg Greens as well as the Tyrolean Greens being able to enter the respective state parliament. Peter Pilz in particular positioned himself in the committees of inquiry on the topics of Lucona and Noricum as an uncoverer. The party program drafted in 1990 was in many eyes a departure from the radical ideas of the alternative list. Nevertheless, in the run-up to the National Council elections in 1990, the Greens were severely weakened after a television interview by Sonja Puntscher-Riekmann when, following Ferdinand Lacina, she believed a gasoline price of 22 schillings was possible. The fact that even in an afterthought she considered this price to be too high for the economy was subsequently lost. The poorly structured election campaign led to a loss of absolute votes in the National Council elections on October 7, 1990, but the percentage was maintained. Despite the slightly increased number of mandates, only three of the previous mandataries remained in parliament.
The Greens between ascent and setback (1991–1995)
The year 1991 was marked internally by conflicts over the public appearance and internal structures of the Greens. While Peter Pilz found the green style too aggressive, club chairman Johannes Voggenhuber continued to advocate polarization. Pilz also pushed for a total reform of the party, as he considered the grassroots democratic approaches to have failed. Press spokesman Stefan Schennach also considered the appearance of the Greens to be out of date. As a result of their own weakness, the Greens also flew out of the Styrian state parliament in 1991. In the Viennese municipal council elections, however, Peter Pilz got involved in a personality campaign. Pilz achieved 9.08% with the Greens and moved into the Vienna City Hall and subsequently moved from the National Council to the post of Vienna club chairman. Johannes Voggenhuber, however, was replaced by Madeleine Petrovic at the turn of the year 1991/92 in a “putsch of women” . After the green parliamentary club had formally but little actively supported the futurologist Robert Jungk in the federal presidential election in spring 1992 (result: 5.7%), the party reform suggested by Peter Pilz was implemented in autumn. Club and party were thus more closely linked and since the principle of incompatibility also fell, Pilz was able to take on the post of first federal spokesman for the Greens in addition to his role as Vienna club chairman. Thematically, the turn of the year 1992/93 was dominated by the refugee and foreigner issue. On January 23, around 200,000–300,000 people demonstrated against the popular initiative “Austria first” initiated by the FPÖ at Heldenplatz in the so-called sea of lights . While the referendum subsequently fell short of the FPÖ's expectations with 417,000 signatures, five FPÖ MPs split off from the FPÖ as a Liberal Forum as a result of the anti-foreigner policy . The Liberal Forum under Heide Schmidt soon became a direct competitor of the Greens due to its orientation.
Even at the beginning of the EC accession negotiations, the Greens decided to campaign against joining the EC, although internally divided. At the same time, Petrovic broke the taboo not to rule out participation in government. For the National Council elections, the Greens again sought a joint candidacy with the VGÖ. However, the alliance that had already been agreed failed in October after just 12 days. For the National Council elections, Madeleine Petrovic was nominated for the first time as the sole top candidate. Petrovic has now become the Greens' dominant front woman. Only Johannes Voggenhuber was able to distinguish himself alongside her through the No-to-EU campaign carried out in the first half of 1994 . After the Austrians had agreed to join the European Union with a two-thirds majority , Voggenhuber and the Greens accepted the result and finally voted in favor of ratifying the EU accession treaty. The second half of 1994 was dominated by the National Council election campaign. The Greens positioned themselves here as a “constructive” opposition and against the FPÖ, which led a tough “foreigner election campaign”. In an election campaign that was strongly tailored to Madeleine Petrovic, in which the Greens warned of “right-wing terror” in the wake of the letter bomb wave, the Greens were able to achieve 7.3% of the votes and win three seats. As a result, Petrovic was also elected federal spokeswoman on November 20. Peter Pilz, however, concentrated on the Vienna municipal council elections in 1996.
After the failure of the budget negotiations between ÖVP and SPÖ, new elections were surprisingly called for the Greens. The election campaign was dominated by budgetary issues, public debt and economic security, leaving the Greens with little space for their issues. In addition to problems of demarcation from the Liberal Forum, the Greens gave too few signals in the direction of environmental protection. In addition, the warning of “black and blue” caused many voters to overflow to the SPÖ. Madeleine Petrovic also seemed exhausted at times and was no longer able to convince in her television appearances as before, in addition to internal, thematic differences of opinion. The National Council elections on December 17th ultimately led to massive losses for the Greens, who with 4.8% even slipped behind the Liberal Forum and lost three seats.
Reorganization under Alexander Van der Bellen (1996–1999)
The defeat in the National Council elections in 1995 led to a strong weakening and division of the Green Party. Madeleine Petrovic announced her resignation as federal spokeswoman at the beginning of 1996, but remained the club chairwoman in parliament. Alexander Van der Bellen became the club's deputy chairman and ran the club's business alone for long periods of time due to Petrovic's poor health. As early as January 1996, the Greens initiated a working group on structural reform and position determination. Christoph Chorherr finally succeeded Petrovic as national spokesman on March 30th. Ulrike Lunacek became the new federal manager. The Realo Canon was, however, controversial in the party and was too liberal and business-oriented for many party members. In addition, the party was financially burdened by the 1995 election defeat. Nevertheless, the Greens managed to get their concerns out there. On April 11, 1996, the Constitutional Court ordered the construction of the Lambach power plant to be halted, as demanded by the Greens . Monika Langthaler managed to position the subject of genetic engineering in public and Canon demanded the abolition of compulsory military service . The autumn of 1996 was dominated by the European and Vienna municipal council elections. While Johannes Voggenhuber was able to celebrate a success with 6.81%, the top candidate from Vienna, Friedrun Huemer , fell short of expectations with 7.94%. Peter Pilz resigned as Viennese club chairman in February 1997, not entirely voluntarily. The genetic engineering referendum initiated by the Greens developed into a great success in the spring of 1997. With 1,225,790 signatures, the referendum became the second most successful in Austrian history. The women's referendum , which was supported by the SPÖ and the Greens at the same time , received just over half of the signatures. Within the party, however, the split continued for the time being. Christoph Chorherr announced his resignation on October 27, 1997 after just one and a half years, because he was "fed up with the arguments". The conflicts brought the Greens poll figures by 4%, the Kronenzeitung headlined Greens before the end. The resignation led on December 13, 1997 to a complete restructuring of the federal executive committee. The deputy club chairman Alexander van der Bellen was elected as the new national spokesman, also with the support of the canon. Van der Bellen's advantage was that he had only recently been with the Greens and was less involved in intra-party conflicts. The year 1998 was therefore a year of reconstruction and Van der Bellen tried to unite the different factions. Michaela Sburny , who was appointed the new federal manager in April 1998, played an important role in the reorganization of the Greens. In the federal presidential election on April 19, the Greens supported Gertraud Knoll , who achieved a respectable success with 13.59% against the incumbent Federal President Thomas Klestil. The state elections held at the beginning of 1999 were disappointing for the Greens. In Carinthia, where Jörg Haider had landed a landslide victory, the electoral alliance Democracy 99 had failed, in Salzburg and Tyrol the Greens had each lost a mandate in the state parliament. However, 1999 was shaped by the EU and National Council elections. In the EU parliamentary elections on June 13, 1999, the Greens were able to turn the trend around and win an EU mandate with 9.29%. In the National Council election campaign, Van der Bellen managed to stop internal conflicts from being exposed to the outside world. For the first time in a long time, the Greens presented a cohesive picture. Van der Bellen was also able to score with his image as a “professor” and his objective demeanor. With 7.4% on October 3, 1999, the Greens even exceeded the 1994 election result. After the election, Federal Spokesman Van der Bellen was also elected club chairman in parliament, replacing Madeleine Petrovic in this role.
From opposition to potential ruling party (2000-2008)
The Greens took part in exploratory talks for the first time in the course of the formation of the government, but had no opportunity to participate in the government due to the election results. The formation of the ÖVP-FPÖ coalition led to strong resistance in the green camp and support for the large anti-government demonstration on Heldenplatz. However , the party was divided over the public response to the EU sanctions . In surveys, the Greens achieved top values with 16%, Van der Bellen was even ahead of Wolfgang Schüssel in the Kanzlerplebiszit . After the end of the EU sanctions, the Greens prepared a change from the opposition party to a possible ruling party. The SPÖ was initially seen as the only possible coalition partner. The Greens positioned themselves programmatically by calling for an ecological tax reform, basic income support and the rejection of joining NATO . In the state elections in Burgenland in December 2000, the Greens were able to enter the state parliament for the first time with 5.49%. In terms of federal politics, the government was criticized by the Greens in 2001, particularly in connection with the purchase of new interceptors . The state elections in Vienna on March 25, 2001 resulted in a gain of 12.45% for the Greens. In Vienna's 7th district, Neubau , the Greens became the district party with the highest number of votes and, in Thomas Blimlinger , appointed a district head for the first time.
In terms of content, the Greens dealt primarily with the topic of interceptors in 2002. When Van der Bellen declared interceptors to protect neutrality to be conceivable in August , he received massive opposition from his party colleagues. In addition, the Greens supported the welfare state referendum . The second half of 2002 was dominated by the flood disaster and the break-up of the FPÖ ( Knittelfelder Putsch ). Opinion polls predicted strong gains for the Greens (to ~ 12%). The warning of “ red-green ” and the assumption that the Greens would introduce “hash tobacco ”, however, meant that the Greens were far behind forecasts and expectations in the National Council elections on November 24, 2002 with 9.47%. Nevertheless, the election result enabled coalition negotiations for the first time, but only with the ÖVP. The Viennese state party in particular exerted fierce opposition to the start of coalition negotiations, which, however, were approved by a narrow majority in the federal executive committee. However, on February 16, Alexander Van der Bellen announced the failure of the negotiations, citing the pension reform, basic security, interceptors, education, tuition fees and transport policy as sticking points. However, the negotiations led to the further acceleration of the development of the practical ability to govern and brought the Greens into play as a potential ruling party. This also led to election successes in the federal states. In Tyrol they reached 15.59% on September 28, 2003. In the state elections held at the same time in Upper Austria, the Greens rose to 9.1% and for the first time in Austria formed a government coalition at the state level. The 2004 elections were also won. In the EU parliamentary elections in June 2004 the Greens achieved the best nationwide result with 12.89% and the state elections in Vorarlberg also brought a gain of more than 4%. The deep division within the Wiener Grünen led to the replacement of Christoph Chorherr in 2004 . He was replaced by Maria Vassilakou on June 22, 2004 . According to surveys, the Greens were at times ahead of the ÖVP with 18 to 20% of the vote in 2005, which is why the Greens and the media described the fight for second place as decisive for this election. Ultimately, the Vienna Greens achieved their best result in the Vienna state and municipal council elections with 14.63%, which, however, only meant fourth place (just behind the FPÖ).
In the 2006 National Council election , the Greens narrowly overtook the FPÖ for the first time, gaining over 11% of the vote. In the National Council election in 2008 , they slipped back to fifth place behind the BZÖ despite minor losses.
Chaired by Eva Glawischnig (2009-2017)
From 2009 Eva Glawischnig was party leader of the Greens. Right at the beginning, she suffered electoral defeats, such as in the European elections . The greatest success so far under her leadership is the government participation after the state and municipal council elections in Vienna in 2010 . Since then, the Greens have provided Maria Vassilakou, the first Green Vice Mayor.
In 2012 Austria was dealing with an unprecedented corruption scandal. The black-blue era was the main focus. In this situation, the Greens managed to distinguish themselves as a clear-up and clean party. In the early elections in Carinthia on March 3, 2013, which came about due to the Hypo Alpe Adria affair , in which the BZÖ, FPK and ÖVP were involved, the Greens achieved a plus of 6.95 percentage points and thus total of 12.1%. After this election, the SPÖ, ÖVP and Greens form a state government for the first time, which has a two-thirds majority in the state parliament. In the state elections in Lower Austria on the same day, the Greens achieved their best result in Lower Austria with 8.06%. In Tyrol they celebrated a plus of 12.59% and came into the state government with the ÖVP. After the Salzburg financial scandal , which became known in December 2012, the Greens achieved their best result to date: 20.18% and an increase of 12.82%. Here Austria's first coalition between the ÖVP, the Greens and the Stronach team came about .
In the national elections in Austria in 2013, the Greens increased their share of the vote to 12.4% and are the fourth strongest force. Since the state elections in Vorarlberg in 2014 , the Greens have also been in power in Vorarlberg. The Greens are currently co-governing in six federal states: Tyrol, Salzburg, Upper Austria, Carinthia, Vorarlberg and Vienna.
In the federal presidential election in Austria in 2016 , the Greens supported Alexander Van der Bellen, who officially ran as an independent candidate. He was able to prevail in the repeat election after the repealed second ballot against Norbert Hofer.
As of 2017
On May 18, 2017, Eva Glawischnig announced her resignation from all offices. Albert Steinhauser succeeded her as club chairman, and Barbara Neuroth took over her seat on the National Council . At the extraordinary federal congress in Linz on June 25, 2017, Ingrid Felipe was elected national spokeswoman for the Greens and Ulrike Lunacek was elected the top candidate for the 2017 National Council election. Peter Pilz lost the list election to Julian Schmid and subsequently founded the Peter Pilz list in July 2017 . On July 28, 2017, the change of the two green MPs Wolfgang Zinggl and Bruno Rossmann to the Peter Pilz list was announced. In the 2017 National Council election, the Greens failed to make it into the National Council, whereupon the federal spokeswoman and top candidate announced their resignation on October 17, 2017. Werner Kogler became interim spokesman for the federal government .
At the federal level, the Greens are only represented in the Bundesrat - the second chamber in parliament. After the resignation of Federal Councilors Nicole Schreyer from Tyrol and Heidi Reiter from Salzburg, they are now only represented by Ewa Dziedzic from Vienna and David Stögmüller from Upper Austria.
In the European elections on June 12, 2019, The Greens - The Green Alternative received 14.08% and thus 2 mandates.
literature
- Othmar Pruckner: A Brief History of the Greens . Überreuter, Vienna 2005, ISBN 3-8000-7124-X .
- Franz Schandl, Gerhard Schattauer: The Greens in Austria. Development and consolidation of a political force. Promedia, Vienna 1996, ISBN 3-85371-103-0 .
- Robert Kriechbaumer: Just an interlude (?) - The history of the Greens in Austria from the beginning until 2017 . Böhlau-Verlag, Vienna 2018, ISBN 978-3-205-20805-1 .
Footnotes
- ↑ a b Greens lose another Federal Council mandate. In: news@ORF.at. April 23, 2018, accessed April 16, 2020 .
- ↑ After the election debacle: Felipe and Lunacek resign. In: Kronen Zeitung . October 17, 2017. Retrieved October 17, 2017 .
- ↑ "Concentration" on Tyrol: Green boss Ingrid Felipe resigns. In: Tyrolean daily newspaper . October 17, 2017. Retrieved October 17, 2017 .
- ↑ Gottfried Pirhofer, Kurt Stimmer: Plans for Vienna - Theory and Practice of Vienna City Planning from 1945 to 2005 . Ed .: Urban Development Vienna, Municipal Department 18. Vienna 2007, p. 69 ( direct download [PDF; 16.4 MB ; accessed on April 16, 2020]). Available under Plans for Vienna - Planning History 1945 to 2005. City of Vienna .
- ^ Pruckner: History of the Greens. Pp. 10-17.
- ^ Pruckner: History of the Greens. Pp. 18-26.
- ^ Pruckner: History of the Greens. Pp. 27-31.
- ^ Final result of the state elections of September 21, 1986 (PDF, 100 KB) State of Styria, accessed on April 16, 2020 . Available at LTW - historical review. State of Styria .
- ^ Election to the National Council on November 23, 1986. Federal Ministry of the Interior , accessed on April 16, 2020 .
- ^ Pruckner: History of the Greens. Pp. 31-37.
- ^ Pruckner: History of the Greens. Pp. 40-47.
- ^ Federal Presidential Elections - Historical Review. Federal Ministry of the Interior , accessed on April 16, 2020 .
- ^ Election to the National Council on October 9, 1994. Federal Ministry of the Interior , accessed on April 16, 2020 .
- ^ Election to the National Council on December 17, 1995. Federal Ministry of the Interior , accessed on April 16, 2020 .
- ^ Pruckner: History of the Greens. Pp. 49-62.
- ^ Pruckner: History of the Greens. Pp. 64-72.
- ^ Pruckner: History of the Greens. Pp. 74-86.
- ↑ Eva Glawischnig resigns: "Time to give up the leadership". In: The Standard . May 18, 2017, accessed April 16, 2020 .
- ↑ Green duo against shift to the right in NR election. In: Courier . June 25, 2017, accessed April 16, 2020 .
- ^ Federal Green Congress in Linz: Pilz fails in the list election. In: Courier . June 25, 2017, accessed April 16, 2020 .
- ↑ Michael Völker: Zinggl, Rossmann and Holzinger switch to Pilz list. In: The Standard . July 28, 2017, accessed April 16, 2020 .
- ↑ "I was, so to speak, the fire department". In: news@ORF.at. October 17, 2017, accessed April 16, 2020 .
- ↑ European elections 2019. Federal Ministry of the Interior , accessed on April 16, 2020 .