Lulik

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Roof decoration of an Uma Lulik (holy house) of the Naueti in Babulo with a symbolic representation of Lulik : white star for the Lulik itself, green doves for the female and black buffalo (horns) for the male

Lulik (outdated lúlic , lúlique ) is Timor 's name for the energy of nature and is often translated as “holy” and “forbidden”. The term also includes the associated philosophy, moral concepts and rules of conduct ( Tara Bandu ) for traditional Timorese society. Lulik can refer to objects, places, topographical occurrences, groups of food or people, certain knowledge, norms of behavior, structures and time periods. It offers protection, but can also punish misconduct.

Despite the numerous and linguistically very different ethnic groups, this concept occurs in all groups indigenous to Timor, as well as other common beliefs in the traditional religion of Timor . The name can vary in the languages ​​of East Timor . In Tetum (the lingua franca and an official language of East Timor ), Kemak and Idaté it is called “lulik”, in Naueti and Mambai “luli”, in Bunak “po”, in Fataluku “tei” and in Makasae “phalun” / “falun” ". Lulik has similarities with the philosophy of dualism and some elements and meanings are similar to the " taboo " in eastern Indonesia , New Zealand and other parts of Oceania .

As part of the name, “Lulik” can be found in many terms: Uma Lulik , the holy house in which the relics and sacred objects (sasan lulik) are kept, over which the priest (dato lulik) watches. Various sacred mountains called foho lulik can be found in the country. They are holy land (rai lulik) that only a select group of people are allowed to enter. In the past, Lulik was dismissed by the Catholic Church, the colonial power Portugal and the occupying power Indonesia as an “uncivilized superstition” and despite its everyday significance it was an embarrassing topic for Timorese people that was frowned upon to speak about. Today, however, the church has adopted the name “Lulik” as a translation for “holy” in Tetum. Although almost all East Timorese are now Catholic, the belief in the Lulik and the worship of the spirits of the dead is still firmly rooted, even if this is viewed by foreign advisors as unimportant and sometimes as backward and uncivilized. Most East Timorese understand the Lulik concept only superficially and scientifically it has only been dealt with again since after East Timor's independence in 2002, interest in the old beliefs began to grow.

Basics

Place of worship: sacred tree and cave in Leohito

A translation of Lulik with "magic" alone is too imprecise and incorrect. On the one hand, it is a spiritual energy that dwells in places, objects and people. Overall, however , Lulik's philosophy is to preserve peace, calm and order and prosperity in society. This is achieved through a balance of opposites and contradictions, for example of the material and spiritual world. This is achieved by following the rules that the ancestors made.

Lulik is related to the spiritual cosmos, the divine creator, the spirits, the ancestors and the spiritual origin of life. Part of the concept are the sacred rules that determine the relationship between man and nature. Nature must be protected and respected, which is why traditional ceremonies take place before sowing and after harvest. Lulik also regulates the relationships, rights and duties between the younger and older brother, husband and wife, the bride-taking and bride-giving family (fetosan-umane) , parents and children, brothers and sisters and so on . The social structures of the Timorese are determined by Lulik . By Lulik the dualism of the system is kept in balance and ensured.

The center between the two sides is not precisely defined, but it does exist. While a pig is considered female and a water buffalo is male, the estuarine crocodile is not assigned to any gender. Clear assignments of objects are otherwise common. Firearms and machetes are considered male, while rice and food are generally considered female. Among the traditional pieces of jewelry in Timor, the belak , the round disc that is worn on a cord around the neck in front of the chest, is considered male, the Kaibauk crown is considered female.

Lulik , the feminine and the masculine are connected and complement each other, whereby the relationship to each other is asymmetrical:

Timorese cosmology (after Josh Trindade) [10]
Sacred tree in Leohito

Lulik is highest in the hierarchy as it contains the highest and most important values ​​of society. It represents the spiritual or divine world that is invisible and conceptual. The feminine and the masculine together form the real, material or physical world, whereby in contrast to the physical and spiritual world, the real world is masculine and the spiritual is feminine. Lulik is seen as the core and origin of life. So life comes from the spiritual world, from the Creator and / or the deity who resides in the Lulik . Lulik stands for the cosmos, the ancestors and the moral standard, the core values. If someone takes a stand against the Lulik , it means, according to the belief, to stand against one's own roots, whereby one is cursed. This means unhappiness for the whole life, because Lulik regulates and determines the interaction between the elements and beings in the female and male world. Violations can result in censure, material punishment, and social exclusion. Spiritually, misfortune, illness and death threaten.

The divine being and creator in the Timorese faith is called Maromak , a word that the Catholic Church has adopted for its liturgy in Tetum. In contrast to the Christian God (Aman Maromak) , Maromak is female according to the ancient Timorese belief. He is joined by the spirits of the deceased ancestors, who can influence the real world both positively and negatively. The second highest position in the Timorese faith is occupied by the feminine. The importance of the feminine is so great because it is through her that life comes into the world. Peace and prosperity also arise from the feminine. The Bunak and Tetum Terik use the female breast (Susun) as a symbol of fertility, which is why images of breasts are carved in the doors of their Uma Lulik . In Liquiçá , on the north coast, you can find images of the crescent moon as roof decorations of some Uma Lulik . The crescent moons also symbolize fertility and femininity and should not be confused with the stylized horns of water buffalo, which represent masculinity. Finally, with its strength, the masculine provides protection and security for the other two inner levels, including the origin of life.

The division into female and male categories does not mean that they can only be assigned to women or men. Both sexes work in both worlds, so there are feminine and masculine aspects in both women and men. The assignment of the values ​​is not static either, they can change gender depending on the context. For example, a family can act as both the bride and groom. Individuals are natives (rai nain) in their home village , strangers outside (malae) . Unchangeably alone, as the core of everything, is Lulik .

symbolism

In an Uma Lulik the Bunak in Lactos . The white stars symbolize the lulik itself, the stylized buffalo horns the masculinity, the breasts the feminine

At the Uma Lulik , the Timorese cult houses, which are now a national symbol of East Timor, there are mainly roof decorations depicting the different worlds of Timorese cosmology.

Stars and the color white symbolize the Lulik itself, the divine being, the creator and the spirits of the ancestors. Green and doves (sometimes other birds also seem to be depicted) represent the feminine, as symbols of fertility and prosperity. Black and buffalo horns represent the masculine - strength, security, and protection. Regionally it can happen that the stars are not clearly visible or are missing completely. Other symbols for the three worlds, such as crescents, female breasts and shells for the female, are sometimes added.

Today's flag of East Timor follows a socialist tradition in its choice of colors and symbolism , but the three colors of Timorese cosmology can be found in the flags of the FALINTIL and the Conselho Nacional de Resistência Timorense (CNRT), which was discussed as the national flag when East Timor became independent. However, there is no direct reference to the Lulik in the description of the meaning of the colors , so that it is not clear whether intent or coincidence played a role here. Ultimately, they fell back on the old national flag from 1975, which was created by the left-wing FRETILIN party . The KHUNTO party uses the three sacred colors. She often refers to the old Timorese culture. A black and white combination, i.e. the union of secular and spiritual power, is also used in the flags of the monarchist parties Klibur Oan Timor Asuwain (KOTA) and Associação Popular Monarquia Timorense (APMT).

Sacred objects

Buffalo horns in an Uma Lulik in Nuno-Mogue

During the Portuguese colonial era, missionaries tried to convert the Timorese by burning sacred objects or entire Uma Luliks in the 20th century . But the destruction in the minds of the population does not lead to the separation of people from the spiritual power. Buildings and the sacred objects they contain represent only the social group behind them. They can be destroyed or stolen, but can also be recreated and revived. The latter process is called aluli . Even so, the disrespect or destruction is no small concern. This could spark war between groups or, it is believed, lead to the illness and death of family members. The destruction increases the (destructive) potential of the power of the Lulik . Missionaries often spoke of the fear that the Lulik caused among the Timorese. But it was probably precisely her attempts to spread the gospel that aroused this fear of the power of the lulik among the local people.

On the other hand, Timorese also saw a spiritual power in symbols of the secular power of the Portuguese colonial rulers and the Catholic Church, with which these objects could also become lulik and thus found their way into Uma Luliks . For example, uniform parts and Portuguese flags , which were given to the local Liurais as a symbol of their vassalage (see below), but also evidence of Catholic conversion attempts in bygone times. In the 1920s, missionaries found Catholic items at Uma Luliks in Bobonaro and Cova Lima , including a statue of Mary Queen of the Rosary . In addition, a Portuguese letter from 1790 was discovered that reported about missions in the region that had already been forgotten. In other Uma Luliks, too, there are still crosses and figures of saints from the time of missionary work. The evidence of the missionary attempts were accepted by the Uma Luliks because they did not want to be treated disrespectfully as sacred objects.

Adaptations and Lulik today

Lulik in the colonial and occupation times

Timorese priest after 1900

At the beginning of the colonial period, the Portuguese controlled the island only indirectly by making the Timorese rulers vassals. As a symbol, the Liurais were given a military rank according to their status in the Timorese hierarchy, as well as uniforms and national flags. As insignia of power, these gifts had their own lulik and were therefore kept in the Uma Luliks . This integration into the Timorese imagination had unexpected consequences when Portugal transformed from a monarchy into a republic and adopted a red and green flag instead of the previous blue and white flag. Many Timorese rulers did not recognize the lulik of the new flag, which, along with other causes, led to the 1912 Manufahi Rebellion , the largest uprising in the history of Portuguese Timor . Individual flags of the royal Portugal can still be found in some Uma Luliks today . Like other sacred objects, they were hidden from the Indonesian occupiers. After East Timor's independence, each village in the country received a copy of the new national flag, which was presented to them in a solemn ceremony. Consciously or unconsciously, one follows the Portuguese tradition, in which the vassals were given the Portuguese flag.

A more effective bond between Timorese rulers was the marriage between Portuguese men and Timorese women, which brought the Timorese families into a bride-to-be-bride-to-be (fetosan-umane) relationship with the colonial rulers . The holy blood oath (Hemu Ran, Juramentu) also bound the Timorese rulers to the colonial rulers for generations. If the oath is not kept, the oath-breaker threatens misfortune, illness and death. The East Timorese party KHUNTO is now demanding a juramentu from its supporters . In return for the loyalty of the electorate, the oath obliges politicians to help supporters with problems and not to enrich themselves through political office. The loyalty of voters through the oath seems only partially successful. According to a party leader, 89,000 voters took the juramento ahead of the 2017 parliamentary elections , but KHUNTO only received 36,547 votes.

Statue of Jesus in the grotto of Didimera

European experts have been discussing the importance of Lulik for the preservation of nature since the second half of the 20th century . In 1956, the head of the agricultural authority Ruy Cinatti and the coffee expert Hélder Lains e Silva criticized the disrespect of the Portuguese administration at the beginning of the 20th century for the traditions of lulik . They are the reason for the sad state of the Timorese forests. In contrast, the German geographer Joachim Metzner was of the opinion in 1977 that the abandonment of the rules of the Lulik meant a "break in the rampant shifting cultivation" and should become the basis of nature conservation. It was the time of the Indonesian occupation (1975-1999), in which one completely ignored both Lulik and traditional land ownership. While the Portuguese were partially integrated into the Lulik system or used it to bind the Timorese to themselves, the Indonesian occupying power completely ignored the Timorese traditions. Forced relocations took the locals far away from their ancestral land and holy places, Uma Luliks were deliberately destroyed and rules of Luliks in agricultural or infrastructure projects were ignored. The East Timorese anthropologist Josh Trindade speaks of “brainwashing” which the occupiers carried out on the East Timorese population with their state ideology Pancasila ( German  “five principles” ), which led to resistance. As a result, Trindade also cites the clear result of the independence referendum in East Timor in 1999 . 78.5% of East Timorese opted for independence. According to Trindade, the Indonesian occupation lacked real legitimation according to the values ​​of the Lulik . In contrast, the East Timorese resistance used lulik as part of their self-image. Traditional alliances ensured logistical support and communication aid for the guerrilla fighters. Many East Timorese see the power of the Lulik as the reason for their eventual victory over the occupation. Some groups from this period took up elements of the traditional faith and mixed it with others, for example Christian elements, such as the Sagrada Família , Colimau 2000 , Korka and the affiliated party KHUNTO.

In the East Timorese state

Rebuilt Uma Lulik in Lospalos

In the rural regions, the Lulik principle is still ubiquitous and is used by the population in everyday life. Since the occupation, Uma Luliks that had been destroyed by the Indonesians have been rebuilt in many places , also as a symbol of national, cultural identity. At the level of Sucos the rules of play Luliks a central role in the resolution of conflicts between individuals and communities. This is the case with disputes over land or natural resources. Especially when state law seems too complicated, people like to fall back on the old rules.

Josh Trindade accuses many national politicians of being ashamed of their cultural heritage and of only secretly practicing Lulik . The state institutions would act on the population like foreign institutions, since the Lulik principle would not apply here. Many East Timorese would therefore fear conflict and violence in the future, especially between political parties and other groups, as happened during the riots in East Timor in 2006 . Trindade also criticizes the national anthem Pátria ( German  fatherland ), as the country is female according to the Lulik principle, as is the case in all the indigenous languages ​​of East Timor . He therefore calls for a return to the local culture, for example through a "national blood oath", Lulik in the school curriculum, the distribution of national symbols to Uma Luliks (national flags have already been distributed to the villages) and the recognition of traditional leaders in the political structure . Similarly, the KHUNTO party demands a blood oath from state officials and employees, so that in the event of corruption, supernatural forces punish the oath-breaker. After the local elections in East Timor in 2016 , the newly elected councilors of the Sucos each designated a Lian Nain (literally "master of the word") as council member. So now a traditional authority figure is also a member of the local administration.

The state wanted to use the concept of the Lulik for environmental protection. With the support of the government, forests and other landscapes were placed under protection through animistic rituals so as not to disturb the ghosts there. But the local population took the ban pragmatically. They continued to use the natural resources of the sanctuaries, relying on the spirits to react if something did not please them. You could also negotiate with them in the event of a problem.

Lulik and the Christian Faith

Christian terms in Tetum
Tetum German
lulik holy
Maromak God
Maromak Oan Son of god (jesus)
Nai Lulik, Amo Lulik priest
Nai Lulik Bo'ot bishop
Nain feto Mother of God
literally: "holy woman"
Statue of Jesus in the church of Viqueque with Timorese insignia Kaibauk and Belak

Even if the Catholic Church took up some of the traditional beliefs, the local beliefs were devalued by the church and the colonial administration, especially in the colonial times, which still has repercussions today in the relationship of many East Timorese to their original culture.

Mary statue on the Tatamailau

After the Indonesian invasion in 1975, the use of Portuguese was generally banned in East Timor. The Catholic Church did not accept Bahasa Indonesia as the liturgical language , but Tetum. For this she used terms from the traditional religion for Christian. For example, “Maromak Oan” ( German “the son of the enlightened” ) became the name of Jesus Christ . Originally, this was the title of a male ruler of Wehale (today in West Timor, Indonesia), but who believed to represent the female side and therefore had supraregional influence. The title is still used today, even if the bearers have long belonged to the Christian faith. The bishop of Atambua , to whose diocese Wehale belongs, took the title “Nai Lulik Bo'ot” ( German “great, holy leader / master” ). In East Timor, Catholic priests are called “Nai Lulik” ( German “holy leader” ) or “Amo Lulik” . The Nobel Peace Prize and Bishop of Dili Carlos Filipe Ximenes Belo was known to animistic practices, including record of the concept of Luliks and ancestor worship in the Catholic rites. Under him a statue of Jesus was erected on the Matebian in 1993 and a statue of Mary on the Tatamailau in 1997 . Belo held masses on both mountains, which were especially sacred according to ancient belief. In recent years, the reading has also been established that the Timorese were believers even before the missionaries arrived. Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araújo stated in a 2015 speech:    

“Christianity did not enter our culture and our history by being imposed by arms (…) Christianity elevated, honored and enriched what was already pulsating in the nature of the Timorese people. In other words, Christianity found a people with a sense of God (Maromak) and a sense of the holy (Lulik) . "

Tutualas Church with the roof of a traditional Uma Lulik
A replica of an Uma Lulik next to the Church of S. João Bosco de Laga with a portrait of the Catholic saint

The apostolic nuncio Joseph Salvador Marino took up this image in a speech in the same year, who stated that the Timorese had already known "the light of God" before the missionaries. The long-time missionary João de Deus also describes the Timorese in their old faith as monotheists who believe in one God and the eternity of the soul. For them, however, belief is not abstract, but very concrete. They would "objectify" God. There weren't many gods, but there were many luliks.

East Timorese Catholics have incorporated some ideas and customs into the Christian faith. Churches, cemeteries, ecclesiastical figures and ritual objects have a holiness inherent in them, just like in the old holy places and dignitaries. The same applies to the cross and the statues of saints, Jesus and especially Mary herself is assigned spiritual energy. Maria is particularly venerated in East Timor as Nain Feto ( German  mistress ). Numerous churches are dedicated to her and statues are regularly offered flowers and candles. In most of the villages, but also in Dili , you can find Mariengrotten ( Portuguese grutas ) next to the road on the outskirts, partly artificial, partly in natural caves, which were previously places of traditional belief. It is believed that they protect travelers in the area just like the ancestral spirits did before. An example of this is the cave of the spring of Wai Lia in the city of Baucau . When street fights between youth gangs broke out in their vicinity in 2010, they were seen to be triggered by the neglect of the holy place. A Catholic priest took this as an opportunity to set up a statue of the Madonna at the entrance to the cave. This is intended to strengthen the sanctity of the place again. Since both animistic ceremonies and Catholic rituals are performed in the cave, the site is now doubly sacred, which is supposed to give it a strong, protective aura. The priest had only spoken to the Chefe de Suco beforehand , not to the keepers of the spring. They feared that the local ancestral spirit bee na'in could bring disease and misfortune to the city and perhaps let the spring dry up. The spring is the city's main source of water and the mind is considered unruly, unbridled and easily angry. A saint and an ill-tempered spirit could not live in the same place. If the power of the Christian God drove the spirit away, no one knew where it would go and what it would do. Eventually, it was decided to hold a grand ceremony for the spirit at the source every seven years.

See also

literature

  • Forman, Shepard: Spirits of the Makassae , in: Natural History 85 (1976), No. 9 (November), pp. 12-18. Archives

Web links

Commons : Traditional Religion of Timor  - Collection of Pictures, Videos and Audio Files

supporting documents

Main evidence

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b c d e f Trindade, p. 1.
  2. ↑ a b c McWilliam et al., P. 304.
  3. ↑ a b c McWilliam et al., P. 305.
  4. ^ Frédéric B. Durand: History of Timor-Leste, p. 118, ISBN 9786162151248 .
  5. ↑ Trindade, pp. 1-3.
  6. ↑ a b Trindade, p. 11.
  7. ^ A b Northern Illinois University: Religion: Catholicism and ancestral cults , accessed November 26, 2016.
  8. ↑ a b Trindade, p. 2.
  9. ↑ Trindade, pp. 2 & 3.
  10. ^ Trindade, pp. 4–5.
  11. ↑ a b c d e f Trindade, p. 6.
  12. ^ Trindade, p. 5.
  13. ↑ a b c Trindade, p. 9.
  14. ↑ Arquivo & Museu da Resistência Timorense : Explicação das cores da bandeira das FALINTIL por Sabalae , around 1994 , accessed on December 9, 2017.
  15. ^ Andrea K. Molnar: Died in the service of Portugal , Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 37, No. 2 (June 2006), pp. 335-355.
  16. ↑ a b Bovensiepen & Rosa, pp. 25-27.
  17. ↑ a b Monika Schlicher: Portugal in East Timor. A critical examination of the Portuguese colonial history in East Timor from 1850 to 1912 . Abera, Hamburg 1996, ISBN 3-931567-08-7 , ( Abera Network Asia-Pacific 4), (also: Heidelberg, Univ., Diss., 1994).
  18. ↑ a b c d Trindade, p. 18.
  19. ^ Geoffrey C. Gunn: History of Timor. ( Memento of the original from March 24, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Technical University of Lisbon (PDF file; 805 kB) @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / pascal.iseg.utl.pt
  20. ↑ HP Grumpe: East Timor .
  21. ^ A b Edward Aspinall & James Scambary: Fighting corruption with spiritual power in East Timor. In: New Matilda, November 3, 2017, accessed November 5, 2017.
  22. ↑ McWilliam et al., Pp. 310 & 311.
  23. ↑ a b McWilliam et al., P. 311.
  24. ↑ a b Trindade, p. 19.
  25. ↑ Trindade, pp. 19-21.
  26. ↑ SAPO: Setembro e outubro com eleições de líderes locais e tradicionais em Timor-Leste , September 2, 2016 , accessed on September 2, 2016.
  27. ↑ Approaches to Domestic Violence against Women in Timor-Leste: A Review and Critique, Justice System Program, UNDP Timor-Leste, January 2011 (English; PDF; 368 kB). Retrieved December 8, 2017 .
  28. ↑ Guido Sprenger: Should one believe in ghosts? - A pros and cons , In: Südostasien - Zeitschrift für Politik, Kultur, Dialog, December 22, 2018, accessed on January 3, 2019.
  29. ↑ a b Trindade, p. 17.
  30. ↑ PREPARASAUN BA MOMENTU PRIMEIRA PEDRA CATEDRAL DIOCESE MALIANA NO 25 ANOS VIDA NA'I LULIK NIAN DOM NORBERTO DO AMARAL , June 2016 , accessed on October 2, 2016.
  31. ↑ Bovensiepen & Rosa S., p. 39.
  32. ↑ a b c Bovensiepen & Rosa S., pp. 36–37.
  33. ↑ J. Antunes: Padre João de Deus Pires: “Baptizei umas 80 mil pessoas” , September 25, 2019 , accessed on September 26, 2019.
  34. ↑ McWilliam et al., Pp. 315 & 316.