Kaili
| Kaili | ||
|---|---|---|
|
Spoken in |
Indonesia | |
| speaker | approx. 250,000 (native speakers) | |
| Linguistic classification |
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|
| Official status | ||
| Official language in | Kaili is a "regional language" with no official status in the Republic of Indonesia | |
| Language codes | ||
| ISO 639 -1 |
- |
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| ISO 639 -2 |
map |
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| ISO 639-3 | ||
Kaili is a dialect continuum in the group of the Kaili-Pamona languages and is spoken in central Sulawesi ( Indonesia ). In its entirety, Kaili is one of the largest Middle Sulawesi languages. The following describes the main dialect Ledo as it is used in the district ( Kabupaten ) Donggala and the provincial capital Palu .
Linguistic genealogy
classification
The Kaili-Pamona languages (or Western Toraja languages ) are part of the Sulawesi languages, a branch of the West Malayo-Polynesian languages in the Austronesian language family .
history
Not much is known about the early language history of the Kaili as there is no written evidence from pre-colonial times.
Geographical distribution
Kaili is spoken almost exclusively in the Sulawesi Tengah province (Central Sulawesi, Indonesia ). There are, however, noteworthy groups of Kaili speakers who have temporarily or permanently emigrated to Java in the cities of Jakarta and Yogyakarta .
Official status
Kaili is not an official language anywhere . It is a "regional language" with no official status in the Republic of Indonesia .
Dialects and sociolects
There are 13 dialects in Kaili: Rao, Tajio (or Ajio), Kori, Doi, Unde (or Ndepu, Undepu), Ledo (or Palu), Da'a, Inde, Ija, Edo, Ado, Ava, Tara. Not all dialects are easy to understand among each other. The names of the dialects are usually the respective shibboleth meaning "no, not".
The main dialect and variety with the highest prestige is Ledo, which is spoken mainly in the provincial capital Palu and the surrounding area; Ledo also serves as a lingua franca in large parts of Central Sulawesi and sporadically in coastal areas and small islands of the Gulf of Tomini .
Number of speakers
Ledo: 128,000 (Ethnologue, 2006) Total Kaili: 334,000 (Kaseng, 1978) / 290,000 (Sneddon, 1983) / 233,500 (Ethnologue, 2006)
In 1979, one third of the slightly more than 1 million inhabitants of the Sulawesi Tengah province were native speakers of Kaili. Today there are a quarter of a million of the more than 2.5 million inhabitants. Almost all speakers of the Kaili are multilingual and speak at least Bahasa Indonesia .
Sociology of language
The state newspapers and major television stations only use Bahasa Indonesia . Some private radio stations also broadcast (at least temporarily) on Ledo. Regional publishers occasionally publish books in Kaili, but hardly any or no translations into Kaili, only regional literature. Regional newspapers and the little non-oral literature are mostly in the Ledo dialect. National funding for such regional language media appears to be available, but is distributed quite unevenly (in favor of Java and Sumatra ).
The folkloric elements of the oral tradition in the Kaili (songs, fairy tales, myths, poetry) are still largely known, and modern cultural activities also take place in Kaili to some extent (but declining).
Kaili is neither intended as a language of instruction nor as a subject in general education schools. Efforts by some linguists and educators to make Kaili a subject at least in middle school meet with indifference and disinterest in the administration and the population alike.
The Universitas Tadulako in Palu does have a Kaili word in its name, but as a state institution only has Bahasa Indonesia as the official language and the language of instruction. But there are departments for linguistics, literary studies and teacher training that deal with Kaili, among other things.
Linguistic imbalance
City Country
Suharto's Transmigrasi policy is having an impact in the big cities . There are many people whose mother tongue is another regional language. Bahasa Indonesia is used opposite these. This often creates bi- or trilingual families in which Bahasa Indonesia or Betawi / Jakarta-Indonesian is the “lingua franca”. In the deeper hinterland, however, Kaili is still the main language, and often the only language. There are predominantly monolingual families (Kaili) and only in rare cases mixed families in which Bahasa Indonesia is mainly spoken.
Generation issue
The very old (childhood up to the 1930s) are often monolingual in Kaili. The generations that have grown up since independence (1945) are usually bilingual (Bahasa Indonesia and Kaili), with Kaili at home and at school / have learned or use Bahasa Indonesia at work. The youngest generations (language acquisition since the 1980s) have mostly grown up with Bahasa Indonesia as their first language at home and have only learned Kaili sporadically - if at all - (only passive knowledge), there is a whole generation of half-speakers who are neither in Kaili still have complete competence in Bahasa Indonesia.
Domains
The use of Bahasa Indonesia is compulsory in school, at work and when dealing with authorities. Therefore, Bahasa Indonesia is mostly used among the students (even if they all speak Kaili).
In a semi-formal and family environment (also, for example, when shopping in the smaller private shops), Kaili is used when all participants can understand and speak Kaili. Outside the province of Sulawesi Tengah , Kaili is at best used as a kind of secret or group language.
Prestigious
Depending on the situation, a good competence in Kaili (especially “well-groomed Ledo”) can also be viewed as a positive asset. Normally, however, emphasis is placed on having a good command of Bahasa Indonesia, which is more promising in school and at work. Kaili is seen as a cultural asset whose everyday utility tends to zero as soon as one leaves the region.
Threat situation
With a (still) six-digit number of speakers, Kaili does not appear to be in acute danger at first sight. The development of the last 60 years, but especially the last 20 years, suggests that the language will not be able to cope with the pressure of Bahasa Indonesia in the long run. Since Kaili has been an important lingua franca in the region for centuries and is also the language of the politically and economically dominant population in the Donggala district, it in turn puts constant pressure on the region's smaller languages. The importance of Kaili as a lingua franca , however, decreases in this domain Bahasa Indonesia penetrates planned before. There are still no detailed investigations into the situation of the Kaili itself, cf. but Himmelmann (2009) for the neighboring Tolitoli-Tomini languages, which are "harassed" by regional languages, including Kaili.
Phonetics and Phonology
The sound inventory and syllable structure of the Kaili are typical for the language group and the region: They are quite straightforward and not very complex. There are no rare or complicated sounds, the only thing that takes getting used to for German native speakers is that / ŋ / can also appear at the beginning of syllables and words.
Consonants
| bilabial |
labio- dental |
alveolar |
post- alveolar |
palatal | velar | glottal | ||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| stl. | sth. | stl. | sth. | stl. | sth. | stl. | sth. | stl. | sth. | stl. | sth. | stl. | sth. | |
| Plosives | p | b | t | d | k | G | ʔ | |||||||
| Nasals | m | n | ɲ | ŋ | ||||||||||
| Vibrants | r | |||||||||||||
| Fricatives | v | s | H | |||||||||||
| Affricates | tʃ | dʒ | ||||||||||||
| Approximants | w | j | ||||||||||||
| lateral approximants | l | |||||||||||||
Vowels
| front | central | back | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| ung. | ger. | ung. | ger. | ung. | ger. | |
| closed | i | u | ||||
| half closed | e | O | ||||
| medium | ə | |||||
| open | a | |||||
Before / a /, / i /, / j / are spoken / i /, / e /, / o /, / a / palatalised , before / u /, / w / are spoken / u /, / e /, / i /, / a / spoken labialized .
All vowels are long and short vowels.
Syllable structure
Unaffected words have 1–4 (mostly 2) open syllables made up of a consonant and a vowel .
There are - as is typical for languages in this region - no consonant connections (clusters) that go beyond two consonants.
Emphasis
Stress ( word accent ) does not seem to play a meaningful role in the Kaili. The word accent is on the penultima (penultimate syllable ), from there there are alternating unstressed syllables and syllables with secondary accents. Kaili is not a tonal language .
grammar
Kaili is a typical Malaio-Polynesian language , the morphology of which has isolating , but also some agglutinating characteristics. It has a variety of affixes for derivation and inflection . Nouns and adjectives have no inflection.
In principle there are no genera , no numbers or cases . (Natural) gender and number are expressed lexically if necessary, semanto-syntactic roles are marked by syntactic position and verb inflection. Comparison and gradation work partly morphologically, partly lexically. The sentence structure is predominantly SOV, the language only has prepositions .
morphology
The morphology of the Kaili is essentially the conjugation of the verb as well as word formation through composition and reduplication .
Affigations
Prefixes (selection)
| { na- } / { ne- } / { no- } | Realis, durative |
| dur - nodau | 'sew' - 'sewing' (sewing) |
| kande - nangande | 'eat' - 'eat (d)' |
| sakaya - nosakaya | 'Boat' - 'own a boat' |
| sikola - nosikola | 'School' - 'go to school' |
| gasa - nagasa | 'clean' - 'be clean' |
| { ma- } / { me- } / { mo- } | Unrealis , habitual etc. |
| tua - matua | 'old' - 'grow old, age' |
| ruma - meruma | 'House' - 'inhabit, live' |
| kande - mangande | 'eat' - 'eat (d)' |
| sangu - mosangu | 'one' - 'unite' |
| jarita - mojarita | 'to talk' - 'to talk' |
| tora - motora | 'Wish' - 'wish' |
| { ni- } |
Passive / object focus |
| keni - nikeni | 'carry' - 'carried' |
| { nu- } |
Demonstrative |
| banua - nubanua / nubunua | 'House' - 'this house' |
| { ka- } | 'for', ordinal number |
| ngana - kangana | 'Child' - 'for the child, child-' |
| sangu - kasangu | 'one' - 'first (s / r)' |
| { pa- } / { pe- } / { po- } | |
| a) causative / factitive | |
| sangu - pasangu | 'one' - 'unite' |
| b) Noun Agentis, Noun Instrumenti, Noun Loci | |
| jarita - pajarita | 'talk' - 'narrator, speaker' |
| turu - paturu | 'sleep' - 'sleeping place' |
| { popo- } | Transitivation + causative / factitive |
| ready - popoberei | 'Spouse' - 'marry' |
| tumangi - popotumangi | 'cry' - 'make you cry' |
| (ng) ana - popoana | 'Child' - 'impregnate' |
| { si- } | 'together' |
| tuvu - sintuvu | 'live' - 'live together' |
| { ti- } / { te- } | 'unintentionally, involuntarily' |
| navu - tinavu | 'fall' - 'collapse' |
| turu - teturu | 'sleep' - 'twilight away' |
Suffixes (selection)
| { -a } | 'a lot', 'abstraction' |
| talu - talua | 'gardening' - 'garden, park' |
| kande - kandea | 'essen' - 'Essen', also: 'rice' |
| savi - savia | 'drive' - 'vehicle' |
| bulu - bulua | 'Body hair' - 'head hair' |
| { -si } | 'Reason', 'origin', factitive |
| toro - torosi | 'recovered -' medicine ' |
| mate - matesi | 'dead' - 'kill' |
| lai - laisi | 'go' - 'come from' |
| dua - duasi | 'sick' - 'make sick (d)' |
| { -pa } | 'Attempt' |
| kande - kandepa | 'eat' - 'try, bite' |
| epe - epepa | 'listen' - 'try to listen' |
Circumfixes (selection)
| { pa- -a } | 'Place' |
| turu - paturua | 'sleep' - 'sleeping place' |
| { ka- -a } | 'State, abstraction' |
| pande - kapandea | 'skillful' - 'skill' |
| { na- -i } / { ma- -i } | 'apply' |
| talinga - nantalingai | 'Ear' - 'listening' (cf. German lending an ear ) |
| { nomba- -i } | 'provided with' ( ornative ) |
| vatu - nombavatui | 'Stone' - 'pave, wall' |
| { nosi- -si } | 'each other, reciprocal ' |
| dua - nosiduasi | 'sick' - 'infect each other' |
Infixes (selection)
The infixes are all left peripheral. They can only be inserted after the first consonant of a word initial syllable:
| { -in- } | 'Result' |
| sole - sinole | 'roast' - 'fried food' |
| talu - tinalu | 'gardening' - 'gardening' |
| { -um- } | 'apply' |
| somba - sumomba | 'Sail' - 'sail' |
| tangi - tumangi | 'Tear' - 'cry' |
| { -imb- } | 'Result, consequence' |
| tala - timbala | 'Divorce' - 'Divorced' |
| { -il- } | 'Intention' |
| hau - hilau | 'go' - 'want to go' |
Examples of complex affiliation
The following two " words " are an example of ( agglutination ) in the Kaili.
| nipokononampu |
| ni-pokono = na = mpu |
| PASS.REA-like = 3SG = AFFIRM |
| 'He really likes to do [it]' |
| damonosipopasumoa |
| da-mo-nosi-po-pa-s <um> oa |
| remainder-IRR-RECP-means-CAUS- <VBLZR> force |
'all that remains is to be a means for each other to draw strength'bzw. ‘man kann bloß noch einander Kraft geben’ |
Reduplication
Full reduplication :
| bongi - bongi-bongi | 'Night' - 'night / every night' |
| eo - eo-eo | 'Day', 'sun' - 'daily / every day' |
| (ng) ana - ngana-ngana | 'Child' - '(many) children' |
| sakide - sakide-sakide | 'little' - '(very) little' |
Partial reduplication
| randua - randua-ndua | 'two' - 'in pairs' |
Affected reduplication
| ngaya - pengaya-ngaya | 'Variety' - 'many' |
| kande - pangande-ngandemo | 'eat' - 'try around' |
| tora - metora - metora-tora | 'Wish' - 'wish' - 'desire' |
| sangu - sumangu-mangu | 'one' - 'the whole (as a unit)' |
composition
Compounds remain - although inseparable units with often idiosyncratic meanings - with very few exceptions, orthographically separated:
| banua vatu | 'Stone house' ('house' + 'stone') |
| dua rara | 'Lovesickness' ('illness' + 'heart') |
| (ng) ana guru | 'Student' ('Child' + 'Teacher') |
| lili ntiku | 'surround' ('around' + 'around') |
| tadulako | ' Follower , soldier' ( tadu 'heel' + lako 'go') |
| royomata | 'sleepy' ( royo 'have to keep open' + mata 'eye (s)') |
In some cases there is reduction or assimilation:
| totua 'parents (part)' | tona 'human' + tua 'old' |
| alampale 'work together' | ala 'take' + pale 'hand' |
Verbal categories
The inflection of verbs (better: predicatives) in Kaili is characterized by the two important categories of modus and genus verbi , which are connected to one another by fused affixes . In addition to the actual verbal genus, there are a number of other valence-related functions, e.g. B. the factitive. Clitic personal endings are only available for direct objects or agents in passive and causative clauses.
mode
The modal affixes are described by Esser (1934) as a distinction between non-future and future, but time relationships and stages are expressed more lexically. In this respect, the present category is less a tense than a kind of mode in which the realis is used for (factual) actions in the present and the past, while the unrealis is used on the one hand for future and on the other (independent of the time level) for assumed, potential ones , fictional or non-existent (Van den Berg: "contrafactual") acts are used.
The allomorphs {na-} ~ {ne-} ~ {no-} mark the realis , the allomorphs {ma-} ~ {me-} ~ {mod-} the irrealis , whereby the occurrence of the respective allomorph in front of a trunk is a species Constituted inflection class .
In individual cases a stem can be connected to all three allomorphs, whereby the meaning is modified in each case:
| z. B. kande 'eat' | ||
| Realis | Unrealis | |
| na-ngande | ma-ngande | 'eat' (vt.) |
| no-kande | me-kande | 'cut in / eat into' (itr.) |
| no-kande-si | mo-kande-si | 'eat something off someone' |
Verbal use
The distinction between the two morphologically visible verb diatheses is described either as focus with the only two expressions agent focus and object focus or as genus verbi with the distinction active / passive, which is more appropriate if one uses Himmelmann's definition of focus as a basis.
| Realis | Unrealis | |||||||||
| active | (1a) Yaku | na-ngande | loka | riava . | (1b) Ia | ma-ngande | loka | haitu. | ||
| 1SG | REA-eat | banana | yesterday | 3 SG | IRR-eat | banana | DEM | |||
| 'I ate [the] banana (s) yesterday.' | 'He will [probably] eat the banana (s).' | |||||||||
| passive | (1c) Ni-kande = ku | loka | riava. | (1d) Ra-kande = na | loka | haitu. | ||||
| PASS.REA-essen = 1SG | banana | yesterday | PASS.IRR-essen = 3SG | banana | DEM | |||||
| '[The] banana (s) were eaten by me yesterday.' | '[The] bananas will be eaten by him.' | |||||||||
Other valence-related mechanisms
Transitivations, factitive or causative derivatives serve to expand the valence or to shift arguments into the subject position. I would just like to cite a few examples that are typologically interesting.
Transitivation:
Intransitive verbs can be transitive with { po- }, whereby the S of the intransitive verb does not become the A, but the O of the transitive verb (disguised causative ):
| (2a) | Mano | na-tuwu. |
| chicken | REA life | |
| 'The chickens are alive.' | ||
| (2 B) | I. | Esa | nom-pa-tuwu | mano. |
| PM | Esa | REA-TR-life | chicken | |
| 'Esa raises chickens.' | ||||
If { po- } is added a second time, the transitive verb can be extended by a causative. Historically, { popo- } consists of two identical morphemes, but there are also verbs that have no “intermediate form” in which there is only one { po- }.
| (3a) | No-ready-mo | i | Dula. |
| REA-Gatte-COMPL | PM | Dula | |
| 'Dula is married' | |||
| (3b) | I. | Dula | no-ready | nte | i | Ani . |
| PN | Dula | REA spouse | With | PM | Ani | |
| 'Dula marries Ani.' | ||||||
| (3c) | Yes | nom-po-berei | i | Ani. |
| 3SG | REA-TR spouse | PM | Ani | |
| 'Dula marries Ani.' | ||||
| (3d) | Totua-na | ni-po-po-berei | ia. |
| Parents 3SG | PASS.REA-CAUS-TR-spouse | 3SG | |
| "His parents married him." | |||
| (4a) | I. | Ni | no-tulisi | sura. |
| PN | Ni | REA-write | letter | |
| 'Ni is writing [a] letter.' | ||||
| (4b) | Yaku | nom-popo-tulisi | i | Ni | sura |
| 1SG | REA-CAUS-write | PN | Ni | letter | |
| 'I'll have Ni write a letter.' | |||||
| (4c) | I. | Ni | ni-popo-tulisi = ku | sura. |
| PN | Ni | PASS.REA-CAUS-write = 1SG | letter | |
| 'Ni is induced by me to write a letter.' | ||||
| (4d) | Sura | ni-popo-tulisi = ku | i | Ni. |
| letter | PASS.REA-write = 1SG | PN | Ni | |
| 'I had Ni write the letter.' | ||||
In addition, there is also a (questionable) causative construction (EVANS: "requestive") with {peki-} ~ {meki-} ~ {neki-} (cf. Tagalog { paki -} 'please'), which semantically has a role ( Causer), but syntactically reduces the valence, as the causer is only expressed in a prepositional phrase or is mostly left out.
| (5a) | I. | Tira | no-dah | baju . |
| PM | Tira | REA-sew | dress | |
| 'Tira sews clothes / a dress.' | ||||
| (5b) | Yaku | meki-dau | baju . |
| 1SG | REQ.IRR-sew | dress | |
| 'I want to have a dress sewn.' | |||
| (5c) | Yaku | mom-peki-dau | baju | nte | Tira |
| 1SG | IRR-REQ-sew | dress | With | Tira | |
| 'I would / will have Tira sew a dress.' | |||||
| (6a) | Yes | nom-paka-belo | dua = ra |
| 3SG | REA-CAUS-good | Disease = 3PL | |
| 'He cures your disease (s).' | |||
| (6b) | Ira | nom-peki-paka-belo | dua = ra |
| 3PL | REA-REQ-CAUS-good | Disease = 3PL | |
| 'They asked him to cure their illness (s).' | |||
syntax
The principle that the head of a phrase comes before the rest applies to compound words, phrases and sentences alike.
The basic position of the parts of the sentence is SVO or VOS.
There is no mandatory copula. In passive clauses , the designation of the agent can clitically approach the verb, the subject of the passive clause can be before or after the verb.
| (7) | sakaya | mbaso |
| boat | big | |
| N | Adj | |
| '(the / a) large (s) boat', also: 'the boat is large' | ||
| (8th) | banua | geira |
| House | 3PL | |
| N | gene |
|
| 'Your House' | ||
| (9) | Kaluku | shark | nalanga. |
| Coconut palm | DEM | REA: high_be | |
| N | Dem | ||
| 'That coconut palm is tall.' | |||
| (10a) | Yaku | noriapu | uta . |
| 1SG | REA: cook | vegetables | |
| S. | V | O | |
| 'I cook vegetables.' | |||
| (10b) | Noriapuku |
uta |
| REA: cooking: 1SG | vegetables | |
| V: S | O | |
| 'I cook vegetables.' | ||
| (11a) | Tuamaku | huh | ri | talua. |
| Father: 1SG | REA: go | in | garden | |
| 'My father goes into the garden.' | ||||
| (11b) | Blow | ri | talua | tuamaku. |
| REA: go | in | garden | Father: 1SG | |
| 'My father goes into the garden.' | ||||
| (12a) | I. | lack | nangali | bengga. |
| PM | uncle | to buy | buffalo | |
| S. | V | O | ||
| 'The uncle is buying (a) buffalo.' | ||||
| (12b) | Ningali | bengga. |
| PASS.REA: buy | buffalo | |
| V | S. | |
| 'Buffaloes are being sold / for sale.' | ||
| (12c) | Bengga | ningali. |
| buffalo | PASS.REA: buy | |
| S. | V | |
| 'Buffaloes are being sold / for sale.' | ||
| (13) | Tona | shark | ledo | nangande | kandea. |
| human | DEM | NEG | REA: eat | Rice. | |
| N | Dem | Neg | V | ||
| 'This person doesn't eat rice.' | |||||
| (14a) | Langgai | haitu | no-boba | i | Tira. |
| man | DEM | REA-beat | PN | Tira | |
| 'This man hit Tira | |||||
| (14b) | Yaku | nang-gita | langgai | no-boba | i | Tira. |
| 1SG | REA-see | man | REA-beat | PM | Tira | |
| 'I see the man who hit Tira.' | ||||||
vocabulary
The Kaili cannot hide its location and its relationship: There are innumerable West-Malayo-Polynesian hereditary words (cognates), especially of course with neighboring Sulawesian languages (e.g. loka 'banana'), but also with Malay ( e.g. mate 'dead') and with Filipino languages (e.g. mano 'chicken').
Loan words from Sanskrit (e.g. guru 'teacher') and Arabic (e.g. tala 'divorce') appear almost only in religious contexts, but are less common than in Bahasa Indonesia and usually through Malay got to the Kaili. Loan words from colonial languages are quite rare (but see e.g. sikola 'school'). Not affigierte , context-free words are often category- and word-class neutral .
There are no numerical units, no articles and, apart from a few honorable salutations and demonstratives, no special polite language. Apart from a few lexicostatistical comparisons with neighboring languages (e.g. in Kaseng), there are no detailed studies on the lexicons of Kaili.
font
The Kaili did not have its own script and script tradition (as in some languages of South Sulawesi, e.g. Buginese ). Only the Latin alphabet is used without Q, X (except in foreign words) and without special characters.
The orthography largely follows the rules of Indonesian spelling of 1972 / tʃ / written with C / dʒ / J, / j / Y, / ɲ / with NY / ŋ / NG, intervocalic / ʔ / be if you wish, play ', initially it is implicitly before vowels.
In some grammars and scientific publications, long vowels are marked with double spelling, but this does not seem to be a standard.
Example text
The sample text is the beginning of a fairy tale, told in 1982 in Ledo dialect. The phrase Panguli nu tesa ntotua nggaulu is the typical beginning of a fairy tale, just like in German once upon a time ...
| Panguli nu tesa ntotua nggaulu, naria vei saito madika nipokononampu noasu. Ane madotamo rarana haumo ia noasu ante tadulakona. Bara santipa sanggani, bara eo-eo. Ane nambela tonji belo norasi, ane nambela tonji da vai, mau valeana ledo naria nikava. (SARO, p. 39) | According to an old story of (my) parents, there was a king who really loved to hunt. When the desire to set out arose in him [lit. in his heart], he and his entourage went out to hunt. Sometimes once a week, sometimes every day. On good days he succeeded, on bad days there wasn't even a trace to be found. |
| Pa-nguli | nu | tesa | n = totua | nggaulu , | |
| NMLZ-say | SRC | history | SRC = parents | earlier | |
| naria | vei | saito | madika | ni-pokono = na = mpu | noasu . |
| be | AFFIRM | a | king | PASS.REA-like = 3SG = AFFIRM | to hunt |
| Ane | ma-dota-mo | rara-na | hau-mo | ||
| If | IRR-Will-COMPL | Heart-3SG.POSS | go-COMPL | ||
| ia | noasu | ante | tadulako = na . | ||
| 3SG | to hunt | With | Entourage = 3SG.POSS | ||
| Bara | sa-ntipa | sa-nggani , | bara | eo-eo . | |
| sometimes | a week | once | sometimes | Tag <redup> | |
| Ane | nambela | tonji | belo | norasi , | |
| If | to get | Times | Well | Yield | |
| ane | nambela | tonji | there | vai , | |
| if | to get | Times | bad | again | |
| poor | valeana | ledo | naria | ni-kava . | |
| even | track | NEG | be | PASS.REA-encounter |
research
Some aspects of the Kaili have been researched in stages. However, there is no comprehensive documentation or reference grammar.
literature
- Samuel J. Esser: Handleiding voor de beoefening the Ledo-Taal. Inleiding, teksten met vertaling en aanteekeningen en woordenlijst (= Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen. Vol. 72, No. 1, ISSN 0215-1375 ). Nix, Bandoeng 1934.
- Donna Evans: Causation in Kaili. In: Hein Steinhauer (Ed.): Papers in Austronesian Linguistics (= Pacific Linguistics. Series A, No. 84). Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra 1996, ISBN 0-85883-402-2 , pp. 173-189.
- Nikolaus P. Himmelmann : Person marking and grammatical relations in Sulawesi. In: Hein Steinhauer (Ed.): Papers in Austronesian Linguistics (= Pacific Linguistics. Series A, No. 84). Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra 1996, ISBN 0-85883-402-2 , pp. 115-136.
- Nikolaus P. Himmelmann: Voice in Western Austronesian: An update. In: Fay Wouk, Malcolm Ross (eds.): The history and typology of western Austronesian voice systems (= Pacific Linguistics. No. 518). Pacific Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, Canberra 2002, ISBN 0-85883-477-4 , pp. 7-15.
- Nikolaus P. Himmelmann (2009): Language endangerment scenarios in northern Central Sulawesi. In: Oceanic Linguistics. DOI: 10.1093 / acprof: oso / 9780199544547.003.0003
- Syahruddin Kaseng, Masjhuddin Masjhuda, Abdul Muthalib, Indra Bangsawan Wumbu, Amir W. Lumentut, Amir Kadir, Abdul Latif Rozali: Bahasa-Bahasa di Sulawesi Tengah (= Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa. Seri Bb 13). Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa - Departemen Pendidikian dan Kebudayaan, Jakarta 1979.
- Ahmad Saro, Amir Kadir, Masyhudin Masyhuda, Ilyad Abd Hamid: Structure Sastra Lisan Kaili. Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa - Departemen Pendidikian dan Kebudayaan, Jakarta 1991, ISBN 979-4591-16-5 .
- James N. Sneddon: Northern Sulawesi. In: Stephen A. Wurm (Ed.): Language Atlas of the Pacific Area. Volume 2: Japan area, Taiwan (Formosa), Philippines, Mainland and insular South-East Asia (= Pacific linguistics. Series C: Books. No. 67). Linguistic Circle of Canberra, Canberra 1983, ISBN 0-85883-290-9 , Kt. 43.
- Haryati Soebadio (Ed.): Indonesian heritage. Volume 10: John H. McGlynn (Ed.): Language and Literature. Reprinted edition. Archipelago Press, Singapore 1999, ISBN 981-3018-36-4 .
- Inghuong alias Sofyan, Syahruddin Kaseng, Muhammad Sikki, Patuko Pepy: Morfologi dan Sintaksis Bahasa Kaili (= Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa. Seri Bb 21). Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa - Departemen Pendidikian dan Kebudayaan, Jakarta 1979.
- Hein Steinhauer (Ed.): Papers in Austronesian Linguistics (= Pacific Linguistics. Series A, No. 84). Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra 1996, ISBN 0-85883-402-2 .
- René van den Berg: The demise of focus and the spread of conjugated verbs in Sulawesi. In: Hein Steinhauer (Ed.): Papers in Austronesian Linguistics (= Pacific Linguistics. Series A, No. 84). Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra 1996, ISBN 0-85883-402-2 , pp. 89-114.
- Stephen A. Wurm (Ed.): Language Atlas of the Pacific Area. Volume 2: Japan area, Taiwan (Formosa), Philippines, Mainland and insular South-East Asia (= Pacific linguistics. Series C: Books. No. 67). Linguistic Circle of Canberra, Canberra 1983, ISBN 0-85883-290-9 .
Web links
- KAILI, LEDO: a language of Indonesia (Sulawesi)
- Bahasa Kaili Sudah di Ambang Kepunahan
- Mencegah Kepunahan Budaya Local
- Glottolog: [1]
Attention: Ethnologue is sometimes misleading, the classification according to languages or dialects by SIL International sometimes contradicts the international consensus in linguistics and / or the understanding of the speakers of the languages concerned.