New York City mayoral elections
Elections in New York State |
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The Mayor of the City of New York is elected in early November every four years and takes office at the beginning of the following year. The City which elects the Mayor as its chief executive consists of the five New York boroughs of Manhattan, The Bronx, Brooklyn, Queens and Staten Island, which consolidated to form the City on January 1st, 1898. The consolidated City's first Mayor, Robert A. Van Wyck, was elected with other municipal officers in November 1897. The current mayor of New York, now in his second term, is Michael R. Bloomberg. The next mayoral election will be held in November 2009 for the term beginning on January 1st, 2010.
Overview
Explanatory notes
Links to years
When a year is highlighted, clicking the link to that year may either lead (as in most other articles) to the general Wikipedia article about that year (as in 1997), or it may lead specifically to that year's election for Mayor of New York, as reported elsewhere within this article (as in 1933). It is not often possible to indicate clearly where the link will lead (although when one year's election report highlights the same year, that link will obviously not lead back to itself).
Counties and boroughs
Each of the Five Boroughs which forms the City of New York coexists with a County that covers the same people and the same land. While the Boroughs within New York City, or the City itself, have assumed many of the powers and duties borne outside the City by the other 57 counties of New York State, the city's five Counties still have some administrative, legal, judicial and (importantly for this article) electoral functions. (For example the Kings County Courthouse covers the same area and people as the Borough of Brooklyn).
For those (especially non-New Yorkers) studying or comparing Presidential, State and City election returns from New York City, this can cause some confusion. For reasons of convenience and familiarity, this article has used the names of the present Boroughs, rather than those of the County Boards of Elections that collect and report the votes from those boroughs. But other election reports from New York, especially official returns, will use the county rather than the borough names.
- The County of New York was shared by both Manhattan and The Bronx until the separate Bronx County (coextensive with The Borough of Bronx) was formed in 1912. Today, New York County is coextensive only with The Borough of Manhattan. However, election returns before 1917 usually show a single report from New York County, rather than from the separate boroughs of Manhattan and the Bronx.
- The County of Kings (or King's County) is coextensive with The Borough of Brooklyn.
- The County of Queens (or Queen's County) is coextensive with The Borough of Queens.
- The County of Richmond is coextensive with The Borough of Staten Island (whose official name from 1898 to 1975 was The Borough of Richmond).
Scope of this article
The vast bulk of this page's contents is statistical: the main results of each of the 31 elections to the Mayoralty of the City of New York since Greater New York was consolidated from The Five Boroughs in 1897-1898.* Results for minor candidates, for major candidates on minor party lines, and for each borough, are also available for many years but far from all. (See #Suggestions for writers below.)
There are brief comments about some of the elections, and separate articles have been written for the three most recent ones (1997, 2001 and 2005). An attempt has also been made to compare some of the different elections and to provide tables that cover many or all of the elections.
- (Between 1834 and 1896, mayoral elections were held for the former City of Brooklyn and for the City of New York when it encompassed just the present Borough of Manhattan. The 1886 election for the latter's Mayor is briefly noted in the comments for 1897. A former Mayor of Brooklyn, Seth Low, was elected Mayor of the Five Boroughs in 1901, but lost the elections of 1897 and 1903.)
The numbers provide the raw material for a reader to make his or her own judgements, but they do not completely replace what will be missing until a separate article is written: a proper narrative account of the rich and colorful history of elections to what has been called (after the Presidency) "America's second toughest job".
Suggestions for readers
Readers who want to gain some view of this history as it applies to particular campaigns or candidates might do well to start at the Summary Tables or contents box and then follow the links to a particular election year (with commentary if any), a particular candidate or a particular political party. The external references and links to outside sources also provide fuller discussions of some elections, campaigns, candidates and movements.
Some Wikipedia articles that bear most closely on New York's municipal politics are History of New York City, Tammany Hall, American Labor Party, Liberal Party of New York, Conservative Party of New York, Independence Party of New York and Working Families Party. But particularly rewarding, when available, are the fuller biographies of the candidates. By comparing several participants' stories, the reader can often reconstruct a fair idea of the atmosphere, personalities, issues and course of a particular election or series of elections.
Suggestions for writers
As this is written in April 2008, separate articles of any length (which can be linked from this page) about any and all of the elections before 1997 are sorely needed, especially about such important and exciting ones as those of 1917, 1933 and 1965. Shorter narrative explanations on this page (about 3 to 15 lines) would also be helpful for most of the elections.
- [Blank articles have been started for each election; anyone who wants to fill the empty space for a particular election with words, figures or facts can just open the box at the bottom of this page (using "v" or "show") for Mayoral elections in New York City and click the relevant year.]
More details are also needed, in April 2008, for many of the statistical tables on this page, such as the total vote, minor parties, separate party lines for major candidates, the full names of some minor candidates, and the borough-by-borough returns for 1945, 1949, 1957, 1961, 1965, 1969, 1973 and 1997. [Those who would like to add to, correct or improve the reporting of a particular election can just click the "Edit" link closest to that election.]
Some characteristics of mayoral elections in New York
Until a fuller historical article is written, here is a brief sketch of some of the patterns assumed by all sides in New York's mayoral elections, presented as neutrally as possible. Of course, history is often made by breaking those patterns and assumed rules, but these are some of the patterns that held, changed and sometimes returned again.
Democrats, Republicans and Reformers
One pattern, stretching back well before consolidation and lasting into the 1960's, is the conflict between, on one side, Tammany Hall, the Democratic political organization largely built on political patronage with a consequent deep skepticism about Civil Service, the merit system of assigning government jobs, and competitive bidding for city contracts, and on the other hand, its various opponents, including Republicans, businessmen opposed to taxation or extorted bribes, middle-class reformers and labor union activists.
Until the election of Fiorello H. LaGuardia in 1933, it was almost never possible to unite the disparate anti-Tammany elements in a coalition strong enough to prevail for more than one election. (This was not only for negative reasons: Tammany could listen to and satisfy some of its opponents' needs, and could on occasion run candidates of undoubted quality, such as Abram Hewitt to oppose Henry George's United Labor Party in 1886.[1] ) In the reported words of the Tammany boss George Washington Plunkitt, reformers were only "mornin' glories —- looked lovely in the mornin' and withered up in a short time, while the regular machines went on flourishin' forever, like fine old oaks." [2].
Quite apart from Tammany Hall itself, both Republicans and left-wing reform parties have always had to deal with the overwhelmingly Democratic sympathies of New York City's voters. Neither the various Socialist and labor parties nor the Republicans were ever strong enough to elect a Mayor alone without the support, or at least the benign non-hostility of, other parties and independents.
Fusion, second ballot lines and third parties
The local term for uniting several constituencies or movements against Tammany was Fusion, which usually required the Republicans to abstain from competing with a non-Republican reform candidate (as in the elections of Seth Low in 1901 and John P. Mitchel in 1913). Later the unusual ability of New York candidates to combine (fuse) votes from several different parties allowed Republicans and Democrats to run their own reform candidates on third party lines, such as "Fusion", American Labor, Liberal, Conservative and Independence. In fact, no Republican has ever been elected Mayor of consolidated New York without the support of at least one other significant party, from LaGuardia to the ex-Democrat Michael Bloomberg. See the Summary Tables for other examples.
Even when a candidate could not gain another party's support, he often found it expedient to create a separate line or party name for independent voters to support him, such as "Recovery" (Joseph V. McKee in 1933), "Anticommunist" (Jeremiah Mahoney in 1937), "Experience" (Vincent Impellitteri in 1950) or "Brotherhood" (Robert F. Wagner, Jr. in 1961). In 1965, Rep. John V. Lindsay (R-Liberal) won votes on the "Independent Citizens" line, while his opponent Comptroller Abe Beame (D) won additional votes for "Civil Service Fusion".
Although granting or withholding endorsement was an effective tool for a minor party to influence a candidate's policies and actions, it could sometimes lead to counter-pressure from those who felt that candidates were being swayed too far in the wrong direction. This was one of the main reasons for founding the Conservative Party of New York in 1962 by those upset at the liberalism of Republican Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller and (later) Lindsay, against whose 1965 Mayoral campaign the Conservatives ran William F. Buckley, Jr.
More recently, there has been a trend of reformers working not through third parties (such as the now-dormant Liberals) but through Reform Democratic clubs, leading to lively internal contests such as the 1989 Democratic primary where David Dinkins unseated incumbent Mayor Edward Koch who started his own political career in a Reform Democratic Club.[3] On the other side, however, dissatisfied conservatives have created their own new parties outside the Republican Party, such as the New York State Right to Life Party and the Independence Party of New York.
Not all of these patterns will necessarily continue to hold in the future (while Tammany Hall has never revived), but these are a few of the old patterns from which new patterns will emerge.
Summary tables
Principal candidates' City-wide vote since 1897
This chart has several purposes. One is to provide ordinary readers with simple, basic information from a very detailed page. Another is to provide a handy index for those looking for a particular candidate or campaign. (Just click on the year, the candidate's name or the party name or abbreviation for more details.)
A slightly more sophisticated purpose is to sketch out on one screen the flow of votes across parties and candidates, as affected by fusion, splitting, cross-endorsement and the emergence of new movements or personalities.
Votes in thousands for principal candidates only, generally those winning more than 4.0% (1/25) of the total vote. (Therefore, low votes in a particular year for an otherwise significant party, such as Socialist or Conservative, may not be shown. For some of the lesser left-wing candidates before 1945, see #Collapse of the Socialist Party vote below.) Winner in bold-face in a colored box.
To determine the meaning of abbreviations, click the link or check the list below this table. When party labels are not given under the Democratic or Republican column for a particular year, that indicates the compilers of this article are not aware of another significant party endorsing the Democratic or Republican candidate. But those who need to know this question more definitely for a particular campaign should pursue further research. (Different first names, initials and nicknames may be used for the same person purely to fit the available space.)
Abbreviations used in this table: F or Fu. = Fusion, I or Ind. = Independent, Indep. Citizens = Independent Citizens (1965), Ind'ce = Independence Party of New York, L or Lib. = Liberal Party of New York, C or Cons. = Conservative Party of New York, ALP = American Labor Party, S or Soc. = Socialist Party of America, Wkg Fam = Working Families Party, Prog = Progressive, Jeff D = The Democracy of Thomas Jefferson (Henry George, 1897), Muni. Ownership League = Municipal Ownership League, Civic All. = Civic Alliance (Hearst 1909), Anticomm. = Anticommunist (Mahoney 1937), Exp = Experience party (Impellitteri's label for his independent campaign in 1950), Brhd = Brotherhood (Wagner 1961)
How the Boroughs voted in selected years
[More information will be filled in if and when it becomes available.]
See the table above for more information about the candidates and parties involved. Blue indicates a candidate endorsed by the Democratic Party; salmon-pink one endorsed by the Republicans; and buff (or tan) one endorsed by neither party. In 1981, Edward Koch ran on the tickets of both the Democrats and the Republicans.
Click a year to see the table or tables for that particular election (# indicates a link devoted to one specific election rather than to a set of two to six.) Although separate boroughs since 1898, Brooklyn and Manhattan shared New York County until Bronx County was established in 1912, and reported Mayoral elections together until 1917.
borough | Manhattan and The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | City of New York |
county | [ New York ] |
[ King's ] |
[ Queen's ] |
[ Richmond ]
| |
1897 | Van Wyck 48% | Van Wyck 40% | Van Wyck 41% | Van Wyck 43.5% | Van Wyck 45% |
1901 | Low 49% | Low 55% | Shepard 49% | Low 50% | Low 51% |
1903 | McClellan 56% | McClellan 49% | McClellan 56.5% | Low 48% | McClellan 53% |
1905 | McClellan 42% | Hearst 39% | Hearst 39% | McClellan 44% | McClellan 38% |
1909 | Gaynor 42.5% | Gaynor 42% | Gaynor 38% | Gaynor 47% | Gaynor 42% |
1913 | Mitchel 55% | Mitchel 60% | Mitchel 60% | Mitchel 54% | Mitchel 54% |
borough | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Is. | City of New York |
county | [ New York ] |
[ Bronx ] |
[ King's ] |
[ Queen's ] |
[ Richmond ]
| |
1917 | Hylan 46% | Hylan 43% | Hylan 46.5% | Hylan 52% | Hylan 58% | Hylan 47% |
1921 | Hylan 63% | Hylan 68% | Hylan 62% | Hylan 69% | Hylan 71% | Hylan 64% |
1925 | Walker 70% | Walker 72% | Walker 61% | Walker 63% | Walker 67% | Walker 66% |
#1929 | Walker 64% | Walker 63% | Walker 58% | Walker 62% | Walker 58% | Walker 61% |
#1932 | O'Brien 61% | O'Brien 52% | O'Brien 51% | O'Brien 48% | O'Brien 54% | O'Brien 53% |
#1933 | LaGuardia 38% | LaGuardia 39% | LaGuardia 44% | LaGuardia 39% | LaGuardia 44% | LaGuardia 40% |
#1937 | LaGuardia 58% | LaGuardia 62% | LaGuardia 63% | LaGuardia 55% | LaGuardia 56% | LaGuardia 60% |
#1941 | LaGuardia 56% | LaGuardia 58% | LaGuardia 55% | O'Dwyer 60.5% | O'Dwyer 60% | LaGuardia 52% |
1945 | O'Dwyer | |||||
1949 | O'Dwyer | |||||
#1950 | Impellitteri 40% | Pecora 42% | Pecora 41% | Impellitteri 55.5% | Impellitteri 60% | Impellitteri 44% |
#1953 | Wagner 48% | Wagner 46% | Wagner 47% | Wagner 41% | Wagner 52% | Wagner 46% |
1957 | Wagner | |||||
1961 | Wagner | |||||
#1965 | Lindsay | Beame | Beame | Lindsay | Lindsay | Lindsay 43% |
#1969 | Lindsay | Lindsay | Lindsay 41% | |||
#1973 | Beame | |||||
#1977 | Koch | Koch | Koch | Cuomo | Cuomo | Koch |
#1981 | Koch | Koch | Koch | Koch | Koch | Koch |
#1985 | Koch | Koch | Koch | Koch | Koch | Koch |
#1989 | Dinkins | Dinkins | Dinkins | Giuliani | Giuliani | Dinkins |
#1993 | Dinkins | Dinkins | Dinkins | Giuliani | Giuliani | Giuliani |
#1997 | Giuliani | Messinger | Giuliani | Giuliani | Giuliani | Giuliani |
#2001 | Green 52% | Green 55% | Green 53% | Bloomberg 55% | Bloomberg 77% | Bloomberg 50% |
#2005 | Bloomberg 60% | Ferrer 60% | Bloomberg 58% | Bloomberg 63.5% | Bloomberg 77% | Bloomberg 58% |
Upcoming elections
2009
Recent elections
2005
In 2005, Mayor Bloomberg won every borough but The Bronx (of which his Democratic opponent was the former Borough President) against a Democratic Party split by a divisive primary, in contrast to his first victory in 2001, when Bloomberg carried only Queens and Staten Island.
2005 | party | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
change in Bloomberg's margin of victory, 2001-2005 | + 98,973 | – 19,634 | + 97,622 | + 48,125 | – 10,705 | + 214,381 | + 17.0% | |
Bloomberg's margin over Mark Green (2001) | – 22,777 | – 21,683 | – 28,182 | + 46,904 | + 61,227 | + 35,489 | + 2.4% | |
Bloomberg's margin over Ferrer (2005) | + 76,196 | – 41,317 | + 69,440 | + 95,029 | + 50,522 | + 249,870 | + 19.4% | |
Michael R. Bloomberg | Republican\Liberal | 171,593 | 69,577 | 189,581 | 184,426 | 63,267 | 678,444 | 52.6% |
52.6% | 35.3% | 52.7% | 57.9% | 71.5% | ||||
Independence | 25,416 | 6,840 | 20,141 | 17,689 | 4,559 | 74,645 | 5.8% | |
7.8% | 3.5% | 5.6% | 5.6% | 5.2% | ||||
Total | 197,010 | 76,417 | 209,723 | 202,116 | 67,827 | 753,089 | 58.4% | |
60.4% | 38.8% | 58.2% | 63.5% | 76.7% | ||||
Fernando Ferrer | Democratic | 120,813 | 117,734 | 140,282 | 107,086 | 17,304 | 503,219 | 39.0% |
37.0% | 59.8% | 39.0% | 33.6% | 19.6% | ||||
Thomas V. Ognibene | Conservative | 1,729 | 1,185 | 3,573 | 5,645 | 2,498 | 14,630 | 1.1% |
Anthony Gronowicz | Green | 3,195 | 466 | 3,112 | 1,285 | 239 | 8,297 | 0.6% |
Jimmy McMillan | Rent Is Too Damn High | 1,369 | 474 | 1,293 | 799 | 176 | 4,111 | 0.3% |
Audrey Silk | Libertarian | 991 | 234 | 841 | 617 | 205 | 2,888 | 0.2% |
Martin Koppel | Socialist Workers | 758 | 231 | 766 | 384 | 117 | 2,256 | 0.2% |
Seth A Blum | Education | 322 | 131 | 382 | 264 | 77 | 1,176 | 0.1% |
Write-ins | 109 | 1 | 90 | 57 | 12 | 269 | .02% | |
T O T A L | 326,295 | 196,873 | 360,061 | 318,252 | 88,454 | 1,289,935 |
Source: Board of Elections in the City of New York http://www.vote.nyc.ny.us/results.html
2001
The 2001 mayoral election was held on Tuesday, November 6.
Republican incumbent Rudy Giuliani could not run again due to term limits. As Democrats outnumber Republicans by 5 to 1 in the city, it was widely believed that a Democrat would succeed him in City Hall. However, billionaire Michael Bloomberg, a lifelong Democrat, changed his party affiliation a few months before the election in order to avoid a crowded primary, and ran as a Republican. The Democratic primary was meant to be held on September 11 but was postponed due to the September 11 attacks; it was instead held on September 25. The primary opened the way to a bitter run-off between the Hispanic-American Ferrer, and Green, a Caucasian (Green attacked Ferrer's close ties to Al Sharpton), that left the party divided along racial lines.
Bloomberg spent $74 million on his election campaign, which was a record amount at the time for a non-presidential election (Bloomberg would break his own record in 2005). [1] Thanks also in part to active support from Giuliani, whose approval ratings shot up after the September 11 attacks, Bloomberg won a very close general election.
General Election | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Bloomberg-Green margin | -22,777 | -21,683 | -28,182 | +46,904 | +61,227 | +35,489 | |
Republican- Independence | Michael R. Bloomberg | 179,797 | 80,597 | 189,040 | 210,432 | 84,891 | 744,757 |
46.2% | 43.3% | 45.8% | 55.4% | 77.2% | 50.3% | ||
Democratic-Working Families | Mark J. Green | 202,574 | 102,280 | 217,222 | 163,528 | 23,664 | 709,268 |
52.0% | 54.9% | 52.6% | 43.1% | 21.5% | 47.9% | ||
Conservative | Terrance M. Gray | 507 | 642 | 844 | 1,219 | 365 | 3,577 |
Liberal-Better Schools | Alan G. Hevesi | 2,684 | 847 | 2,124 | 1,886 | 486 | 10,331 |
Green | Julia Willebrand | 2,241 | 670 | 2,456 | 1,579 | 209 | 7,155 |
American Dream | Kenneth B. Golding | 96 | 112 | 163 | 81 | 22 | 474 |
Libertarian | Kenny Kramer | 368 | 296 | 338 | 306 | 100 | 1,408 |
Fusion | Bernhard H. Goetz | 203 | 201 | 333 | 253 | 59 | 1,049 |
Marijuana Reform | Thomas K. Leighton | 791 | 529 | 680 | 418 | 145 | 2,563 |
T O T A L | 389,261 | 186,174 | 413,200 | 379,702 | 109,941 | ||
1,480,582 |
Democratic Primary Runoff | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Mark Green | 131,438 | 38,256 | 120,781 | 94,342 | 18,183 | 403,000 | |
Fernando Ferrer | 86,579 | 106,086 | 109,831 | 77,330 | 7,193 | 387,019 | |
790,019 |
Democratic Primary | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Fernando Ferrer | 60,839 | 86,571 | 77,516 | 49,441 | 5,084 | 279,451 | |
Mark Green | 83,856 | 26,125 | 77,805 | 49,692 | 5,704 | 243,182 | |
Peter F. Vallone (Sr.) | 25,296 | 18,268 | 51,210 | 48,576 | 11,842 | 155,192 | |
Alan G. Hevesi | 32,925 | 6,066 | 25,110 | 27,163 | 3,504 | 94,768 | |
George N. Spitz | 1,558 | 1,264 | 2,923 | 2,489 | 283 | 8,517 | |
785,365 |
Republican Primary | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Michael Bloomberg | 10,959 | 3,230 | 10,168 | 14,543 | 9,155 | 48,055 | |
Herman Badillo | 4,161 | 1,838 | 4,153 | 5,700 | 2,624 | 18,476 | |
72,961 |
1997
General Election | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Republican - Liberal | Rudolph W. Giuliani | 138,718 | 81,897 | 173,343 | 176,751 | 45,120 | 615,829 |
Democratic | Ruth Messinger | 128,478 | 102,979 | 145,349 | 92,194 | 10,288 | 479,288 |
Others | 5,534 | 2,901 | 6,259 | 4,586 | 1,961 | 21,241 | |
1,116,358 |
Notes:
- In the Democratic Primary, Messinger defeated Rev. Al Sharpton, avoiding a runoff election.
- Figures are for 99% of precincts reporting
Past elections
1993
General Election | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Republican - Liberal | Rudolph W. Giuliani | 166,357 | 98,780 | 258,058 | 291,625 | 115,416 | 930,236 |
Democratic | David N. Dinkins | 242,524 | 162,995 | 269,343 | 180,527 | 21,507 | 876,869 |
Conservative - Right to Life | George J. Marlin | 15,926 | |||||
1,889,003 |
1989
General Election | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Dinkins' lead over Giuliani | + 97,600 | + 72,471 | + 39,071 | – 94,670 | – 67,392 | + 47,080 | |
Republican - Liberal - Independent | Rudolph W. Giuliani | 157,686 | 99,800 | 237,832 | 284,766 | 90,380 | 870,464 |
Democratic | David N. Dinkins | 255,286 | 172,271 | 276,903 | 190,096 | 22,988 | 917,544 |
Right to Life | Henry Hewes | 17,460 | |||||
Conservative | Ronald S. Lauder | 9,271 | |||||
1,899,845 |
Democratic Primary | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
David N. Dinkins | 151,113 | 101,274 | 170,440 | 113,952 | 11,122 | 547,901 | |
Edward I. Koch | 96,923 | 66,600 | 139,268 | 129,262 | 24,260 | 456,313 | |
Harrison J. Goldin | 6,889 | 4,951 | 9,619 | 5,857 | 1,493 | 28,809 | |
Richard Ravitch | 17,499 | 5,946 | 13,214 | 9,443 | 1,432 | 47,534 |
1985
General Election | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Democratic - Independent | Edward I. Koch | 171,582 | 137,472 | 248,585 | 248,041 | 62,580 | 868,260 |
Liberal | Carol Bellamy | 41,190 | 14,092 | 29,256 | 25,098 | 3,835 | 113,471 |
Republican - Conservative | Diane McGrath | 17,491 | 12,358 | 25,738 | 36,032 | 10,049 | 101,668 |
1,106,762 |
1981
General Election | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Democratic - Republican | Edward I. Koch | 189,631 | 132,421 | 261,292 | 275,812 | 53,466 | 912,622 |
Unity | Frank J. Barbaro | 56,702 | 22,074 | 48,812 | 31,225 | 3,906 | 162,719 |
1,222,644 |
1977
In his 2005 book Ladies and Gentlemen, The Bronx Is Burning, historian Jonathan Mahler argues that the New York City blackout of 1977, with its accompanying rioting, enabled the law-and-order advocate Ed Koch to beat out his more left-wing opponents, including incumbent mayor Abe Beame, in the 1977 election.
General Election | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Democratic | Edward I. Koch | 184,842 | 116,436 | 204,934 | 191,894 | 19,270 | 717,376 |
Liberal - Neighborhood Govt. | Mario M. Cuomo | 77,531 | 87,421 | 173,321 | 208,748 | 40,932 | 587,913 |
Republican | Roy M. Goodman | 19,321 | 6,102 | 11,491 | 18,460 | 3,229 | 58,606 |
Conservative | Barry M. Farber | 57,437 | |||||
1,370,142 |
Democratic Primary Runoff | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Edward I. Koch | 114,084 | 69,230 | 131,538 | 107,182 | 9,770 | 431,839 | |
Mario M. Cuomo | 61,555 | 55,017 | 112,862 | 105,149 | 19,639 | 354,222 |
Democratic Primary | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | ||
Edward I. Koch | 49,855 | 23,237 | 49,894 | 51,515 | 5,747 | 180,248 | |
Mario M. Cuomo | 25,056 | 22,939 | 55,439 | 56,719 | 10,335 | 170,488 | |
Abraham D. Beame | 23,057 | 25,534 | 62,921 | 44,342 | 7,306 | 163,610 | |
Bella Abzug | 54,591 | 20,429 | 37,790 | 33,623 | 4,286 | 150,719 | |
Percy Sutton | 34,742 | 24,588 | 42,215 | 28,286 | 1,366 | 131,197 | |
Herman Badillo | 26,895 | 34,246 | 28,838 | 8,961 | 868 | 99,808 |
1929 to 1973
Some figures and anecdotes courtesy James Trager's New York Chronology (HarperCollins: 2003). Other numbers are from The World Almanac and Book of Facts, then published by The New York World-Telegram (Scripps-Howard), for 1943 (page 412) and 1957 (page 299).
1973
Year | Candidate | Party | Total |
---|---|---|---|
1973 | Abraham Beame | Democratic | 961,130
|
John Marchi | Republican | 276,585
| |
Albert H. Blumenthal | Liberal | 265,297
| |
Mario Biaggi | Conservative | 189,986
|
note: All the candidates except Marchi had run in the Democratic primary.
1969
Year | Candidate | Party | Total | percent |
---|---|---|---|---|
1969 | John V. Lindsay | Liberal | 1,012,663 |
(41.1%)
|
Mario Proccacino | Democratic | 831,772 |
(33.8%)
| |
John Marchi | Republican - Conservative | 542,411 |
(22.1%)
|
note: In one of the most unusual primary seasons since the conglomeration of greater New York, incumbent (Lindsay) and a former incumbent (Wagner) both lost. Procaccino won with less than 37% of the vote, which inspired the use of runoffs in future primaries. In the general election, Lindsay carried Manhattan (the only borough he carried in losing the Republican primary to Marchi, 107,000 to 113,000) as he did in 1965, but he was only 4,000 votes ahead of giving first place in Queens to Procaccino. Turnout dropped to 2.4 million from 2.6 million in 1965. (In the same election, Lindsay's 1965 opponent Abe Beame was easily returned to his old job of Comptroller.) [4]
1965
Year | Candidate | Party | Total | percent |
---|---|---|---|---|
1965 | John V. Lindsay | Republican - Liberal - Independent Citizens | 1,149,106 |
(43.3%)
|
Abraham Beame | Democratic - Civil Service Fusion | 1,046,699 |
(39.5%)
| |
William F. Buckley, Jr. | Conservative | 341,226 |
(12.9%)
|
Over a quarter of Lindsay's vote (293,194) was on the Liberal Party line, while over 60,000 of Beame's votes were on the Civil Service Fusion line. John Lindsay, a Republican Congressman from the "Silk-Stocking" District on the Upper East Side of Manhattan, carried Manhattan, Queens, and traditionally-Republican Staten Island (Richmond), while Abe Beame, the City Comptroller, carried The Bronx and his home borough of Brooklyn.[5] William F. Buckley, Jr. won over a quarter (25.2%) of the Staten Island vote, 17.3% of Queens', 13.9% of The Bronx's, 12.7% of Brooklyn's and only 7.2% of Manhattan's.[6] (Five years later, Bill Buckley's brother James L. Buckley would win the 1970 New York state election for U.S. Senator on the Conservative Party line against divided opposition.)
1957 & 1961
Year | Candidate | Party | Total |
---|---|---|---|
1961 | Robert F. Wagner, Jr. | Democratic - Liberal - Brotherhood | 1,237,421
|
Louis Lefkowitz | Republican | 835,691
| |
Lawrence E. Gerusa | Independent | 321,604
| |
1957 | Robert F. Wagner, Jr. | Democratic | 1,508,775
|
Robert Christenberry | Republican | 585,768
|
The Wagner-Christenberry campaign has left us one of the great campaign anecdotes: Christenberry was railing against Wagner's police department for not doing enough to fight corruption and vice, so the cops raided Christenberry's illegal casino in the basement of the hotel he was manager of.
1953
1953 | party | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
Rudolph Halley | Liberal | 76,884 | 112,825 | 162,275 | 73,192 | 3,514 | 428,690 | 19.1% |
Independent | 7,648 | 9,853 | 13,264 | 7,356 | 295 | 38,416 | 1.7% | |
Total | 84,532 | 122,678 | 175,539 | 80,548 | 3,809 | 467,106 | 20.8% | |
17.1% | 27.4% | 24.1% | 15.7% | 6.4% | ||||
Robert F. Wagner, Jr. | Democratic | 236,960 | 206,771 | 339,970 | 207,918 | 31,007 | 1,022,626 | 45.6% |
47.9% | 46.2% | 46.6% | 40.6% | 51.8% | ||||
Harold Riegelmann | Republican | 147,876 | 97,224 | 183,968 | 208,829 | 23,694 | 661,591 | 29.5% |
29.9% | 21.7% | 25.2% | 40.8% | 39.6% | ||||
McAvoy | American Labor Party | 14,904 | 13,290 | 17,337 | 7,182 | 332 | 53,045 | 2.4% |
David L. Weiss | Socialist Workers | 10,683 | 7,760 | 13,062 | 7,254 | 1,019 | 2,054 | 0.1% |
Nathan Karp | Industrial Gov't [SLP] | 916 | .04% | |||||
scattered | 180 | .01% | ||||||
unrecorded (blank, etc.) | 36,630 | 1.6% | ||||||
T O T A L | 494,955 | 447,723 | 729,876 | 511,731 | 59,861 | 2,244,146 |
"Industrial Government" is a ballot title sometimes used, to avoid confusion or to meet election laws, by the Socialist Labor Party.
1950
1950 | party | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
Ferdinand Pecora | Democratic | 166,240 | 157,537 | 271,670 | 104,734 | 11,177 | 711,358 | 27.1% |
Liberal | 48,370 | 59,717 | 90,576 | 24,489 | 841 | 223,993 | 8.5% | |
Total | 214,610 | 217,254 | 362,246 | 129,223 | 12,018 | 935,351 | 35.6% | |
35.1% | 41.6% | 41.0% | 23.6% | 19.0% | ||||
Vincent Impellitteri | Experience | 246,608 | 215,913 | 357,322 | 303,448 | 37,884 | 1,161,175 | 44.2% |
40.4% | 41.3% | 40.5% | 55.5% | 60.0% | ||||
Edward Corsi | Republican | 102,575 | 54,796 | 113,392 | 99,225 | 12,384 | 382,372 | 14.6% |
16.8% | 10.5% | 12.8% | 18.1% | 19.6% | ||||
Paul Ross | American Labor Party | 47,201 | 34,575 | 49,999 | 14,904 | 899 | 147,578 | 5.6% |
T O T A L | 610,994 | 522,538 | 882,959 | 546,800 | 63,185 | 2,626,476 |
Vincent Impellitteri, the mayor who succeeded mid-term after William O'Dwyer resigned on August 31st, 1950, swept Manhattan, Queens and Staten Island in this special election, while Ferdinand Pecora (aided by the Liberal Party) took very narrow leads in The Bronx and Brooklyn. In this election, the Liberals heavily outpolled the American Labor Party in every borough but Manhattan and Staten Island, where the two parties' votes were almost equal.
1945 & 1949
Year | Candidate | Party | Total |
---|---|---|---|
1949 | William O'Dwyer | Democratic | 1,266,512
|
Newbold Morris | Republican-Liberal | 956,069
| |
Vito Marcantonio | American Labor | 556,626
| |
1945 | William O'Dwyer | Democratic | 1,125,357
|
Jonah J. Goldstein | Republican (though a Democrat until the day of nomination) | 431,601
| |
Newbold Morris | Independent | 408,348
|
1941
As in 1937, more voters in every borough voted on the Democratic line than on any other single line; but this time (unlike 1937) the Democrat carried Queens and Staten Island over LaGuardia, shrinking the Mayor's overall citywide percentage lead from 20% to 6%. As in 1937, LaGuardia's overall margin of victory depended on the American Labor Party, which again won more votes than the Republicans in The Bronx. While the total vote and Republican vote were almost identical in 1937 and 1941, the ALP line lost 47,000 votes (2.4%), almost entirely from Manhattan (-18,000) and Brooklyn (-26,000), as the vote on LaGuardia's other lines (Fusion, Progressive and United City) dropped from 187,000 (8.3%) to 86,000 (3.7%). The Democratic Party gained about 160,000 votes lost by LaGuardia (and about 7½ % of the total). In both Queens and Richmond (Staten Island), the swing was even greater: LaGuardia lost over 15% of the total vote (and the Democrats gained over 15%) from 1937, as his lead there flipped from roughly 56%-44% to 39%-60%.
1941 | party | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
change in LaGuardia's margin of victory, 1937-1941 | – 21,481 | – 31,205 | – 116,061 | – 133,684 | – 19,160 | – 321,591 | – 14.5% | |
LaGuardia's margin over Jeremiah Mahoney (1937) | + 91,989 | + 105,517 | + 207,869 | + 40,966 | + 7,533 | + 453,874 | + 20.3% | |
LaGuardia's margin over O'Dwyer (1941) | + 70,508 | + 74,312 | + 91,808 | – 92,718 | – 11,627 | + 132,283 | + 5.8% | |
Fiorello H. LaGuardia | Republican | 188,851 | 103,420 | 242,537 | 116,359 | 17,318 | 668,485 | 29.5% |
35.6% | 22.9% | 30.5% | 27.1% | 30.7% | ||||
American Labor Party | 81,642 | 135,900 | 174,601 | 39,693 | 3,538 | 435,374 | 19.2% | |
15.4% | 30.1% | 21.9% | 9.3% | 6.3% | ||||
City Fusion | 21,642 | 14,719 | 17,024 | 8,759 | 1,223 | 63,367 | 2.8% | |
United City | 6,090 | 5,568 | 5,694 | 1,770 | 170 | 19,292 | 0.9% | |
Total | 298,225 | 259,607 | 439,856 | 166,581 | 22,249 | 1,186,518 | 52.4% | |
56.2% | 57.6% | 55.2% | 38.8% | 39.4% | ||||
William O'Dwyer | Democratic | 227,717 | 185,295 | 348,048 | 259,299 | 33,876 | 1,054,235 | 46.6% |
42.9% | 41.1% | 43.7% | 60.5% | 60.1% | ||||
George W. Hartmann | Socialist | 4,790 | 6,005 | 8,574 | 2,973 | 274 | 22,616 | 1.0% |
T O T A L | 530,732 | 450,907 | 796,478 | 428,853 | 56,399 | 2,263,369 |
1937
1937 | party | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
LaGuardia's margin over Mahoney | + 91,989 | + 105,517 | + 207,869 | + 40,966 | + 7,533 | + 453,874 | + 20.3% | |
Fiorello H. LaGuardia | Republican | 181,518 | 96,468 | 228,313 | 144,433 | 23,879 | 674,611 | 30.2% |
32.1% | 22.0% | 29.2% | 37.3% | 38.4% | ||||
American Labor Party | 99,735 | 138,756 | 200,783 | 40,153 | 3,363 | 482,790 | 21.6% | |
17.6% | 31.6% | 25.7% | 10.4% | 5.4% | ||||
Fusion | 39,959 | 30,677 | 55,423 | 26,217 | 7,280 | 159,556 | 7.1% | |
7.1% | 7.0% | 7.1% | 6.8% | 11.7% | ||||
Progressive | 7,783 | 6,421 | 9,997 | 3,136 | 336 | 27,673 | 1.2% | |
Total |
328,995 | 272,322 | 494,516 | 213,939 | 34,858 | 1,344,630 | 60.2% | |
58.1% | 62.0% | 63.3% | 55.3% | 56.1% | ||||
Jeremiah T. Mahoney[7] | Democratic | 233,120 | 163,856 | 282,137 | 171,002 | 27,100 | 877,215 | 39.2% |
41.2% | 37.3% | 36.1% | 44.2% | 43.6% | ||||
Trades Union | 2,044 | 1,378 | 2,490 | 1,014 | 122 | 7,048 | 0.3% | |
Anti-Communist | 1,842 | 1,571 | 2,020 | 957 | 103 | 6,493 | 0.3% | |
Total |
237,006 | 166,805 | 286,647 | 172,973 | 27,325 | 890,756 | 39.8% | |
41.9% | 38.0% | 36.7% | 44.7% | 43.9% | ||||
T O T A L |
566,001 | 439,127 | 781,163 | 386,912 | 62,183 | 2,235,386 |
Note that the leading line in every borough, and in the City as a whole, is the Democratic line for Judge Mahoney. Running on the Republican line alone (as he did when losing the election of 1929), Mayor LaGuardia would have lost every borough, but he carried all five when the American Labor Party line was added. The ALP line did better than the Republican line in The Bronx, although worse than the Democratic one.
1933
1933 | party | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
Fiorello H. LaGuardia | Republican - Fusion | 203,479 | 151,669 | 331,920 | 154,369 | 27,085 | 868,522 | 40.4% |
38.4% | 38.8% | 44.4% | 39.3% | 43.7% | ||||
Joseph V. McKee | Recovery | 123,707 | 131,280 | 194,558 | 141,296 | 18,212 | 609,053 | 28.3% |
23.3% | 33.6% | 26.0% | 36.0% | 29.4% | ||||
John P. O'Brien | Democratic | 192,649 | 93,403 | 194,335 | 90,501 | 15,784 | 586,672 | 27.3% |
36.3% | 23.9% | 26.0% | 23.0% | 25.4% | ||||
Charles Solomon | Socialist | 10,525 | 14,758 | 26,941 | 6,669 | 953 | 59,846 | 3.0% |
(Subtotal) |
530,360 | 391,110 | 747,754 | 392,835 | 62,034 | |||
Robert Minor | Communist | 26,044 | 1.3% | |||||
T O T A L | 2,150,137 |
Collapse of the Socialist Party vote
In 1933, a year that might have favored the Socialist Party's chances, Morris Hillquit had died, Norman Thomas refused to run again for Mayor, and the Socialist vote (previously as high as one-eighth to one-fifth of the total) collapsed irretrievably from a quarter of a million to sixty thousand (one-thirtieth of the total). Many supporters of Thomas' 1929 campaign defected (some, like Paul Blanshard leaving the Party) to support LaGuardia.[8] By the time of the next Mayoral election in 1937, which the Socialist Party decided by internal referendum not to contest, many reformers and trade-unionists who wanted to support major-party progressives like LaGuardia (R-ALP-Fusion), Gov. Herbert Lehman (D-ALP) and Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt from outside the two-party structure backed the American Labor Party (ALP), the Social Democratic Federation and later the Liberal Party of New York.[9] After a disastrous gubernatorial campaign in 1938 (where Thomas and George Hartmann won only 25,000 votes out of over 4.7 million), the Socialist Party lost its separate line on the New York ballot, allowed its members to join the ALP, and in fact encouraged them to do so. In 1939, the Socialist Harry W. Laidler (a co-founder of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society and League for Industrial Democracy) was elected to the New York City Council on the ALP's ticket, but lost its renomination two years later because of rivalry with the Communists.[10]
The Rise and Fall of the Socialist Vote for Mayor of the City of New York
| |||||||||
year | Social-Democratic Party & Socialist Party of America | votes | % | Socialist Labor Party | votes | % | other left, labor & reform | votes | % |
1897 | Lucien Sanial | 14,467 | 2.8% | Henry George, Jefferson Dem. | 21,693 | 4.1% | |||
1901 | Hanford [Social Dem.] | 9,834 | 1.7% | Keinard | 6,213 | 1.1% | |||
1903 | Forman [Social Dem.] | 16,956 | 2.9% | Hunter | 5,205 | 0.9% | |||
1905 | Algernon Lee | 11,817 | 2.0% | Kinneally | 2,276 | 0.4% | W.R. Hearst, Muni. Own'ship | 224,989 | 37.2% |
1909 | Joseph Cassidy | 11,768 | 2.0% | Hunter | 1,256 | 0.2% | Wm R. Hearst, Civic Alliance | 154,187 | 25.9% |
1913 | Charles Edward Russell | 32,057 | 5.1% | Walters | 1,647 | 0.3% | |||
1917 | Morris Hillquit | 145,332 | 21.7% | ||||||
1921 | Jacob Panken | 82,607 | 7.1% | John P. Quinn | 1,049 | 0.1% | Jerome De Hunt, Farmer-Labor | 1,008 | 0.1% |
1925 | Norman Thomas | 39,574 | 3.5% | Brandon | 1,643 | 0.1% | Fisher, Progressive | 1,498 | 0.1% |
1929 | Norman Thomas | 175,697 | 12.3% | Olive M. Johnson | 6,401 | 0.4% | Richard Enright, Square Deal | 5,965 | 0.4% |
1932 | Morris Hillquit | 251,656 | 12.6% | ||||||
1933 | Charles Solomon | 59,846 | 3.0% | Robert Minor, Communist | 26,044 | 1.3% | |||
1937 | [no candidate] | F.H. LaGuardia, ALP line only | 482,790 | 21.6% | |||||
1941 | George W. Hartmann | 22,616 | 1.0% | F.H. LaGuardia, ALP line only | 435,374 | 19.2% |
[Click on the year for fuller details. ALP = American Labor Party (see commentary above). Socialist Labor Party candidates and votes not listed by The World Almanac for every year.]
In 1894 and in 1897, Lucien Sanial was the mayoral candidate of the Socialist Labor Party before both the SLP and the Social Democratic Party each split in two. In 1901, Sanial's faction of the SLP, led by Morris Hillquit, and the larger faction of the SDP, led by Eugene V. Debs, united to form the Socialist Party of America, which soon drew away many votes formerly cast for the SLP. For further details, see Hillquit's History of Socialism in the United States (1910) and Howard Quint's Forging of American Socialism (1964), both cited in the #References at the end of this article.
1932
Totals after a court-ordered recount:
Year | Candidate | Party | Total | percent |
---|---|---|---|---|
1932 (after recount) | John P. O'Brien | Democratic | 1,054,324 |
(53.0%)
|
Lewis H. Pounds | Republican | 443,020 |
(22.3%)
| |
Morris Hillquit | Socialist | 251,656 |
(12.6%)
| |
Joseph V. McKee | Independent/Write-in | 241,899 |
(12.2%)
|
Joseph V. McKee became Acting Mayor upon the resignation of elected Mayor Jimmy Walker on September 1st, 1932. McKee's write-in total is, in fact, the highest any New York City election would ever see. For the election after the next one, voting machines which would make write-in voting much more difficult were introduced. Machines of this basic design are still being used.
Borough returns before the recount (which did not significantly affect the outcome):
1932 (before recount) | party | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
John P. O'Brien | Democratic | 308,944 | 181,639 | 358,945 | 176,070 | 30,517 | 1,056,115 | 53.2% |
60.8% | 52.0% | 51.0% | 47.9% | 54.3% | ||||
Lewis H. Pounds | Republican | 116,729 | 48,366 | 157,152 | 105,068 | 16,586 | 443,901 | 22.4% |
23.0% | 13.9% | 22.3% | 28.6% | 29.5% | ||||
Morris Hillquit | Socialist | 40,011 | 68,980 | 113,622 | 24,981 | 2,293 | 249,887 | 12.6% |
7.9% | 19.8% | 16.2% | 6.8% | 4.1% | ||||
Joseph V. McKee | Independent (write-in) | 42,299 | 50,212 | 73,431 | 61,648 | 6,782 | 234,372 | 11.8% |
8.3% | 14.4% | 10.4% | 16.8% | 12.1% | ||||
T O T A L | 507,983 | 349,197 | 703,150 | 367,767 | 56,178 | 1,984,275 |
1929
1929 | party | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
Jimmy Walker | Democratic | 232,370 | 159,948 | 283,432 | 166,188 | 25,584 | 867,522 | 61.0% |
63.8% | 62.9% | 57.7% | 61.7% | 57.8% | ||||
Fiorello H. LaGuardia | Republican | 91,944 | 52,646 | 132,095 | 75,911 | 15,079 | 367,675 | 25.8% |
25.3% | 20.7% | 26.9% | 28.2% | 34.0% | ||||
Norman Thomas | Socialist | 37,316 | 39,181 | 71,145 | 24,897 | 3,248 | 175,697 | 12.3% |
10.3% | 15.4% | 14.5% | 9.2% | 7.3% | ||||
Olive M. Johnson | Socialist Labor | 1,238 | 1,577 | 2,585 | 906 | 95 | 6,401 | 0.4% |
Richard Enright | Square Deal | 1,121 | 845 | 2,361 | 1,354 | 284 | 5,965 | 0.4% |
T O T A L | 363,989 | 254,197 | 491,618 | 269,256 | 44,290 | 1,423,260 |
(There were two other minor party lines not included here nor reflected in the totals or the percentages.) The great stock market crash hit Wall Street on October 24-29, 1929, less than two weeks before Election Day.
1897 to 1925
¶ Basic numbers for the elections of 1897 to 1925 come from The World Almanac and Book of Facts for 1929 and 1943. Percentages and borough totals calculated independently. (Because of some anomalies, not all columns and rows add precisely.) First names and informational links gathered from Wikipedia and several external sources, including the free public archive of The New York Times.
1917 to 1925
1925 | party | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
Jimmy Walker | Democratic | 247,079 | 131,226 | 244,029 | 103,629 | 22,724 | 748,687 | 65.8% |
69.4% | 71.8% | 60.9% | 63.0% | 67.3% | ||||
Frank D. Waterman [11] | Republican | 98,617 | 39,615 | 139,060 | 58,478 | 10,794 | 346,564 | 30.5% |
27.7% | 21.7% | 34.7% | 35.6% | 32.0% | ||||
Norman Thomas | Socialist | 9,482 | 11,133 | 16,809 | 1,943 | 207 | 39,574 | 3.5% |
Brandon | Socialist Labor | 388 | 488 | 591 | 155 | 21 | 1,643 | 0.1% |
Fisher | Progressive | 387 | 262 | 528 | 284 | 37 | 1,498 | 0.1% |
TOTAL | 355,953 | 182,724 | 401,017 | 164,489 | 33,783 | 1,137,966 | ||
1921 | party | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
John Francis Hylan | Democratic | 261,452 | 118,235 | 260,143 | 87,676 | 22,741 | 750,247 | 64.2% |
62.9% | 67.6% | 62.1% | 69.0% | 70.8% | ||||
Henry H. Curran | Republican - Coalition | 124,253 | 34,919 | 128,259 | 36,415 | 9,000 | 332,846 | 28.5% |
29.9% | 20.0% | 30.6% | 28.6% | 28.0% | ||||
Jacob Panken | Socialist | 28,756 | 21,255 | 29,580 | 2,741 | 275 | 82,607 | 7.1% |
6.9% | 12.2% | 7.1% | 2.2% | 0.9% | ||||
Jerome T. De Hunt | Farmer Labor | 321 | 133 | 395 | 88 | 71 | 1,008 | 0.1% |
John P. Quinn | Socialist Labor | 316 | 244 | 346 | 123 | 20 | 1,049 | 0.1% |
George K. Hinds | Prohibition | 375 | 120 | 390 | 111 | 14 | 1,010 | 0.1% |
TOTAL | 415,473 | 174,906 | 419,113 | 127,154 | 32,121 | 1,168,767 | ||
1917 | party | Manhattan | The Bronx | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
John Francis Hylan | Democratic | 113,728 | 41,546 | 114,487 | 35,399 | 8,850 | 314,010 | 46.8% |
46.4% | 42.9% | 46.5% | 51.7% | 58.3% | ||||
John Purroy Mitchel | Fusion | 66,748 | 19,247 | 52,921 | 13,641 | 2,940 | 155,497 | 23.2% |
27.3% | 19.9% | 21.5% | 19.9% | 19.4% | ||||
Morris Hillquit | Socialist | 51,176 | 30,374 | 48,880 | 13,477 | 1,425 | 145,332 | 21.7% |
20.9% | 31.4% | 19.9% | 19.7% | 9.4% | ||||
William M. Bennett | Republican | 13,230 | 5,576 | 29,748 | 5,916 | 1,968 | 56,438 | 8.4% |
5.4% | 5.8% | 12.1% | 8.6% | 13.0% | ||||
TOTAL | 244,882 | 96,743 | 246,036 | 68,433 | 15,183 | 671,277 |
The November 1917 election turned into a violently contentious referendum on the United States' April 6th entry into World War One, which was immediately opposed (although not without many dissents and defections) by the Socialist Party of Morris Hillquit. According to James Weinstein's The Decline of Socialism in America, 1912-1925 (New York 1967), incumbent Mayor Mitchel, "a highly irregular Democrat", had narrowly lost the Republican primary to Bennett before starting his Fusion campaign. Mitchel and former President Theodore Roosevelt joined in vociferous denunciations of Hillquit's anti-war positions (such as refusing to buy Liberty Bonds), while John F. Hylan was relatively quiet on the subject of the War. Many New Yorkers supported the war effort, while many recent immigrants were strongly opposed.
1897 to 1913
¶ The Bronx and Manhattan, although separate Boroughs since 1898, shared New York County until Bronx County was formed in 1912, and apparently counted their ballots together as late as 1913.
1913 | party | The Bronx and Manhattan | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
Edward E. McCall | Democratic | 129,113 | 77,826 | 20,097 | 6,853 | 233,889 | 37.3% |
39.6% | 34.2% | 35.0% | 43.3% | ||||
John Purroy Mitchel | Fusion | 178,224 | 137,074 | 34,279 | 8,604 | 358,181 | 57.1% |
54.7% | 60.2% | 59.6% | 54.4% | ||||
Charles Edward Russell | Socialist | 17,383 | 11,560 | 2,865 | 249 | 32,057 | 5.1% |
Walters | Socialist Labor | 952 | 538 | 129 | 28 | 1,647 | 0.3% |
Raymond | Prohibition | 412 | 587 | 118 | 96 | 1,213 | 0.2% |
TOTAL | 326,084 | 227,585 | 57,488 | 15,830 | 626,987 | ||
1909 | party | The Bronx and Manhattan | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
William Jay Gaynor | Democratic | 134,075 | 91,666 | 17,570 | 7,067 | 250,378 | 42.1% |
42.5% | 41.9% | 38.4% | 47.1% | ||||
William Randolph Hearst | Civic Alliance | 87,155 | 49,040 | 15,186 | 2,806 | 154,187 | 25.9% |
27.6% | 22.4% | 33.2% | 18.7% | ||||
Otto T. Bannard | Republican - Fusion | 86,497 | 73,860 | 11,907 | 5,049 | 177,313 | 29.8% |
27.4% | 33.8% | 26.0% | 33.6% | ||||
Joseph Cassidy | Socialist | 6,811 | 3,874 | 1,004 | 79 | 11,768 | 2.0% |
Hunter | Socialist Labor | 813 | 369 | 56 | 18 | 1,256 | 0.2% |
TOTAL | 315,351 | 218,809 | 45,723 | 15,019 | 594,902 | ||
1905 | party | The Bronx and Manhattan | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
George B. McClellan, Jr. | Democratic | 140,264 | 68,788 | 13,228 | 6,127 | 228,407 | 37.8% |
41.6% | 31.4% | 37.6% | 44.1% | ||||
William Randolph Hearst | Municipal Ownership League | 123,292 | 84,835 | 13,766 | 3,096 | 224,989 | 37.2% |
36.6% | 38.8% | 39.2% | 22.3% | ||||
William M. Ivins (Sr) [12] | Republican | 64,280 | 61,192 | 7,213 | 4,499 | 137,184 | 22.7% |
19.1% | 28.0% | 20.5% | 32.4% | ||||
Algernon Lee | Socialist | 7,466 | 3,387 | 847 | 117 | 11,817 | 2.0% |
Kinneally | Socialist Labor | 1,485 | 657 | 95 | 39 | 2,276 | 0.4% |
TOTAL | 336,787 | 218,859 | 35,149 | 13,878 | 604,673 | ||
1903 | party | The Bronx and Manhattan | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
George B. McClellan, Jr. | Democratic | 188,681 | 102,569 | 17,074 | 6,458 | 314,782 | 53.4% |
56.1% | 48.8% | 56.5% | 48.1% | ||||
Seth Low | Fusion | 132,178 | 101,251 | 11,960 | 6,697 | 252,086 | 42.7% |
39.3% | 48.2% | 39.6% | 49.9% | ||||
Forman | Social Democratic | 11,318 | 4,529 | 976 | 133 | 16,956 | 2.9% |
Hunter | Socialist Labor | 3,540 | 1,411 | 178 | 76 | 5,205 | 0.9% |
John McKee | Prohibition | 376 | 396 | 47 | 50 | 869 | 0.1% |
TOTAL | 336,093 | 210,156 | 30,235 | 13,414 | 589,898 | ||
1901 | party | The Bronx and Manhattan | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
Edward M. Shepard | Democratic | 156,631 | 88,858 | 13,679 | 6,009 | 265,177 | 45.8% |
47.4% | 42.7% | 49.4% | 46.1% | ||||
Seth Low | Fusion | 162,298 | 114,625 | 13,118 | 6,772 | 296,813 | 51.2% |
49.1% | 55.0% | 47.4% | 51.9% | ||||
Hanford | Social Democratic | 6,409 | 2,692 | 613 | 120 | 9,834 | 1.7% |
Keinard | Socialist Labor | 4,323 | 1,638 | 181 | 71 | 6,213 | 1.1% |
Alfred L. Manierre | Prohibition | 617 | 501 | 74 | 72 | 1,264 | 0.2% |
TOTAL | 330,278 | 208,314 | 27,665 | 13,044 | 579,301 | ||
1897 | party | The Bronx and Manhattan | Brooklyn | Queens | Staten Island | Total | % |
Robert A. Van Wyck | Democratic | 143,666 | 76,185 | 9,275 | 4,871 | 233,997 | 44.7% |
48.0% | 40.1% | 40.7% | 43.5% | ||||
Seth Low | Citizens' Union | 77,210 | 65,656 | 5,876 | 2,798 | 151,540 | 28.9% |
25.8% | 34.6% | 25.8% | 25.0% | ||||
Benjamin F. Tracy | Republican | 55,834 | 37,611 | 5,639 | 2,779 | 101,863 | 19.5% |
18.6% | 19.8% | 24.7% | 24.8% | ||||
Henry George | Jefferson Democracy | 13,076 | 6,938 | 1,096 | 583 | 21,693 | 4.1% |
Lucien Sanial † | Socialist Labor | 9,796 | 3,593 | 921 | 157 | 14,467 | 2.8% |
TOTAL | 299,582 | 189,983 | 22,807 | 11,188 | 523,560 |
The election of 1897 was held just before the Five Boroughs formally consolidated into Greater New York in 1898, so it was the present City's first Mayoral election. For preliminary results for all the municipal offices, broken down into smaller districts, see "DEMOCRATS TAKE ALL; The Tammany Ticket Makes Almost a Clean Sweep of the Greater City. ONLY TWO REPUBLICANS IN THE COUNCIL..." in The New-York Times, November 4, 1897 (seen April 11, 2008).
Henry George, author of Progress and Poverty and proponent of the Single Tax on land, died (probably from the strain of campaign speeches) on October 29th, four days before Election Day; his son took his place on the ballot to represent "The Democracy of Thomas Jefferson" [13]. (In 1886, George had been the United Labor Party's candidate for Mayor of the smaller City of New York, now the Borough of Manhattan, winning 68,110 votes to 90,552 for the Democrat Abram Hewitt and 60,435 for the Republican Theodore Roosevelt, although George's supporters maintained that he had lost the election through fraud.) [14]
It appears from the percentages to be an open question whether the Republican Party's decision in 1897 not to support Seth Low's Fusion campaign caused his defeat by splitting the vote against Tammany Hall. Republicans withdrew in Low's favor in 1901 (when he won) and in 1903 (when he lost).
† For Lucien Sanial, see the table notes under #Collapse of the Socialist Party vote above (1933) and ALL THEY NEED IS VOTES; THREE CANDIDATES FOR MAYOR WHO WOULD MAKE A STIR. in The New-York Times for Wednesday, November 4, 1894, page 19.
References
- ^ Morris Hillquit wrote in 1910, "The movement assumed such proportions that the old parties took alarm and sought to offset the popularity of George by nominating the strongest available candidates at the head of their tickets. The Democrats nominated the noted philanthropist and son-in-law of Peter Cooper, Abram S. Hewitt, while the Republicans nominated Theodore Roosevelt, then a young and promising politician." History of Socialism in the United States (1971 Dover reprint), page 252, ISBN 0-486-22767-7
- ^ Plunkitt of Tammany Hall, as recorded by William Riordon (1963 edition), Project Gutenberg text, Chapter 4
- ^ "Ed Koch" in Centennial Classroom: NYC Mayors the first 100 years
- ^ page 437 of The Ungovernable City: John Lindsay and His Struggle to Save New York By Vincent J. Cannato (Basic Books, 2001, ISBN 0-465-00843-7)
- ^ Page 41 of the 1966 World Almanac & Book of Facts and page 69 of Cannato's The Ungovernable City: John Lindsay and His Struggle to Save New York
- ^ "Buckley and New York" in the Election Dissection blog for March 1, 2008.
- ^ A brief profile of Judge Jeremiah Titus Mahoney can be found within this article, "Up Again, Down Again", TIME, Monday, August 16, 1937
- ^ pages 105-107 of Bernard K. Johnpoll's Pacifist's Progress: Norman Thomas and the decline of American socialism, Quadrangle (NY) 1970: ISBN 0-8129-0152-5
- ^ See pages 113-116 of The Emerging Republican Majority by Kevin Phillips (Doubleday Anchor paperback edition 1970). According to the March 1950 reminiscences of FDR's advisor Edward J. Flynn, "President Roosevelt with Jim Farley and myself, brought the American Labor Party into being. It was entirely Roosevelt's suggestion. Farley and I never believed in it very much, but he felt at the time—and it is true today—that there were many people who believed in what Roosevelt stood for but who, for some reason or another...would not join the Democratic party. If another party were created, you could bring these people into it actively. That was really why it was created." cited in It Didn't Happen Here: Why socialism failed in the United States, by Seymour Martin Lipset and Gary Marks (New York, 2000: W.W. Norton, ISBN 0-393-04098-4), page 342 note 56
- ^ Johnpoll, Pacifist's Progress, pages 194-5
- ^ The Wikipedia entry is for Lewis Waterman (Frank D. Waterman's uncle); see also "Frank D. Waterman's Run for Mayor: New York City, 1925" from The PENnant (the magazine of the Pen Collectors of America) 1995
- ^ The Wikipedia entry is for William Mills Ivins, Jr. (William Mills Ivins' son); see also a long, contemporary New York Sunday Times magazine feature article, "William M. Ivins, a Man of Many Facets; A Character Study of the Republican Candidate for the Mayoralty" (October 22, 1905 page SM1).
- ^ The Single Tax Movement in the United States by Arthur Nichols Young (Princeton, 1916), page 152
- ^ Young, The Single Tax Movement in the United States, page 95. See also History of Socialism in the United States by Morris Hillquit (5th edition, New York 1910, reprinted New York 1971 by Dover: ISBN 0-486-22767-7), pages 249-253, and The Forging of American Socialism by Howard Quint (2nd edition, Indianapolis 1964: Bobbs-Merrill), pages 37-43.
See also