i-umlaut

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Vowels
  front   central   back
 closed
Blank vowel trapezoid.svg
i  •  y
ɨ  •  ʉ
ɯ  •  u
ɪ  •  ʏ
ʊ
e  •  ø
ɘ  •  ɵ
ɤ  •  o
ə
ɛ  •  œ
ɜ  •  ɞ
ʌ  •  ɔ
æ
ɐ
a  •  ɶ
ɑ  •  ɒ
 almost closed
 half closed
 medium
 half open
 almost open
 open
For pairs of symbols (u • g) the left symbol stands for the
unrounded vowel, the right symbol for the rounded vowel.
The position of several vowels in Proto-Germanic was shifted by the i-umlaut

In historical linguistics, an i-umlaut is a sound change in which a vowel approaches or completely assimilates a subsequent i-sound (short i, long ī or j ) by speaking with the tongue raised or further forward.

The i- umlaut can be found in various forms in the Germanic languages ; only in Gothic is it uncertain as its own sound development, clearly separated from a general accentuation * e > i . Examples: . NHG K ö nig, mhd. K u nic < PGmc. * kuningaz; NHG. Lamm - L ä mmer <ahd. lamb - l e MBIR; NHG. s i tzen, nengl. s i t, asächs . s i ttian < urgerm . * setjan .

The vice denominated vowels were transferred in the course of language development on words and forms in which they purely phonetically can not be explained, and serve in part to the identification of grammatical categories , NHG for example. Swan - Sr. ä ne (instead of older Schwanen ) to guest - g ä ste as a direct continuation of ahd. hospitable - g e sti .

The spelling of long vowels depends on the language, see the notes .

Germanic i-umlaut

The umlaut from Germanic (germ.) * E to germ. * I is adopted as a form of the i-umlaute peculiar to all Germanic languages . In Gothic, however, this sound change is obscured because there germ. * E basically appears as Gothic (Got.) I - except before the consonants got. R, h and ƕ, where it continues to appear as e (written ai ). For example in Gothic faíhu 'assets' compared to Old High German (ahd.) Fihu 'cattle'.

With this sound change, a germ. * E is raised to an * i if an i sound occurs in the following syllable, possibly also in the same syllable. Examples:

  • Indo-European (IE). * Méd h yo 'heart' is * medjaz to germ. * Midjaz . This shape is obtained e.g. B. got. Midjis, altnordisch (at.) MIDR, Old English (ae.) Midd or ahd. Mitt .
  • Idg. * b h éresi 'you carry' or * b h éreti 'he / she carries' becomes via * berizi, * beriþi to germ. * birizi, * biriþi, which in turn, for example, in ae. birst, birþ or in ahd. biris, birit, yes also in New High German (nhd.) you give birth, it gives birth (but with a different meaning) is preserved.

This sound change also affects the German diphthong * eu, which appears before i-sounds as * iu . Example:

  • Idg. * néwios 'new' becomes a Germanic * niwjaz, as in Got. niujis, ae. Niewe, ahd. niuwi .

Elevation from germ. * E to * i in other surroundings

In connection with the sound change just described, further elevations from germ. * E to * i are often mentioned . A germ. * E is also raised to * i if the * e is followed by a nasal , which either has to be followed by another consonant or the nasal is in the final word ( i.e. when it occurs in the syllable koda). Examples are:

  • Idg. * en 'in' becomes germ. * in .
  • Idg. * pénk w e 'five' (cf. ancient Greek πέντε (pente) ) becomes * fimf in Germanic .
  • Late Idg. * H 2 hurt 1 NTOS 'wind' is * wentós to germ. * Windaz .

Another case of such an accentuation in Old High German and Old Saxon is the accentuation of * e to * i before an * u in the following syllable. For example, an ahd.sibun 'seven' has an ae. seofon opposite. The same applies to the first person singular present indicative of strong verbs , for example in ahd. (I) stilu '(I) steal' or (I) gibu 'I give', or also in ahd. (I) biru '(I) Wear', for example, with the shape of the old English Vespasian Psalter beoru or with the Northumbrian bero contrasted. In the New High German standard language, this phenomenon is no longer present in the 1st person singular present indicative, whereas Bavarian , for example, still shows the elevation when it says [ iː kiːp ] (written: i give ).

The same applies here again to the diphthong germ. * Eu . The first person singular present indicative of the verb ahd. Klioban (germ. * Kleubaną ) 'spalten, klieben' in Old High German (I) kliubu .

Even if the results of these sound change processes are similar to the result of the (common) Germanic i-umlauts, they are not cases of i-umlauts because they were not caused by an i-sound. The entirety of all sound changes from germ. * E to * i, regardless of their origin, which are not restricted to Gothic, are summarized under the name Northwest Germanic elevation .

i-umlaut in standard German

Primary, secondary and residual umlaut

In the historical development from Old High German to New High German, umlauted forms have been handed down at different times. One speaks in the earlier forms of primary umlaut, in later from secondary umlaut or residual umlaut .

Merseburg magic spells - Merseburg cathedral monastery library, Codex 136, f. 85r, 10th century (photo print from 1897, digitally colored)

Within Standard German, the i-umlaut of ahd. / A / has been comprehensible in manuscripts since the 8th century , while it was often missing in glossaries before that. It appears by the character e . Most of them are affected by / a / before an i-sound; for example in the following cases:

  • in the old high German adjective festi 'fest' (cf. English to fasten 'festmachen')
  • in the comparative old high German lengiro 'longer' (to ahd. long )
  • in the conjunction enti 'and' (cf. engl. and )
  • with the nouns beri 'berry' ( got. basi ) and heri 'heer' (got. harjis )
  • in the Ahd. verbs staple 'staple, bind' ( got.haftjan ) and lezzen ' hemmen , hinder' ( got.latjan ) etc.

The last three exemplary words can also be found in a verse of the first Merseburg magic spell , where it says: suma hapt heptidun / suma heri lezidun ('some stuck / some inhibited the army').

Within a flexion paradigm , umlaut and umlautlos forms can also face each other:

Some old high German loanwords also show this i-umlaut, for example

  • Old High German engil 'angel' from ancient Greek ἄγγελος (aggelos) 'messenger'
  • Old High German kezzil 'boiler' from Latin catīllus

This umlaut a to e is the only one that is used in most of Old High German and is also known as the primary umlaut . However, it did not occur in certain phonetic environments and only becomes visible here at a later point in linguistic development. This so-called umlauts hindrance can occur in the following cases:

  • between a and the i-sound there is a consonant cluster / x t / (spelled ht ) or / x s / (spelled hs ):
    • Nominative singular maht 'power' - nominative u. Accusative plural mahti 'powers'
    • Infinitive wahsan 'grow' - 3rd person singular present indicative wahsit 'grows'
  • between a and the i-sound there is a consonant cluster Cw ( C stands for any consonant):
    • Infinitive garwen (cf. nhd. Gerben ) from germ. * Garwijaną 'prepare'
  • Upper German also: lC, rC and hh, ch from germ. * k:
    • Infinitive haltan 'hold' - 2nd person singular present indicative haltis ( Franconian (fränk.): Heltis ) ' haltst '
    • Comparative form starchiro 'stronger'
    • Infinitive sachan 'argue' - 2nd person singular present indicative sahhis 'argue'
  • the i-sound is in the next but one syllable:
    • Nominative singular zahar 'tear, tenacious ' - plural zahari or zahiri tears
    • but: nominative singular apful 'apple' - plural epfili 'apples'; Nominative singular nagal 'nail' - plural negili 'nails'

From around 1000 AD, the i-umlaut of ahd. / Ū / is graphically reproduced as iu , especially in Notker's writings . This is due to the fact that in most of the Old High German dialects the old diphthong / iu / is monophthongized too long [ȳ] and thus coincides aloud with the umlaut product of ahd. / Ū /. One character is therefore available for the umlaut. Examples of this:

  • Nominative singular hût 'skin' - nominative plural hiute ' skin '
  • Nominative singular chrût 'herb' - plural chríuter 'herbs'

From the 12th century, written representatives for other vowels with umlauts appeared in Middle High German (Mhd.), But by no means consistently. So appears - at least in normalized Middle High German - ü from u, ö from o; iu from ū; œ from ô; æ from â; öu from ou; üe from uo and also ä from a in those cases where umlauts have been hindered in Old High German. Examples:

  • mhd. dice 'dice' - ahd. wurfil
  • MHG. oil 'oil' (ahd. oli, ole ) of medium latin olium
  • mhd. hiute skins
  • mhd. higher (ahd. hōhir ) 'higher' to mhd. hôch 'high'
  • mhd. swære 'difficult' - ahd. swāri
  • Nominative plural löuber (ahd. Loubir ) - nominative singular loup 'Laub, Blatt'
  • mhd. büezen 'atone' - ahd. buozen from germ. * bōt-ja-
  • Nominative plural tougher 'tears'
  • Nominative plural mowed 'powers'

The umlaut ä from a is often also considered with the term secondary umlaut , since the written reproduction occurs later, in contrast to the primary umlaut, which is already used in Old High German. The other umlauts ( u to ü etc.) are referred to as residual umlaut in this reading of the secondary umlaut . However, the term secondary umlaut can also refer to all i umlauts except the ahd. Primary umlaut. So the term is ambiguous .

Individual place-name documents show the existence of secondary and residual umlauts as early as the early 9th century, which is why it seems likely that all types of umlauts were actually already present in Old High German, even if they were not reproduced in the script. Presumably they originated in the early 8th century. Ottar Grønvik , in view of the spellings of the type ei, ui and oi in the early evidence , confirms the old epenthesis theory , which sees the origin of the umlaut vowels in the insertion of / j / after the back vowels, not only in West Germanic but also in North Germanic.

i-umlaut from germ. * e

It should also be noted that an Old High German, open / ë / can also be changed to a closed [e] if it is placed in front of i-sounds. According to phonetic law , this would not be possible, since a germ. * E (= ë ) before i-sounds becomes * i (cf. Germanic i-umlaut above), however ë can be introduced again before i-sounds by analogy . In NHG this is no longer seen in recent dialects that the Primärumlaut- e (inherited from the Germanic) nor from the "old" ë separate, however, already have. The numeral nhd. Six is in Bavarian [ seks ] with a closed e-sound, although the word already had an e-sound in Germanic (Germ. * Sehs ). In contrast, the word for nhd. Sixteen in Bavarian is [ sɛxt͡sen ] with an open e-sound, which corresponds to the germ. * E. The form [ seks ] is now explained in such a way that it comes from the inflected form of the numeral, ahd. Sehsi / sehsiu , where the open ë came before an i sound and was thus raised to a closed e .

Umlaut

The term " back umlaut " , coined due to an error by Jacob Grimm , denotes a change between umlauted and umlautlos form of certain verbs with a j suffix.

"In the weak verbs concerned, the infinitive and the present tense have the umlaut, the preterital forms have no umlaut. In the grammars, the misleading term 'back umlaut' is used for this phenomenon; there was never an umlaut in the past tense."

For example, the infinitive for the verb for 'brennen' in Old High German is brennen with a primary umlaut (from a germ. * Brannijaną ), but the past tense in the 1st and 3rd person singular indicative branta 'ich / es burn' without umlaut. In contrast, the simple past of the verb ahd. Nerien 'save' (from Germ. * Nazjaną ) in the 1st and 3rd person singular simple past indicative nerita 'I / she saved' with an i-umlaut. This is explained so that in the "back end umlaut" verbs that i had already failed in the past tense before I umlaut occurred. In Middle High German this also applies to verbs like listen 'hear' with the past tense heard 'heard' proclaim 'announce' the past tense kundte who do not yet show in Old High German this change because the umlaut was still not appear in these cases. In New High German, the cases where the so-called back umlaut is still visible are limited to a few verbs, for example brennen - burned; run - ran; send - sent , etc., with send already having the (regular) subsidiary form sent .

Functionalization and current situation in standard German and in the dialects

After the attenuation of volltonigen addition syllable vowels of OHG (for example i to schwa -sound [⁠ ə ⁠] (Screwed. E ) as in NHG. Guests ) obtained at the beginning of the Middle High German umlaut increasingly functional significance in the word formation and in the Marking of certain morphological categories, such as plural, 2nd and 3rd person singular present indicative in the verb or in the enhancement of the adjectives. The i-umlaut is morphologized, so to speak, the phonetic change is abstracted and is now characteristic of certain morphological categories. Already in Early New High German , the umlaut in the plural designation is transferred analogously to nouns that, according to the law, should not have an i umlaut at all, for example early New High German (fnhd.) Nominative plural hälser (ahd. Nominative singular hals - plural halsa ). The nhd. Word Zögling also shows umlaut, although it was not formed until the 18th century.

This morphological functionalization can also be found in modern contemporary language. The Duden grammar, for example, gives rules about when a plural with umlaut is formed. Among other things, feminine nouns with a plural have - e always have umlaut, as do neutrals with the plural - er, provided the stressed vowel is umlaut at all. The er -plural in particular shows the expansion of the umlauts very clearly, as this method of formation in Old High German was only limited to one inflection class (ahd .: lamb 'Lamm' - lembir; kalb 'Kalb' - kelbir; also the nouns ahd. Huon ' Chicken ', egg ' egg ', farh ' piglet ', blat ' leaf 'etc.).

Of course, the German dialects also show reflexes of the phonetic umlauts as well as the functionalization. Although the rounded umlaut vowels appear as unrounded front tongue vowels from a phonetic point of view in most High German dialects and are thus identical to the old i, e etc., the process of umlaut can still be recognized in them. For example, the standard German word key with the i- umlaut vowel ü (ahd. Sluzzil ) in Bavarian [ ʃlisl̩ ] (written Schlissl ) with ü rounded to i .

Marking of morphological categories also occurs in dialects. The plural is often formed with an umlaut, mainly because in the High German dialects a final e is often apocopied and thus the singular form and plural form would have coincided (the plural of standard German guests, for example, is in Bavarian [ gest ] (written gesture or guest ) without the - e of the standard language). The functionalization of the umlauts as a plural morpheme can be found above all in those areas where this drop in the final e occurs. Some German dialects even go so far that they convert words that have always had an i in the singular to a u . This creates a new, "quasi-umlaut" paradigm . Singular forms such as fuš for fish or muk for mosquito are documented in Hessian, Palatine, Upper Franconian and partly in Swabian, Alsatian and Thuringian singular forms .

i-umlaut in English

The i-umlaut in Old English dialects

There is no uniform umlaut process in Old English , as Old English - like Old High German - was divided into dialectics. A distinction is made between the four dialects: Saxon , especially in its form West Saxon , the Jutian dialect Kentish as well as the two Anglic dialects Merzisch and Northern Humbrian . Accordingly, there are also differences between the dialects in the umlaut, even if not serious. In addition to the i-umlaut, Old English also has a velar umlaut , which is not dealt with here.

In contrast to Old High German, the i-umlaut in the Old English area is fully detectable in the earliest texts. The following table gives an overview of the umlaut in the various Old English dialects. However, the development of the germ. * A and * ā in Old English should be mentioned in advance, as it is important for understanding the umlaut of these vowels. Germ. * a and * ā appear regularly in Old English as æ and ǣ if not followed by a nasal. Examples are ae. dæȝ . 'Day' compared to ahd day or ae. lǣtan 'let' compared to ahd.lāzan . Before the nasal, on the other hand, the a sound has been dimmed and appears in the spelling as a or o as in ae. man or mon 'man'. The nasal can sometimes also disappear, for example before the fricatives f, þ and s , as in ae. ȝōs 'goose' compared to ahd.gans . Likewise, the development of the German diphthong * ai ae. ā pointed out, as in ae. stān 'stone' (ahd. stone ).

The old English dialects Examples
West Saxon Kentish Merzisch North Humbrian
Short
vowels
ae. a æ æ> e æ / e æ ae. læden 'Latin' from Latin latinum
ae. æ e e e e ae. here 'army' - got. harjis 
ae. a / o + N æ> e æ> e æ> e æ> e ae. strara 'stronger' to ae. stranȝ / stronȝ 'strong'
ae. O oe> e oe> e oe oe angl. oele, ws. ele 'oil' from Latin oleum
ae. u y y> e y y ae. hunȝor 'hunger' - ae. hynȝran 'starve'
Long
vowels
ae. - ǣ ē ǣ ǣ ae. hāl 'salvation' - ae. hǣlan 'heal'
ae. ō (from ā) + N ōē> ē ōē> ē ōē ōē ae. cwēn 'woman' in comparison to an. kván
ae. O ōē> ē ōē> ē ōē ōē ae. dōm 'judgment' - ae. dēman 'judge'
ae. ū ȳ ȳ> ē ȳ ȳ ae. cūð 'known, kund' - ae. cȳðan 'announce'
Note: This table is only intended to give a rough overview of the i-umlaut in Old English and the Old English dialects. Some exceptions, deviations and special cases are therefore not taken into account. For example, vocalism in the West Saxon forms bærnan 'make burn, kindle' and ærnan 'make run' - derivatives of ae. beornan 'burn' and eornan 'run' - problems with the above table. Both forms are based on a germ. * Brannijaną or * rannijaną , that is: i-umlaut from a / o before nasal to æ and then further to e would be expected. However, since the r has come before the nasal through metathesis , the elevation to e is omitted . Certain other, Old English or dialectal sound change processes that also interact with the i-umlaut would also be taken into account. In West Saxon, for example , the adjective 'old' is eald, the comparative ieldra with i-umlaut from ea to ie . In the Anglian dialects, however, is faced with the consonant cluster IC instead ea only a, whose i-umlaut æ is (as the comparative is to ald in Anglian ældra ).

The Old English diphthongs can also be changed. The i-umlaut of the diphthongs ae. ea and ēa are ie or īe in West Saxon , as in ieldra 'older' to ae. eald 'old' or in hīehra 'higher' to hēah 'high'. This ie or īe later becomes so-called “unstable i / ī” in West Saxon, which is written as i od. Y or ī od. Ȳ . In the other dialects, the i-umlaut appears to ea and ēa as e or ē . The other diphthong, io or īo, the reflex of the Germanic diphthong * eu before i-sounds, shows as i-umlaut in West Saxon again ie or īe with the later “unsteady i / ī”, in the other dialects it appears unchanged as io or īo, which later partially becomes eo or ēo .

Further development of the i-umlaut vowels towards Middle and New English

The further development of the umlaut vowels in Middle English is unspectacular. Ae. oe and ōē, where they had been preserved, were de-rounded, at the latest in North Humbrian in the 11th century, as in dōēman 'judge' to dēman . In Late Old English and Middle English, y and ȳ are also rounded off to i and ī , although they differ from region to region and sometimes also to u . Ae. æ has been changed to a and auch also experiences a qualitative change.

In contrast to German, the i-umlaut has never had a significant morphological meaning in English, such as the singular-plural differentiation and the like. .. Viktor Schirmunski are in an essay from the early 1960s, some of the reasons to: Already in the Old and Middle High German often the difference between umlaut-less singular form and vice lauteter plural form was (see the example above: ahd hospitable 'Guest' - gesti ' Guests'), which was later expanded to include other nouns that should normally not have the umlauted plural. This was not the case in English, as both the singular and the plural form were often changed. In Old English, for example, it is called in the singular wyrp 'throw', sleȝe 'blow' or brȳd 'bride' with the associated plural forms wyrpas, sleȝe and brȳde . In comparison, the example words in the German language levels were as follows: ahd. Wurf with the plural wurfi , ahd. Slag with the plural slegi and ahd. Brūt with the plural brūti . Only a smaller class of nouns also showed singular-plural differentiation by means of i-umlaut in Old English, such as ae. fōt 'foot' with the plural fēt . Even in modern English, this class sometimes still has umlaut such as ne. foot 'Fuß' - feet, tooth 'Zahn' - teeth; mouse 'mouse' - mice . In addition, in Middle English times the suffix -s became the general plural character, a suffix * -er, as it was productive in German, was therefore not necessary in English. Even in the case of its enforcement would have caused no i-umlaut, as in Old English a different variant of the same suffix as in Old High German was predominant (see ae.. Lomb 'Lamb' and Pl. Lombru compared to OHG. Lamb - lembir ) .

In other categories, such as the 2nd and 3rd person singular present indicative in strong verbs , the i-umlaut was already compensated analogically in the later Old English . In earlier Old English it says (þū) fell '(you) fall' and (hē) fealð '(he) falls' to the infinitive feallan 'fallen', but late Old English already fealst and fealð . The New High German forms, however, show umlaut. Even with the so-called noun agentis , the perpetrator nomen, umlaut can often be recognized in German, such as in nhd. Wächter (ahd. Wahtāri .) This umlaut is completely absent in Old English, for example with the noun ae. bōcere 'scholar, scribe' to ae. bōc 'book'. In its linguistic history, English often compensated for morphologically determined alternations between umlauted and unlauded vowelism, if such an alternation had existed at all. The i-umlaut is still recognizable in English in words like ne. bride 'bride' and the like, although morphologically it is essentially irrelevant.

i-umlaut in Icelandic

Differentiation from other sound change processes

Even the Icelandic shows effects of the umlaut. In addition to the i-umlaut (and the Germanic a-umlaut ) but there is also a u-umlaut occurred, in which, for example, a urnordisches (urn.) A an open o-sound [⁠ ɔ ⁠] has been changed, as in old Icelandic (aisl.) hǫll 'Halle' or aisl. vǫllr 'field', which developed from germ. * hallō or * walþuz over * hallu or (among other things) * walþuR to the specified forms. During the Old Icelandic this vowel is [⁠ ɔ ⁠] but then urn with the i-umlaut product. o, aisl. ø, collapsed into ø . Therefore, the corresponding words in modern Icelandic are hell and utterly .

In addition, there is another sound change in Old Icelandic, the so-called a- and u-refraction . (She is responsible for the fact that a germ. * Hertōn 'heart' (cf. nhd. Heart, ahd. Hërza etc.) became a hjarta in old Icelandic , and a germ. * Ferþuz became an aisl. Fjǫrðr 'fjord'. ) However, it is not related to the i-umlaut.

i-umlaut in old Icelandic

The i-umlaut already appears at the beginning of the handwritten Old Icelandic tradition. The first surviving documents are dated to the 12th century, although it is assumed that this language was written in earlier times. The emergence of the umlaut vowels from the i umlaut in the entire North Germanic area, on the other hand, is roughly dated to a period between 550 and 1050, from which no original manuscripts have survived, only forms in foreign-language texts and runic inscriptions . In the first grammatical treatise , umlauts, including those from the u umlaut, are already mentioned. The author suggests adding four more vowel characters to the five Latin vowel characters <a>, <e>, <i>, <o> and <u>, namely <ǫ>, <ę>, <ø> and <y> . It says:

"The ę is written with the hook of the a, but generally with the form of the e, as it is mixed from the two, spoken with a less open mouth than the a, with a more open mouth than the e."

- Gustav Neckel and Felix Niedner (translators) : The younger Edda with the so-called first grammatical treatise. Eugen Diederichs Verlag, Düsseldorf-Cologne, 1966, p. 335

Something similar can be found for the letters <ø> and <y>. The former is "mixed from the sound of the e and that of the o", the latter "consists of the sound of the i and that of the u".

Phonically, the i-umlaut in North Germanic or Old Icelandic is similar to that in the other Germanic languages. The following table should show this (between i-umlaut - in the narrower sense, i.e.: triggered by a short i or long ī - and j-umlaut - triggered by the semivowel j - no distinction is made):

Short vowels Long vowels Diphthongs
Old Icelandic Examples Old Icelandic Examples Old Icelandic Examples
urn. a / æ /> / e / aisl. verma 'warm' from urn. * warmijan urn. - æ aisl. mæla 'speak' in comparison to aisl. mál 'language' urn. ouch ey aisl. hleypa '(to make jmd.) run' in comparison to aisl. hlaupa 'run'
urn. O O aisl. sønir 'the sons' in comparison to aisl. sonr 'son' urn. O œ aisl. dœma 'judge' in comparison to aisl. dómr 'judgment' urn. eu ~ iu ý aisl. flýgr 'du fliegst' (from urn. * fliugiR ) compared to aisl. fljúga 'to fly' (from urn. * fleugan )
urn. u y aisl. spyrja 'track down' from urn. * spurjan urn. ū ý aisl. sýpr 'you drink' (from urn. * sūpiR ) compared to aisl. súpa 'drinking'

A special case occurs when there is a combined umlaut from i-umlaut and u-umlaut. The 2nd person singular present indicative of the verb for 'hauen' (aisl. Hǫggva ) is aisl. høggr . The infinitive germ. * Hawwaną (cf. also nhd. Hauen, ahd. Houwan, ae. Hēawan ) becomes aisl in Old Icelandic with the tightening of germ. * Ww . * ggv and u-umlaut (or w-umlaut) to hǫggva . The 2nd person singular germ. * Hawwizi or urn. * haggwiR, on the other hand, experiences both u-umlaut and i-umlaut of the * a to aisl. ø .

"Exceptions" to the i-umlaut

Like German, Old Icelandic also knows cases in which the i-umlaut should have occurred, but it is not. This phenomenon is related to the syllable weight as well as the syncope of the umlaut triggering * i, while a * j always triggers umlaut. Verbs to a j-suffix with severe root syllable, that is, verbs whose root syllable on long vowel or diphthong plus consonant starts (AISL for example. Döma : from germ *. Dōmijaną : œ denotes a long vowel, m logically a consonant), point in the past tense and past participle i-umlaut (for example dœma in the infinitive, dœmða 'I judged' in the simple past). Verbs with a j-suffix with a light stem syllable, i.e. verbs with a stem syllable on a short vowel and at most one consonant (for example aisl. Velja 'choose') or long vowel (for example aisl. Knýja 'to strike') or diphthong (for example aisl. þreyja ' sehen ') without the following consonant, form the past tense and past participle without an i-umlaut (i.e. velja - valða; knýja - knúða; þreyja - þráða ). In principle, this phenomenon is comparable to the back umlaut in German, although the i umlaut in German is not omitted in the same cases as in Old Icelandic. Roughly speaking, the long-syllable verbs appear in German without i-umlaut (for example mhd. Hœren 'hear' - heard 'heard'), whereas the short-syllable verbs appear with i-umlaut (for example ahd. Nerien 'rescue' - nerita 'rescued') . The situation in German appears "the other way around" than in Old Icelandic.

This lack of the i umlauts is not only limited to verbs, nouns also show the phenomenon. The German word * katilaz shows in Old Icelandic in the nominative singular ketill the expected umlaut before the preserved i . The nominative plural katlar, on the other hand, shows a non-umlauted a , because the i was syncopated and a light syllable was present ( kat- with short vowel plus simple consonant). A comparable word with heavy syllables is aisl. engill (like ahd. engil loan word from gr. ἄγγελος (xaggelos) ), which has English as the nominative plural .

iR umlaut, R umlaut and g / k palatalization

Another phenomenon complicates the old Icelandic umlaut: a final urn. * -iR also triggers umlaut after a short syllable, which normally should not be used. This phenomenon is known as the iR umlaut . This is the 2nd person singular present indicative of aisl. troða 'kick' not * troðr, but trøðr, since it is on urn. * trodiR is due. However, a urn immediately following the vowel also resolves. * R has a kind of umlaut, although there is no longer an i sound in play (R umlaut). This is the old Icelandic word for 'sow' sýr, which comes from germ. * Sūz about urn. * sūR to the corresponding, aisl. Shape became.

Another special case is, for example, in the dative singular of the word for 'day', which is degi . However, the i of the ending is not the continuation of an earlier i-sound, but rather it continues the diphthong * ai that goes over urn. * ē and * e became i in Old Icelandic . So it is not an i-sound that triggers the i-umlaut, as in the dative singular of the word for 'arm', aisl. armi, becomes apparent. degi still has "umlauted" stem syllable vowels (cf. Nom. Sg .: dagr ), since a sound group g / k + this i-sound "umlaut" or palatalizes a following vowel .

Morphological integration of the umlauts

The sound change processes described - different umlauts and the two refractions - are deeply anchored in the morphological system of Old Icelandic and sometimes lead to considerable differences between the individual categories. To show this by way of example, three paradigms from the nominal inflection are listed:

Singular Plural
aisl. ketill 'kettle' Note aisl. vǫllr 'field' Note aisl. fjǫrðr 'fjord' Note aisl. ketill 'kettle' Note aisl. vǫllr 'field' Note aisl. fjǫrðr 'fjord' Note
Nominative ketill i-umlaut vǫllr u-umlaut fjǫrðr u refraction katlar i-umlaut is omitted after a light syllable vellir i-umlaut firðir germ. i-umlaut
Genitive ketils i-umlaut vallar --- fjardar a-refraction katla i-umlaut is omitted after a light syllable valla --- fjarða a-refraction
dative katli i-umlaut is omitted after a light syllable velli i-umlaut firði germ. i-umlaut kǫtlum u-umlaut vǫllum u-umlaut fjǫrðum u refraction
accusative ketil i-umlaut vǫll u-umlaut fjǫrð u refraction katla i-umlaut is omitted after a light syllable vǫllu u-umlaut fjǫrðu u refraction

Development towards New Icelandic

In New Icelandic, the spelling of the umlaut vowels is almost unchanged. In modern Icelandic as in German, <ø> is written with <ö>, whereas the long vowel <œ> appears as <æ>. The articulation but was radically altered in part: <y> and <ý> represent like <i> and <í> the vowels [⁠ ɪ ⁠] and [⁠ i ⁠] , <æ> presents a diphthong [ ai ], <ey> stands for [ ei ] like <ei> . In the theory of forms, on the other hand, few changes have occurred. The paradigm of aisl. For example, fjǫrðr only has the nominative singular in nisl. fjörður and the accusative plural on nisl. firði changed.

For the spelling of long vowels

The representation of long vowels in historical linguistics often varies from language to language. A macron can often be found above the corresponding vowel: a long a is represented as ā , a long e as ē , etc.

For Middle High German , on the other hand, one likes to use a circumflex : A long a is represented as â , a long e as ê , etc. With long ä, ö and ü one deviates from it: Long ä is represented as æ , long ö as œ and long ü with the digraph iu . It should be noted that these symbols can stand for other sounds in other languages. In an old English example, æ does not denote a long ä, but the over-open e-sound ( IPA symbol: æ , e.g. English man, pronunciation: [ mæn ]), whose long vowel counterpart is often reproduced as ǣ .

For Old Icelandic , long vowels are made visible by an acute accent on the corresponding vowel mark: A long a appears as á . This acute acute does not allow any conclusions to be drawn about the word accent. In contrast, in many other languages ​​the acute character marks the position of the word accent and says nothing about the length or shortness of the vowel.

See also

literature

General manuals and grammars for the old Germanic languages

Note: In these works, the umlaut is shown in more or less detail. Further literature is often given.

  • Wilhelm Braune , Frank Heidermanns (arrangement): Gothic grammar. With reading pieces and dictionary. Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen, 2004, 20th edition, ISBN 3-484-10850-9 .
  • Wilhelm Braune, Ingo Reiffenstein (arrangement): Old High German grammar I. Phonology and form theory. Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen, 2004, 15th edition, ISBN 3-484-10861-4
  • Karl Brunner : Outline of the Middle English grammar. Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen, 1962, 5th edition.
  • Karl Brunner: Old English grammar. Based on the Anglo-Saxon grammar by Eduard Sievers. Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen, 1965, 3rd edition.
  • Alistair Campbell: Old English Grammar. At the Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1959; Reprint: 2003, ISBN 0-19-811943-7 .
  • Siegfried Gutenbrunner : Historical sound and form theory of the old Icelandic. At the same time an introduction to the traditional Nordic. Carl Winter University Press, Heidelberg, 1951
  • Einar Haugen : The Scandinavian languages. An introduction to their history. Helmut Buske Verlag, Hamburg, 1984, authorized translation from English by Magnús Pétursson, ISBN 3-87548-092-9
  • Hans Krahe : Germanic Linguistics I. Introduction and phonology. Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin, 1960 [= Göschen Collection Volume 238]
  • Hans Krahe: Germanic Linguistics II. Form theory. Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin, 1961 [= Göschen Collection Volume 780]
  • Wolfgang Krause: Handbook of the Gothic. CH Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, Munich, 1963, 2nd edition
  • Robert Nedoma : Small grammar of old Icelandic. Universitätsverlag Winter, Heidelberg, 2006, 2nd edition, ISBN 3-8253-5175-0
  • Hermann Paul , Thomas Klein , Hans-Joachim Solms, Klaus-Peter Wegera (arrangement): Middle High German grammar. Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen, 2007, 25th edition (with a syntax by Ingeborg Schröbler, revised and expanded by Heinz-Peter Prell), ISBN 978-3-484-64034-4
  • Hans Ernst Pinsker: Historical English grammar. Elements of the theory of sounds, forms and word formation. Max Hueber Verlag, Munich, 1963, 2nd edition
  • Oskar Reichmann, Klaus-Peter Wegera (Eds.): Early New High German Grammar. Max Niemeyer Verlag, Tübingen, 1993, ISBN 3-484-10672-7
  • Don Rings: From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic. A Linguistic History of English, Vol. 1. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2006 (paperback: 2008), ISBN 978-0-19-955229-0

Special literature on umlaut, especially the i umlaut

  • Fausto Cercignani : Early "Umlaut" Phenomena in the Germanic Languages. In: Language 56/1, 1980, pp. 126-136.
  • Fausto Cercignani : Alleged Gothic umlauts. In: Indogermanische Forschungen 85, 1980, pp 207-213.
  • Marcin Krygier: From Regularity to Anomaly. Inflectional i -Umlaut in Middle English. Peter Lang European Science Publishing House, Frankfurt am Main, [u. a.], 1997
    Study on the i-umlaut in Middle English in the inflection. Also includes an overview of the history of science and an overview of various theoretical approaches to (i-) umlaut.
  • Heinrich Lüssy: Umlaut in the German dialects. In: Werner Besch, Ulrich Knoop, Wolfgang Putschke, Herbert Ernst Wiegand (eds.): Dialectology. A manual for German and general dialect research. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, New York, 1983, second half volume, pp. 1083-1088
    Overview article on umlaut in German dialects.
  • Viktor Schirmunski : The umlaut in English and German. A historical-grammatical comparison. In: Journal of English and American Studies. 9, 1961, pp. 139-153. From: Вопросы Грамматики (Сборник статей к 75-летию Академика И. И. Мещанинова). Изд. АН СССР, Москва-Ленинград 1960, pp. 310-330. Translated from the Russian by Klaus Hansen.
    Comparative study between the i-umlaut and the reflexes of the i-umlaut in German and English.
  • Michael Schulte : Basic questions of umlaut phonemization. A structural analysis of the North Germanic i / j umlauts taking into account the older runic inscriptions. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin [a. a.] 1998 (= supplementary volumes to the Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde 17)
    Contains an overview of the history of science as well as the existing theoretical approaches.

Essays

  • Elmer H. Antonsen: Germanic Umlaut anew. In: Language 37, 1961, pp. 215-230
  • Elmer H. Antonsen: About the German umlaut. In: Contributions to the history of German language and literature 86, 1964, pp. 177–196
    Structuralist view of the i-umlaut. The i-umlaut is regarded as a common Germanic phenomenon; according to Antonsen, the umlaut already takes place on the phonetic level in common Germanic. Is in the diction of Twaddell (1938).
  • Hreinn Benediktsson: Some Aspects of Nordic Umlaut and Breaking. In: Language 39, 1963, pp. 409-431
  • Ingerid Dal: About the I umlaut in German. In: Neuphilologische Mitteilungen. 68, 1967, pp. 47-64
    Emphasis on the morphology in the development of the umlaut in German language history. The morphologization of the umlaut played an important role in preserving the umlaut vowels.
  • Einar Haugen: Phonemic Indeterminacy and Scandinavian Umlaut. In: Folia Linguistica 3, 1/2, 1969, pp. 107-119
  • Axel Kock : The I umlaut and the common Nordic loss of the end vocals. In: Contributions to the history of German language and literature 14, 1889, pp. 53–75
  • Axel Kock: On the theory of sounds and forms in the Old Norse languages. In: Contributions to the history of the German language and literature 15, 1891, pp. 244–267
  • Axel Kock: Critical comments on the question about the I umlaut. In: Contributions to the history of the German language and literature. 18, 1894, pp. 417-464
  • Axel Kock: The I umlaut of E in the Old Norse languages. In: Contributions to the history of German language and literature 27, 1902, pp. 166–190
    Consider the North Germanic i-umlaut as an umlaut in three phases. A connection with the syncope in North Germanic is made.
  • William G. Moulton : On the history of the German vocal system. In: Contributions to the history of the German language and literature 83, 1961 a. 1962, pp. 1–35
    Structuralistic interpretation of the i-umlaut in German, as in Antonsen, Penzl and Twaddell.
  • Herbert Penzl: Umlaut and Secondary Umlaut in Old High German. In: Language. 25, 1949, pp. 223-240.
  • Herbert Penzl: On the origin of the i-umlauts in North Germanic . In: Karl Gustav Ljunggren, et al. (Ed.): Arkiv för nordisk filologi (ANF) . Episode 5, volume 10 (= band 66 of the complete edition). CWK Gleerups förlag, Lund 1951, p. 1–15 (multilingual, journals.lub.lu.se [PDF]). Structuralistic interpretation of the i-umlauts. Basically follows the views of Twaddell (1938), even if he deviates from them on some important points.
  • Günther Schweikle: Accent and articulation. Considerations on the historical sound history. In: Contributions to the history of German language and literature 86, 1964, pp. 197–265.
  • M. Streblin-Kamenskij: Concerning the Three Periods in the Scandinavian i-Umlaut . In: Karl Gustav Ljunggren, et al. (Ed.): Arkiv för nordisk filologi (ANF) . Episode 5, volume 18 (= band 74 of the complete edition). CWK Gleerups förlag, Lund 1959, p. 105–111 (multilingual, journals.lub.lu.se [PDF]).
  • William Freeman Twaddell: A Note on Old High German Umlaut. In: Monthly books for German teaching. Vol. 30, 1938, pp. 177–181
    One of the central essays on the German i-umlaut. Is considered to be the founder of the structuralist interpretation of the i-umlauts (in German). He differentiates between phonetic umlaut (umlaut vowels occur before i-sounds in the adjacent syllable, but remain allophones of the original vowels ) and phonological umlaut (umlaut vowels become independent phonemes when the i-sounds in the adjacent syllables are weakened or omitted). It also deals with the problem that in the majority of the Ahd. Fonts only the primary umlaut is displayed.
  • Joseph B. Voyles: Old High German Umlaut. In: Journal for Comparative Linguistic Research 90, 1977, pp. 271–289.
  • Joseph B. Voyles: Old Norse i-Umlaut. In: Linguistics 253/254, 1982, pp. 267-285.
  • Joseph B. Voyles: A history of OHG i-umlaut. In: Contributions to the history of German language and literature 133, 1991, pp. 159–194
    Partly fundamental counter-position to Twaddell. In his explanation of the umlauts, he adheres very closely to the traditional material and explains the umlaut as a process that initially occurs in very specific cases, but then spreads to other (for example morphological) categories.

Other literature used

  • Hadumod Bußmann (Ed.): Lexicon of Linguistics. 3rd updated and expanded edition. Kröner, Stuttgart 2002, ISBN 3-520-45203-0 .
  • Duden. The grammar. Dudenverlag, Mannheim [a. a.] 2005, 7th edition, [= Duden Volume 4], ISBN 3-411-04047-5 .
  • Stefán Einarsson: Icelandic. Grammar, text, glossary. Johns Hopkins University Press , Baltimore, London 1945, (11th impress .: 1994), ISBN 0-8018-6357-0 .
  • Gustav Neckel and Felix Niedner (translators): The younger Edda with the so-called first grammatical treatise. Eugen Diederichs, Düsseldorf, Cologne 1966.
  • Astrid van Nahl : Introduction to Old Icelandic. A textbook and reading book. Helmut Buske Verlag, Hamburg 2003, ISBN 3-87548-329-4 .
  • Peter Wiesinger: Rounding and de-rounding, palatalization and de-palatalization, velarization and de-velarization in the German dialects. In: Werner Besch, Ulrich Knoop, Wolfgang Putschke, Herbert Ernst Wiegand (eds.): Dialectology. A manual for German and general dialect research. de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 1983; Second half volume, pp. 1101-1105.

Dictionaries

  • JR Clark Hall: A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. With a supplement by Herbert D. Meritt. Cambridge University Press, 1960, 4th edition; Reprint: University of Toronto Press, Toronto [u. a.] 2006, ISBN 0-8020-6548-1 .
  • Friedrich Kluge, Elmar Seebold (arr.): Kluge. Etymological dictionary of the German language. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, New York, 2002, 24th edition, ISBN 3-11-017473-1 .
  • Matthias Lexer: Middle High German pocket dictionary. With addenda by Ulrich Pretzel. S. Hirzel Wissenschaftliche Verlagsgesellschaft, Stuttgart 1992, 38th edition, ISBN 3-7776-0493-3 .
  • Rudolf Schützeichel: Old High German Dictionary. Max Niemeyer, 2006, 6th edition, ISBN 3-484-64031-6 .
  • Geir Tómasson Zoëga: A Concise Dictionary of Old Icelandic. At the Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1910; Reprint: Dover Publications, Inc., Mineola, New York 2004, ISBN 0-486-43431-1 .

Individual evidence

  1. ^ But see Fausto Cercignani , Early “Umlaut” Phenomena in the Germanic Languages. In "Language", 56/1, 1980, pp. 126-136.
  2. See Fausto Cercignani , Alleged Gothic Umlauts. In: Indogermanische Forschungen 85, 1980, pp 207-213.
  3. a b c Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 201
  4. ^ Rings, 2006, p. 126 ff.
  5. Braune / Heidermanns, 2004, p. 39
  6. Krause, 1963, p. 71
  7. Rings (2006, p. 126 f.) Also counts the development from idg. * Ey to germ. * Ī (e.g. in idg. * Deywós 'Gott' to germ. * Tīwaz ' Tyr ' ( ringen , 2006 , P. 127)) on this sound change. Other authors do not do this (cf. for example the remarks in Krause, 1963, p. 47 on this sound change, where he treats it apart from * e > * i before i-sound, or also Gutenbrunner, 1951, p. 32) .
  8. Rings, 2006, p. 126
  9. Germanic form before the entry of the i umlauts from e to i .
  10. a b c After rings, 2006, p. 127
  11. According to rings, 2006, p. 127; the nhd. forms according to Duden grammar, 2005, p. 493
  12. a b z. B. Bussmann, 2002, p. 719
  13. a b c d rings, 2006, p. 149
  14. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 32
  15. Brunner, 1965, p. 34
  16. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 282 and 284
  17. According to Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 282
  18. Brunner, 1965, p. 284
  19. After rings, 2006, p. 241
  20. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 278
  21. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 29
  22. Braune, Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 224
  23. Braune / Reiffenstein, p. 228
  24. Braune, Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 55 and Kluge, 2002, p. 941
  25. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 192
  26. Schützeichel, 2006, p. 152 u. Kluge, 2002, p. 400
  27. Schützeichel, 2006, p. 211 and Kluge, 2002, p. 954.
  28. Stephan Müller (Ed.): Old High German Literature. An annotated anthology. Philipp Reclam jun. Stuttgart, 2007, [= Reclam Universal Library No. 18491], p. 270 f.
  29. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 207
  30. Braune, Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 286.
  31. Kluge, 2002, p. 245.
  32. a b Kluge, 2002, p. 485.
  33. According to Paul, 2007, p. 89 fu Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 29 f.
  34. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 203
  35. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 29
  36. According to Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 30; Rings, 2006, p. 254; Kluge, 2002, p. 348
  37. a b c d e Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 30
  38. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 43 and 52 f.
  39. a b Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 43
  40. u. a .: Paul, 2007, p. 72
  41. Paul, 2007, p. 95
  42. Kluge, 2002, p. 666
  43. Paul, 2007, p. 101
  44. Paul, 2007, p. 100
  45. Paul, 2007, p. 97
  46. Paul, 2007, p. 105 u. Lexer, 1992, p. 130
  47. Kluge, 2002, p. 163
  48. a b Paul, 2007, p. 89
  49. Bußmann, 2002, p. 719
  50. ^ Adolf Gütter: Early evidence for the umlaut of ahd. / U /, / ō / and / ū / . In: Contributions to the history of the German language and literature . tape 133 , no. 1 , 2011, p. 1–13 , doi : 10.1515 / bgsl.2011.002 .
  51. ^ Ottar Grønvik: Studies on the older Nordic and Germanic language history . Peter Lang, Frankfurt 1998, ISBN 3-631-33479-6 .
  52. ^ Rings, 2006, p. 287
  53. According to Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 235 f.
  54. Paul, 2007, p. 90
  55. Ursula Schulze (Freie Universität Berlin), Grammatical Explanations ( Memento from July 28, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) for an introduction to Middle High German
  56. According to rings, 2006, p. 252
  57. a b According to Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 293
  58. ^ Rings, 2006, p. 253
  59. a b Paul, 2007, p. 260 ff.
  60. Duden-Grammatik, 2005, p. 455
  61. Paul, 2007, p. 73
  62. Reichmann / Wegera, 1993, p. 185 and Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 186
  63. ^ Kluge, 2002, p. 1015
  64. Duden-Grammatik, 2005, p. 186
  65. According to Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 188; Sample words from there too
  66. Wiesinger, 1983, p. 1102 f.
  67. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 186
  68. a b Lüssy, 1983, p. 1086
  69. Lüssy, 1983, p. 1087
  70. Brunner, 1965, p. 2
  71. Brunner, 1965, pp. 80-89
  72. Brunner, 1965, p. 68
  73. According to Brunner, 1965, pp. 14–28 u. Pp. 69-79 and Pinsker, 1963, pp. 22-24
  74. a b c Pinsker, 1963, p. 19
  75. Brunner, 1965, p. 150
  76. After Brunner, 1965, p. 150 u. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 204
  77. Schützeichel, 2006, p. 333
  78. Pinsker, 1963, p. 20
  79. ^ Campbell, 1959, p. 122
  80. In the Merzian dialect of the Vespasian Psalter, e also appears frequently ; see. Brunner, 1965, p. 40 and Campbell, 1959, p. 74
  81. ^ After Brunner, 1965, p. 73
  82. ^ After Brunner, 1965, p. 72
  83. The difference in the umlaut of ae. here and ae. læden, although both vowels go back to an a , can be explained by the fact that the loan word latinum was no longer covered by the “lightening” * a to æ and thus the vowel a was changed to æ . (See Brunner, 1963, p. 72 f.)
  84. After Brunner, 1965, p. 74
  85. a b According to Brunner, 1965, p. 76
  86. After Brunner, 1965, p. 76 u. Hall, 1960, p. 201
  87. After Brunner, 1965, p. 74
  88. After Brunner, 1965, p. 76 u. Zoëga, 1910, p. 252
  89. ^ After Brunner, 1965, p. 77
  90. ^ After Hall, 1960, p. 32
  91. ^ After Hall, 1960, p. 10
  92. both forms according to Campbell, 1959, p. 75
  93. a b * brannijaną from rings, 2006, p. 252; * Rannijaną after the type * brannijaną specified
  94. Brunner, 1965, p. 74 and Campbell, 1959, p. 75
  95. ^ After Brunner, 1965, p. 77
  96. Brunner, 1965, p. 56
  97. a b Brunner, 1965, p. 73
  98. a b c Brunner, 1965, p. 77
  99. Brunner, 1965, p. 78
  100. Pinsker, 1963, p. 24 and 26 u. Brunner, 1965, p. 78
  101. Pinsker, 1963, p. 23 and 27
  102. Brunner, 1962, p. 15 f.
  103. Brunner, 1962, p. 13 f.
  104. According to Schirmunski, 1961, p. 144; Meanings according to Hall, 1960, p. 427 (wyrp), p. 309 (slege) and P. 59 (brȳde)
  105. a b According to Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 201
  106. According to Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 43 u. Schirmunski, 1961, p. 144
  107. Schirmunski, 1961, p. 144; Meaning of fōt according to Hall, 1960, p. 136
  108. Schirmunski, 1961, p. 145
  109. According to Schirmunski, 1961, p. 146 for Brunner, 1965, p. 258 and 306
  110. According to Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 191
  111. According to Schirmunski, 1961, p. 153 u. Hall, 1960, p. 53
  112. Schirmunski, 1961, p. 153
  113. According to Kluge, 2002, p. 385 f.
  114. According to Kluge, 2002, p. 969 f.
  115. According to Krahe, 1961, p. 12 and p. 20
  116. also Gutenbrunner, 1951, p. 33, p. 43, p. 48 and P. 74 f.
  117. Nedoma, 2006, p. 36
  118. ^ Word forms from Einarsson, 1945, p. 375 u. 490
  119. ^ Kluge, 2002, p. 409
  120. ^ Nedoma, 2006, p. 55
  121. The germ. * Ō in germ. * Hertōn , covered by final nasals * n , develops into an aisl. a, in contrast to germ. * ō, which was in the absolute final, as in * hallō, and appears to have faded in old Icelandic, but previously triggered u umlaut. (See Krahe, 1960, p. 132)
  122. Rings, 2006, p. 274
  123. Nedoma, 2006, p. 47 f.
  124. Nedoma, 2006, p. 38 f.
  125. Haugen, 1984, p. 235
  126. Haugen, 1984, p. 173 and 192 f.
  127. Product of the u umlauts from * a .
  128. a b Neckel u. Niedner, 1966, p. 335
  129. Table from Nedoma, 2006, p. 33
  130. Gutenbrunner, 1951, p. 47
  131. Zoëga, 2004, p. 288 and 305 f.
  132. Zoëga, 2004, p. 201 and P. 202
  133. Nedoma, 2006, p. 34; The “o” vowelism (o, ø) was created in an analogous way. According to law: sunr ~ synir, which is also documented in this way (cf. Nedoma, 2006, p. 34).
  134. Nedoma, 2006, p. 106 u. Zoëga, 2004, p. 89 f.
  135. a b c Nedoma, 2006, p. 34
  136. Both forms (infinitive and 2nd Sg.) From Nedoma, 2006, p. 37
  137. ^ Rings, 2006, p. 146
  138. ^ Forms from Kluge, 2002, S: 396
  139. ^ Krahe, 1960, p. 96
  140. Based on rings, 2006, p. 265
  141. Nedoma, 2006, p. 37
  142. Nedoma, 2006, p. 34 f.
  143. ^ Rings, 2006, p. 267
  144. a b c d e Nedoma, 2006, p. 106
  145. All examples from Nedoma, 2006, p. 106
  146. Paul, 2007, p. 260
  147. Braune / Reiffenstein, 2004, p. 292
  148. ^ Rings, 2006, p. 296
  149. a b c Nedoma, 2006, p. 46
  150. ^ Nedoma, 2006, p. 34
  151. Gutenbrunner, 1951, p. 42 f.
  152. Zoëga, 2004, p. 114
  153. a b Nedoma, 2006, p. 35
  154. a b Example from Nedoma, 2006, p. 35
  155. The paragraph is based on: Nedoma, 2006, p. 34 f .; the examples also come from there. The Nom.Sg.-Form dagr, however, from Zoëga, 2004, p. 84
  156. Paradigms from Nedoma, 2006, p. 46 (ketill) and P. 48 ( vǫllr and fjǫrðr )
  157. van Nahl, 2003, p. 43
  158. According to Einarsson, 1945, p. 6 ff.
  159. Einarsson, 1945, p. 36
This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on August 5, 2009 .