Boycott of Jews

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SA Member in Front of the Tietz Department Store in Berlin (April 1, 1933)

As Jews boycott the designated Nazis to boycott Jewish shops, department stores, banks, doctors' offices, lawyers and notaries, which the Nazi regime planned in March 1933 and on Saturday, April 1, 1933, in the whole of Germany was to perform. With this, the government took on the planned displacement of German Jews from economic life, which had been planned since the 25-point program of the NSDAP in 1920, for the first time by means of an empire-wide measure targeted only against them.

On the evening of April 1, the Nazi leadership broke off the boycott and, due to the passivity of the population, did not allow it to continue as planned after three days, but officially declared it ended on April 4.

prehistory

Imperial Era and Weimar Republic

Boycotts of Jewish companies and shops had existed in German anti-Semitism since around 1890. Arnold Zweig's father, for example, had to give up his saddlery business in 1897 because the Prussian Ministry of War prohibited fortress commanders from buying from Jewish merchants.

The idea continued during the Weimar Republic . In 1921 the Protestant pastor Friedrich Wilhelm Auer from the Bavarian regional church published the anti-Semitic study “The Jewish Problem” , in which he called for a boycott of Jewish shops. In 1927 the supraregional Protestant weekly Licht und Leben demanded a social custom that prevented German “Aryans” from buying from Jews. Meanwhile, since 1925, SA troops of the NSDAP committed more and more acts of violence against Jews, their shops, apartments and facilities and threatened Jewish freelancers, doctors and lawyers. This forced some Jewish companies to withdraw from some cities. Since the beginning of the global economic crisis, successful medium-sized Jewish-owned department stores have been boycotted and harassed in order to get rid of their competition. In Essen , Gauleiter Josef Terboven and his “ National-Zeitung ” called for a boycott of Jewish shops from 1929 onwards. While small Jewish shops and Jewish employees were increasingly harassed and discriminated against, the National Socialist party press considered a nationwide boycott from 1931 onwards.

The Central Association of German Citizens of Jewish Faith tried to legally fight such calls for boycotts as a “business war”. His lawyer Hans Lazarus argued in such a case in 1931:

“In the economic struggle, the boycott is a permitted weapon, as long as its aim or means do not offend against common decency. […] It is common property of case law that the boycott must not aim to destroy the enemy. The latter, however, is the openly admitted aim of the Volkish boycott against the Jews. The Jews are persecuted for a fact outside of economic life and threatened with boycott. And the Jews can never change this fact. "

In numerous court cases, the victims of anti-Semitic boycotts tried to obtain legal protection. The jurisprudence of the civil courts was inconsistent. The takeover of power by the National Socialists prevented a fundamental decision by the Reich Court.

Persecution of Jews from 1933

Repainted office sign of the lawyer and notary Werner Liebenthal in Martin-Luther-Strasse (Berlin) , 1933
Blockade of the Salberg souvenir shop in Nuremberg in autumn 1935 by members of the NSDAP in party uniform.

Shortly after Adolf Hitler's appointment as German Chancellor on January 30, 1933, new attacks on Jewish businesses and factories began. In particular, the National Socialist Business Cell Organization (NSBO), the Kampfbund for the commercial middle class under Theodor Adrian von Renteln and SA departments under Otto Wagener now increasingly agitated against the "stock market capital" about which medium-sized "German entrepreneurs" had complained to the new government.

From the end of February 1933, SA troops again attacked Jewish business owners, looted their shops, abused their owners, and abducted and murdered some of them. After the Reichstag elections on March 5th , in which the NSDAP failed to gain an absolute majority, such unorganized attacks increased. By the end of March, Jewish shops, doctors 'and lawyers' practices in some major German cities were forcibly closed, and several owners were robbed and driven out. On March 9, SA members arrested dozen of Eastern European Jews in Berlin's Scheunenviertel and abused them in the cellars of their wards. SA members occupied Jewish shops, department stores and hotels in Magdeburg and harassed their customers or guests. On March 11, 1933, the National Socialist leadership of the Free State of Braunschweig under Dietrich Klagges and Friedrich Alpers organized the so-called “ department store tower ” in Braunschweig . The lawyer Wilhelm Spiegel was murdered in Kiel on March 12th . On March 15, the Jewish trader Otto Selz was kidnapped and murdered in Straubing . In Göttingen on March 28th, some Jewish shops and the local synagogue were attacked and damaged.

Interior Minister Wilhelm Frick telegraphed to all police stations on March 31 stating that communists disguised in SA uniforms were the perpetrators. In many other cities, court buildings were stormed and Jewish judges and lawyers were dragged out of courtrooms and offices and mostly beaten up in order to “cleanse the judiciary of the system of Jewish wrongdoers”.

On March 9, in accordance with earlier German national demands from Frick, Hitler demanded “deliberately ethnic legislation” against Eastern European Jews with a ban on immigration and partial expulsions of Jews who were not naturalized. On March 16, Frick followed the instruction with a corresponding circular to all state governments.

Reactions abroad

The acts of violence by the National Socialists were attentively registered early on in the British and US press. Protests were particularly loud against anti-Jewish measures. Jewish organizations in the USA , Great Britain and Palestine have been counting on the boycott measures threatened by the National Socialists in the Nazi propaganda paper “ Der Stürmer ” since mid-March and discussed countermeasures. Boycotts against German commercial enterprises were also publicly discussed. A leading member of the American Jewish Congress stated on March 13, 1933, referring to the economic crisis in which Germany still found itself:

"A bellum judaicum means boycott, downfall and ruin for Germany, means the end of German resources and the end of all hopes for the resurgence of Germany."

On March 18, the American Jewish War Veterans decided to boycott German goods and services; other organizations in the USA and Great Britain followed. Although an article in the British tabloid Daily Express on March 24, 1933 bore the bold and misleading headline Judea declares war on Germany ("Judea declares war on Germany "), it only reported on advice given to some London merchants about a possible boycott of German goods . On March 27, the Organization of British Jews expressly rejected the plan. They wanted to avoid a confrontation with the Nazi regime as much as possible so as not to expose German Jews to retaliation from the Nazis . The Jewish community in Palestine also stated in a telegram to the Reich Chancellery that no Jewish organization in Palestine intended to boycott trade and was not authorized to do so.

In mid-March Hermann Göring sent some well-known representatives of the German Jews to London , where they were supposed to protest against planned anti-German initiatives. In addition, Kurt Blumenfeld , President of the Zionist Association for Germany, and Julius Brodnitz , President of the Central Association of German Citizens of Jewish Faith, telegraphed to the American Jewish Committee in New York City on March 26 : They are protesting against anti-German demonstrations and radio broadcasts and demanding vigorous action Efforts to stop such actions. With this they hoped to appease the National Socialists and dissuade them from their plans.

Most of the Jewish organizations in the USA opposed mass demonstrations and economic sanctions against Germany. They did not want to force the US government to act. But on March 27, the American Jewish Congress followed the Jewish War Veterans with nationwide protests in several major US cities. Church and trade union leaders also took part. Even without a formal call for a boycott, a refusal to buy German products spread among the American public.

The boycott

planning

Since mid-March, the Nazi regime had been planning to steer the SA's willingness to use violence into state channels and to give it a field of activity for the exclusion and expulsion of Jews. Hitler allowed the Frankish Gauleiter and Stürmer editor Julius Streicher to prepare the boycott of Jews ideologically with anti-Semitic propaganda articles. This founded a "Central Committee to Fend off the Jewish atrocities and boycotts".

On March 24, criticism from foreign media was discussed in detail in the cabinet and used as an excuse to stage a counter-boycott. Streicher and Goebbels were responsible for the implementation. The date and further details of the boycott were decided by Hitler at a meeting of Nazi leaders in his private residence in Berghof near Berchtesgaden on March 26th. Joseph Goebbels quoted Hitler's motives in his diary:

“We will only be able to counter the agitation abroad if we can get hold of its originators or at least beneficiaries, namely the Jews living in Germany who have so far remained undisturbed. So we have to move towards a large-scale boycott of all Jewish businesses in Germany. "

Goebbels and his staff of experts organized the implementation within four days. He formulated the call for a boycott that appeared on March 29 in Völkischer Beobachter No. 88 and the rest of the state-controlled press: On Saturday, the stroke of 10 a.m., Judaism will know who it has declared war on. With the boycott of Jewish shops, “foreign Jews should think better when their racial comrades in Germany get upset.” “In the interests of public safety and order”, the sale of Jewish goods is banned on April 1st. This is an answer to the alleged Jewish "world horror bait" against the "new Germany". In his diary, he noted concerns in the party that he ignored:

“Many hang their heads and see ghosts. They think the boycott will lead to war. [...] We hold a final meeting in a small group and decide that the boycott should begin tomorrow in all sharpness. "

The boycott period remained open. Because of the unlimited announcement, in the last days of March in cities like Munich , the population bought all the more in shops that were intended for the boycott.

On the same day, Hitler informed the cabinet of the plan: He justified the SA violence as a "defensive action". The state had to organize the boycott, "because otherwise the people would have defended themselves and would easily have taken undesirable forms." This met with reservations from Foreign Minister Konstantin von Neurath and Reichsbank President Hjalmar Schacht , who warned of the disastrous effects that the action would have on German prestige abroad. In particular, there were warnings for claims for damages , sales tax losses and the already falling number of passengers on German ocean liners. Neurath even threatened to resign. Hitler then promised to limit the boycott to April 1, 1933. If the rest of the world did not react as violently as his conservative ministers feared, he could be accepted again on April 4th. In addition, Goebbels was instructed not to allow renewed acts of violence by the SA against the boycotted Jewish shops. Since the business boycott was in line with the anti-Semitic party goals of the DNVP , its ministers raised no objection. Only President Paul von Hindenburg tried temporarily to persuade Hitler to withdraw the plan.

On March 31, Hitler gave the British and US governments an ultimatum to oppose anti-German protests in their countries. If the foreign country does not stop its “horror baiting”, the boycott will begin the following day and continue on April 4th after a waiting period of three days. Goebbels also announced this procedure in the evening before a mass meeting of the NSDAP. So the fiction of a “defense” against “ international financial Jewry ” was upheld and at the same time used to blackmail foreign countries.

In fact, on the same evening, the UK and the US agreed to make the requested statement. But Foreign Minister Neurath announced that Hitler's decision had been made: the boycott of Jews would take place on April 1st.

procedure

SA and SS in front of the Berlin department store Wertheim .
SA members stick the window of a Jewish shop in Berlin or Oldenburg

As early as March 28, the National Socialist Combat League for small and medium -sized businesses under Adrian von Renteln had pushed forward and had Jewish shops in Kiel, in the Ruhr area and in some cities in Brandenburg occupied or cordoned off. On April 1, 1933, a Saturday at 10 a.m. - in some places the evening before - the actual boycott began. Everywhere in German cities uniformed, sometimes armed SA, Hitler Youth and Stahlhelm guards stood in front of Jewish shops, doctors' offices and law firms and prevented any customers from entering them all day long. Signs and posters demanded: Germans! Defend yourselves! Do not buy from (m) Jews! - The Jews are our misfortune! - Avoid Jewish doctors! - Don't go to Jewish lawyers! Other uniformed men from the same groups spread these slogans in the streets with chants and loudspeaker trucks.

But the regime had overlooked the fact that this day fell on a Saturday and thus on the Jewish Sabbath , on which believing Jews should not work. As a result, many Jewish shops were either closed or closed early. The SA troops often blocked locked rooms and shop windows. As in the weeks before, these were often smashed, the displays plundered and the owners mistreated in inanimate side streets and rural areas. Despite the prohibition, this also affected the businesses of foreign (especially Eastern European) Jews.

Citing expected “disruptions in the administration of justice”, the day before the Reich Commissioners of the judicial administrations of Bavaria and Prussia had issued bans on Jewish lawyers and given judges compulsory leave “with surprising uniformity”. In some cities armed SA troops broke into courthouses and evicted any Jewish people who were still present, or people who looked “Jewish” to them. They also occupied the office of the Reich Association of German Industry and forced the Jewish manager and Jewish board members to resign. Courageous customers of Jewish shops were deliberately intimidated and threatened with violence and reprisals. In some cities, such as Annaberg in Saxony , SS members stamped their faces with the inscription "We traitors bought from Jews".

In the evening the boycott was broken off and the guards withdrew. Also because of the passivity of the population, it was not continued as planned after a three-day break, but officially declared over on April 4.

Reactions and consequences

Those directly and indirectly affected

The boycott potentially affected around 60 percent of all German Jews who were active in the trade and transport sector, the vast majority in the retail trade. As a result, it mainly damaged and destroyed small businesses, while it hardly affected large companies and banks.

Before and after the boycott, however, there was enormous pressure on Jewish board members to resign in order to “protect” the company from the consequences of the boycott. Some companies fired Jews beforehand in order to avoid the announced boycott. The Karstadt AG z. B. dismissed all Jewish employees without notice on April 1, 1933, because they were “not full citizens with equal rights” and could therefore no longer be “full employees”. Six Jewish supervisory board members resigned so as not to have to approve the dismissals.

Jewish family businesses such as the department store chains of Oscar Tietz and Leonhard Tietz were particularly affected. Some of the Tietz branches in major cities in the Ruhr area were forced to close for two days on March 8th. On March 12, her customers in Hamburg were temporarily threatened. On March 31, the German bankers on the supervisory board threatened three Jewish board members of the Tietz company to give up their offices and their shares. Thereupon they withdrew from the board on April 3rd. Albert-Ulrich Tietz was threatened in life and limb on April 1st and fled to the Netherlands. He offered his stake in the package for sale for a third of the value. Dresdner Bank lowered the price of the Tietz shares again to a tenth of the offer price and then bought them up. Tietz could no longer take the proceeds of the forced sale of only 800,000 marks with him to the neighboring country. Wilhelm Keppler , Hitler's “Commissioner for Economic Affairs”, then arranged an instant loan for the company to secure their jobs for 14,000 employees. On June 11, the main shareholders Commerzbank, Dresdner Bank and Deutsche Bank renamed the company "Westdeutsche Kaufhof AG". The company of Oscar Tietz ( HermannTietz OHG ) was expropriated by the same banks in two steps from the Tietz family and from then on traded as Hertie . Accordingly, the boycott served the " Aryanization ", which was systematically intensified from 1937 on by the state.

The Ullstein publishing house was exempt from the one-day boycott, but was then secretly boycotted and had to dismiss employees, many of whom were members of the NSDAP and who complained to Hitler.

Since January 1933, many companies in Germany had declared themselves a “German business” or “Christian company” with newspaper advertisements, signs and public declarations in order to signal their approval of the new regime and to avoid the expected loss of sales by discriminating against Jewish partners or shareholders. The Association of German-Aryan Manufacturers of the Clothing Industry eV (ADEFA) advertised the products of its affiliated companies with the " Guaranteed Aryan Quality Seal" from April 1933 . A newly formed working group of German entrepreneurs in the textile, clothing and leather industries (“Adebe”) tried to exploit the anti-Jewish social climate for their own economic interests. Under the impression of the boycott, many ordinary customers only bought their goods in specially designated “German shops”.

population

Nazi organ West German Observer of April 3, 1933 with headlines about the boycott of Jewish businessmen

In many places, silent crowds formed on the streets, watching with reserve. Contrary to the expectations of the rulers, they were rarely hostile to the boycotted business owners, sometimes even showing solidarity. The 92-year-old grandmother Dietrich Bonhoeffer walked through the SA cordon in Berlin to enter the “ Kaufhaus des Westens ”. In Catholic areas too, citizens showed gestures of helpfulness, compassion and concern. The contemporary witness Gerhard Durlacher remembers his impressions in Baden-Baden :

“Due to the crowd, we pushed our way forward. Some look at us with a frown, others calmly or disturbed. But there are also some who grin as if the spectacle gave them pleasure. [...] Tall boys, a good deal taller than me, shout the slogans, older people in musty, well-worn clothes mumble approvingly or shake their heads. "

The widespread reluctance of the population was also due to the improvised implementation of the boycott within a few days. Which businesses should be considered “Jewish” - those with Jewish names, owners, or larger Jewish shares? - remained unclear in many cases. The possible consequences of business damage for “ Aryan ” co-owners and employees and for the German economy in general also contributed to the fact that the German population hardly actively supported the boycott, sometimes expressed displeasure about it and in some places ignored it.

On April 11, 1933, the active pacifist and travel writer Armin T. Wegner wrote an open letter of protest to Hitler against the state persecution of the Jews. This is the only known public protest by a non-Jewish German against the National Socialist Jewish policy of the time. The Gestapo arrested Wegner and tortured him. Until the end of December 1933 he was imprisoned in various concentration camps. Then he emigrated to Great Britain.

Christians and Churches

The boycott of Jewish shops was a first major test case for the attitude of Christians in National Socialist Germany to the Jews and the government. The church historian Klaus Scholder sums up:

"No bishop, no church leadership, no synod turned against the persecution of Jews in Germany in the decisive days around April 1st."

- Klaus Scholder : The Churches and the Third Reich, Volume I. Frankfurt 1977, p. 338.

Instead, the Protestant general superintendent Otto Dibelius justified in a radio address broadcast in the USA on April 4, the actions as a necessary state “defense” that had proceeded in “law and order”. A few days later, in a letter to all Brandenburg pastors, he declared himself an anti-Semite and solicited “full sympathy” for the Nazi terrorist measures:

"One cannot fail to recognize that Judaism plays a leading role in all the corrosive phenomena of modern civilization."

- quoted from Saul Friedländer: The Third Reich and the Jews . Volume I, p. 55.

At most, converted Jews were considered worthy of protection. However, the German Christians also wanted to exclude these Jewish Christians from the church.

The German Roman Catholic bishops were also silent. Here was Oscar Wassermann , director of Deutsche Bank, on the initiative of the Berlin cathedral provost Bernhard Lichtenberg its chairman Cardinal Adolf Bertram asked on 31 March at church protest against the boycott. Bertram rejected this in a circular to the archbishops of Cologne, Munich, Freiburg, Paderborn and Bamberg on March 31, 1933, as he had no mandate to do so as an individual and could not judge the reason for the boycott. He stated:

“My concerns are 1. that it is an economic struggle in an interest group that is not close to us; 2. That the step appears as interference in a matter that affects the area of ​​responsibility of the episcopate less ... The fact that the press, which is predominantly in Jewish hands, has consistently observed silence about the persecution of Catholics in various countries is only incidentally affected. "

Cardinal Michael von Faulhaber wrote to the then Vatican State Secretary Eugenio Pacelli , who later became Pope, why the Church does not stand up for the Jews:

"That is not possible at the moment, because the fight against the Jews would also be a fight against the Catholics and because the Jews can help themselves, as the quick termination of the boycott shows."

He found it “unjust and painful” that baptized Jews who had been considered “good Catholics” for several generations were treated as Jews by the state and had to give up their professions. When asked by a Catholic newspaper editor why the Church is not openly declaring that people should not be persecuted because of their race , he replied:

"For the church there are far more important issues of the present, because school, the continued existence of the Catholic associations, sterilization are even more important for Christianity in our homeland."

The government should not be given any reason to " turn the baiting of Jews into a Jesuit baiting."

Only individuals like the Catholic pastor Josef Knichel condemned the boycott in a sermon. He was therefore arrested: He had "... made affairs of the state the subject of proclamation and discussion in the church in a manner that endangered public peace, by presenting and expressing the boycott of Jews to the congregation as a reprehensible measure by the government from the pulpit, everyone who took part in the boycott of the Jews could no longer confess validly until the whole guilt had been redeemed ”.

The main reasons for the refusal of the church leaders to stand up for the Jews were the traditional Christian anti-Judaism of both denominations, the long tolerance of racist tendencies and groups in their own area, and the recognition of the state as a divine ordinance, whose politics as a Christian should not be contradicted.

Further action by the regime

For the National Socialists, the boycott was a first test run for their procedure, which was often repeated later: “radical” steps against Jews were demanded from the party and implemented in a violent, uncoordinated manner. These were then ordered by the regime at relatively short notice as nationwide coordinated actions, allegedly to steer popular unrest in controlled channels. In the more or less improvised implementation of the official sham “compromise” Hitler held back so that any excesses, failures and protests abroad could not be blamed on him, but on “people's voice”. This subsequently established laws for the persecution of Jews.

On April 7th, the law on the restoration of the civil service , presented to the cabinet by Wilhelm Frick on March 24th, was passed. According to the so-called Aryan paragraph in it, "non - Aryan officials" were to be put into early retirement. With this first legal racist definition, the Jews could then be further disenfranchised. The law on admission to the legal profession , prepared by Justice Minister Franz Gürtner in view of the violent actions of the SA in March, was intended to deny Jewish lawyers their admission, but because of an exemption obtained by Paul von Hindenburg for participants in the First World War, only about 30 percent (1,388 of 4,585) of them. On July 14, 1933, the law on the revocation of naturalizations and the withdrawal of German citizenship was added. As a result, 16,000 “Eastern Jews” threatened to lose their German citizenship.

The state disenfranchisement, professional exclusion and economic expropriation of numerous Jewish citizens who had been naturalized with their relatives from 1918 onwards began with the new laws. As of April, they were refused a license to practice medicine and Jewish tax advisors were excluded from the tax committees of the tax offices. Starting in the summer of 1933, local authorities in many villages and small towns blocked and confiscated the property of Jewish emigrants and numerous small and medium-sized businesses; Courts also withdrew their citizenship from prominent Jews.

Streicher's “Central Committee” as an internal “boycott movement” continued to hinder Jewish business life, sometimes secretly for months, harassing suppliers and buyers of Jewish companies and compelling companies to fire Jewish employees or Jewish owners to sell their companies. Rudolf Hess , whom Hitler appointed "Deputy Leader" on April 21, 1933, had the Gauleiters forbid further measures for "foreign policy reasons". That stopped the "actionism" of lower party levels.

In July 1933 Hitler declared the phase of the revolution over. After a temporary lull, the persecution of the Jews was intensified again in 1935: boycotts were threatened, violent attacks underlined the threats in order to intimidate those affected and their customers. Finally, Julius Streicher organized another business boycott over the Christmas period. Previously, the Nuremberg Laws of September 16, 1935 deprived German Jews of further civil rights . This disenfranchisement was the starting point for their further exclusion and persecution.

Historical classification

The Nazi research evaluated the causes and objectives of the Nazi boycott of Jewish businesses and Hitler's role still uneven. The so-called intentionalists emphasize the planned implementation of the 25-point program aimed at removing Jews from German society; the so-called functionalists emphasize their improvised character, which reacts to external and internal constraints.

Uwe Dietrich Adam described the boycott in 1972 as a domestic political “valve” for dissatisfied NSDAP members who had hoped for a bigger career leap and more severe anti-capitalist measures from January 1933 . Their unplanned "wild" actions have put the regime in a certain pressure to meet their expectations. But their terror was also a "useful means of preparing political decisions or promoting them". The journalist Heinz Höhne did not see Hitler's programmatic will as the cause of the boycott, but rather the “pressure of the anti-Semitic ultras” on him. He was "already panicked by the boycott news from abroad".

The valve function contradicted z. B. Eberhard Jäckel and Julius H. Schoeps . They pointed out that the boycott was just organizing and legitimizing local individual actions nationwide. It was the “starting shot” for the legalized persecution of German Jews and aimed at their economic exclusion and oppression. Even Peter Longerich saw the culmination of the stirred up since the beginning of March 1933 anti-Jewish attacks in the Jewish boycott, which planned an anti-Semitic mood had intended to produce, so that the population accepted the first anti-Jewish laws unconditionally. The boycott was a "versatile instrument in the struggle to conquer and consolidate power" of the National Socialists: It directed anti-capitalist actions from the party base on Jewish companies, silenced international criticism, prepared further anti-Jewish laws and distracted them from economic problems that Jews could be blamed for. Saul Friedländer emphasizes Hitler's own initiative:

“However, the influence of radicals should not be overestimated. They never forced Hitler to take measures that he did not want to take. "

- Saul Friedländer : The Third Reich and the Jews , p. 32.

The boycott did not result in a spontaneous wave of anti-Semitic pogroms hoped for by the Nazi leadership . According to Wolfgang Wippermann , it is therefore impossible “for this time to speak of a widespread, aggressive antipathy against the Jews in the German population […].” For Hans Mommsen and Dieter Obst , the campaign was a blatant failure in this regard. Friedländer speaks of a "failure in principle" of the boycott, also in terms of seriously damaging the entire Jewish business life. Due to his fear of economic consequential damage and countermeasures from abroad, Hitler appointed Hjalmar Schacht as Minister of Economics in the summer of 1934 and thus affirmed his line of non-interference in Jewish business activities for the next few years.

Arno Herzig describes the boycott as an example of the " riot anti-Semitism " to which Julius Streicher, the inflammatory weekly newspaper Der Stürmer , is also assigned.

literature

  • Hannah Ahlheim: Germans, don't buy from Jews! Anti-Semitism and political boycott in Germany from 1924 to 1935 . Wallstein Verlag, Göttingen 2011, ISBN 978-3-8353-0883-1 ; as online resource 2012, ISBN 978-3-8353-2112-0 .
  • Avraham Barkai : From Boycott to "De-Judaization". The economic struggle for existence of the Jews in the Third Reich 1933–1943. Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1988, ISBN 3-596-24368-8 .
  • Cord Brügmann: Escape to the civil process. Anti-Semitic economic boycott before the civil courts of the Weimar Republic. Metropol-Verlag, Berlin 2009, ISBN 978-3-940938-22-0 ( Center for Research on Antisemitism at the Technical University of Berlin. Series of Documents, Texts, Materials. Vol. 72).
  • Saul Friedländer: "The Third Reich and the Jews". The years of persecution 1933-1939. The years of annihilation 1939-1945. One-volume special edition . CH Beck, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-406-56681-3 .
  • Helmut Genschel : The displacement of the Jews from the economy in the Third Reich. 2nd Edition. Duehrkohp & Radick, Göttingen 2001, ISBN 3-89744-086-5 ( Göttingen building blocks for historical science 38).
  • Johannes Ludwig: Boycott. Expropriation. Murder. The “de-Jewification” of the German economy. Revised new edition. Piper Verlag GmbH, Munich a. a. 1992, ISBN 3-492-11580-2 ( Piper 1580).
  • Martin Münzel: The Jewish members of the German business elite 1927–1955. Displacement - emigration - return. Schöningh, Paderborn u. a. 2006, ISBN 3-506-75625-7 (Schöningh collection on past and present) , (also: Bielefeld, Univ., Diss., 2004).
  • Monika Richarz (ed.): Jewish life in Germany. Volume 3: Personal reports on social history 1918–1945. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1982, ISBN 3-421-06094-0 (publications of the Leo Baeck Institute) .
  • Frank Sparing: Boycott - Expropriation - Forced Labor. The "Aryanization" of Jewish property in Düsseldorf during National Socialism. A city tour. Support group of the memorial and memorial Düsseldorf eV, Düsseldorf 2000, ISBN 3-9805963-8-9 .

Web links

Commons : Judenbokott  - Album with pictures, videos and audio files

Single receipts

  1. ↑ Clemens Vollnhals: Evangelical Church and Denazification 1945-1949. Munich 1989, p. 123.
  2. ^ Ino Arndt: The Jewish question in the light of the Protestant Sunday papers 1918–1933. Unprinted dissertation, Tübingen 1960, pp. 214-216.
  3. ↑ Avraham Barkai: From Boycott to De-Jewification . 1988, p. 24.
  4. ↑ Struan Robertson: The "Judenboycott" of April 1st, 1933 .
  5. ↑ Cord Brügmann: Escape into the civil process. Anti-Semitic economic boycott before the civil courts of the Weimar Republic (= documents. Texts. Materials, vol. 72). Metropol, Berlin 2009, ISBN 978-3-940938-22-0 .
  6. ↑ documented by Struan Robertson: The "Judenboycott" of April 1st, 1933
  7. ↑ Reinhard Bein: Jews in Braunschweig 1900–1945. 2nd Edition. Braunschweig 1988, p. 53.
  8. ↑ Saul Friedländer: The Third Reich and the Jews. Seen through. Special edition Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-406-56681-3 , p. 30.
  9. ↑ Susan Stanelle et al. a .: The National Socialist Persecution of Jews - The Persecution in the Period from 1933–1938 ( Memento of the original from June 20, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.hagalil.com
  10. ↑ Saul Friedländer: The Third Reich and the Jews . Volume I: The Years of Persecution 1933–1939. dtv, Munich 2000, ISBN 3-423-30765-X , p. 39.
  11. ↑ Heinz Höhne : Give me four years. Hitler and the beginnings of the Third Reich . Ullstein, Berlin 1996, p. 110.
  12. ^ Edwin Black: The Transfer Agreement. The Dramatic Story of the Pact Between the Third Reich and Jewish Palestine . New York and London 1984, pp. 10-14; Dietrich Aigner: The struggle for England. German-British Relations, Public Opinion 1933-1939 . Bechtle Verlag, Munich and Esslingen 1969, p. 221.
  13. ↑ Article text (English)
  14. ↑ Holocaust Reference : “Jewish Declarations of War” ; Right-wing extremist legends and myths: Jewish declarations of war on Nazi Germany ( Memento of the original from July 2, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.politische-bildung-brandenburg.de
  15. ↑ Hans Mommsen : The Nazi regime and the extinction of Judaism in Europe . Wallstein, Göttingen 2014, p. 67.
  16. ↑ Ralf Georg Reuth (Ed.): Joseph Goebbels Diaries. Volume 2. Munich 2003, ISBN 3-492-21412-6 , p. 786 (March 26, 1933).
  17. ↑ Klaus W. Tofahrn: Chronology of the Third Reich. Primus, Darmstadt 2003, ISBN 3-89678-463-3 , p. 24.
  18. ^ Hans-Ulrich Thamer : Beginning of National Socialist Rule (Part 2). In: Federal Agency for Civic Education , Dossier National Socialism and World War II, April 6, 2005.
  19. ↑ DTV Atlas Weltgeschichte, Volume 2, Munich 1999, p. 483.
  20. ↑ Ralf Georg Reuth (Ed.): Joseph Goebbels Diaries. 3. Edition. Volume 2. Piper, Munich 2003, ISBN 3-492-21412-6 , p. 789 (March 31, 1933).
  21. ↑ Files of the Reich Chancellery - The Hitler Government. Vol. 1, part 1. Boppard 1983, pp. 270-276 f .; Hans Mommsen: The Nazi Regime and the Extinction of Judaism in Europe . Wallstein, Göttingen 2014, p. 68.
  22. ↑ Saul Friedländer: The Third Reich and the Jews , pp. 30–38.
  23. ↑ Heinz Höhne: Give me four years - Hitler and the beginnings of the Third Reich . Ullstein Verlag, Berlin 1996, p. 112.
  24. ↑ Klaus W. Tofahrn: Chronology of the Third Reich . Primus Verlag, Darmstadt 2003, ISBN 3-89678-463-3 , p. 23.
  25. ↑ Saul Friedländer : The Third Reich and the Jews , p. 34.
  26. ↑ Uwe Dietrich Adam: Jewish policy in the Third Reich. Droste, Düsseldorf 2003, ISBN 3-7700-4063-5 , p. 39.
  27. ^ Israel Gutman (ed.): Encyclopedia of the Holocaust . Piper, Munich-Zurich 1998, ISBN 3-492-22700-7 , pp. 687f.
  28. ↑ Angelika Königseder, Article Boycott , in: Wolfgang Benz: Lexikon des Holocaust . Becksche Reihe, Munich 2002, ISBN 3-406-47617-1 , p. 34.
  29. ↑ Dr. Reiner Zilkenat: Data and materials on the discrimination, disenfranchisement and persecution of Jews in Germany in 1933. In: Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung , November 2004, (PDF; 38 p., 164 kB).
  30. ^ Document: 1933 Judenbokott - Karstadt Dismissal Letter of Fritz Wolff. In: Uri Breitman's Manifesto , (English).
  31. ↑ Dagmar Christmann, Thomas Rautenberg: The expropriation of the Hermann Tietz department store "HER-TIE". Manuscript section of the film documentary A brown band of sympathy , ( Memento of 13 October 2004 at the Internet Archive ).
  32. ^ Simone Ladwig-Winters: Wertheim - a department store company and its owners. An example of the development of Berlin department stores up to "Aryanization". Lit-Verlag, Münster 1997, ISBN 3-8258-3062-4 , on Tietz see pp. 149–158 and 176–189, table of contents.
  33. ↑ Saul Friedländer: The Third Reich and the Jews , pp. 34 and 37.
  34. ^ Jewish history and culture: exile / boycott
  35. ^ Bertram circular on March 31, 1933 (Document No. 148, p. 195). In: Josef and Ruth Becker: Hitler's seizure of power. Documents ... dtv 2938, Munich 1983, ISBN 3-423-02938-2
  36. ↑ Saul Friedländer: "The Third Reich and the Jews". The years of persecution 1933-1939. The years of annihilation 1939-1945. One-volume special edition . CH Beck, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-406-56681-3 , pp. 55f.
  37. ↑ Saul Friedländer: "The Third Reich and the Jews". The years of persecution 1933-1939. The years of annihilation 1939-1945. One-volume special edition . CH Beck, Munich 2007, p. 56f.
  38. ↑ Michael Kinnen: A Trier priest between the fronts. On the day of remembrance for the victims of National Socialism: memory of Pastor Josef Knichel, who was buried in Wallhausen
  39. ↑ Saul Friedländer: Saul Friedländer: "The Third Reich and the Jews". The years of persecution 1933-1939. The years of annihilation 1939-1945. One-volume special edition . CH Beck, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-406-56681-3 , pp. 60ff.
  40. ↑ Saul Friedländer: The Third Reich and the Jews , p. 35.
  41. ↑ Saul Friedländer: The Third Reich and the Jews , p. 40
  42. ↑ Saul Friedländer: The Third Reich and the Jews , p. 42.
  43. ↑ Bormann's circular of September 12, 1933 = VEJ 1/76.
  44. ↑ Gotthard Jasper: The failed taming. Paths to Hitler's seizure of power 1930–1934 . New historical library volume 270, Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt 1986, ISBN 3-518-11270-8 , p. 159f.
  45. ↑ Uwe Dietrich Adam: Jewish policy in the Third Reich . Düsseldorf 2003, ISBN 3-7700-4063-5 , p. 37
  46. ↑ Heinz Höhne: Give me four years. Hitler and the beginnings of the Third Reich . Ullstein, Berlin 1996, p. 111
  47. ↑ Israel Gutman (Ed.): Enzyklopädie des Holocaust , Munich 1998, p. 689.
  48. ^ Peter Longerich: Politics of Destruction. Piper, Munich 1998, ISBN 3-492-03755-0 , p. 30ff.
  49. ^ Wolfgang Wippermann and Michael Burleigh, The Racial State. Germany 1933-1945 . Cambridge University Press 1991, p. 78.
  50. ↑ Hans Mommsen, Dieter Obst: The reaction of the German population to the persecution of the Jews 1933-1943 . In: Hans Mommsen, Susanne Wilms (Ed.): Everyday rule in the Third Reich. 1st edition, Schwann, Düsseldorf 1988, ISBN 3-491-33205-2 , p. 374.
  51. ↑ Saul Friedländer: The Third Reich and the Jews. P. 36
  52. ↑ Arno Herzig: 1933-1945: Displacement and Destruction Federal Agency for Civic Education , August 5, 2010
This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on July 4, 2007 .