Pleißenland

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Historical coat of arms of the Pleißenland

The Pleißenland is a historical landscape in western Saxony and eastern Thuringia . It is named after the river Pleiße .

overview

As archaeological finds show, the Pleißenland was originally inhabited by isolated Elbe Germanic people. Slavic settlement took place in the late 6th century . Under King Henry I , it became part of the Holy Roman Empire in the 10th century . The area named in Latin terra plisnensis , also known as Gau Plisni or Pleißengau, was completely part of the imperial estate after the conquests of Heinrich . In the dispute between the Salians and the reform papacy in the 11th century, the royal influence on the crown estates in the northern Alpine empire waned, so that these gradually came into the possession of various count families. Important centers of terra plisnensis , especially in the 12th and 13th centuries. Established in the 19th century in the course of the German settlement in the east and the promotion especially by the Staufer, were Altenburg , Leißnig , Colditz (1143 Reichsburg) and Lausick . In the 12th century the south of the Pleißenland was under the influence of the burgraves of Nuremberg , in the north Groitzsch came into the possession of the Wettins in 1135/43 . The Reichsgut Pleißenland gained in importance, especially among the Hohenstaufen .

Development and expansion of the Pleißenland under Lothar III. and the early Hohenstaufen

Lothar III. (1125–1133)

Already Emperor Lothar III. von Süpplingenburg had begun to collect and secure the old crown estates as a pillar of the royal-imperial power in the empire, after these had often been alienated from kingship in Salian times. So he not only began to visit Altenburg again as an itinerary location, but also promoted the first attempts to expand the country , which should strengthen the royal power in the country. Typical for the beginning of the manorial penetration of the crown property appears the establishment of monasteries , which were supposed to clear the surrounding forests and make arable. The foundation of the Chemnitz Monastery in 1136 was important for the Pleißenland , which made the western Ore Mountains a focus of clearing and settlement activities, which were later promoted mainly by the Pleißenland Reich ministers . Even under the Hohenstaufen monasteries remained an important element of the stately stabilization, such as the confirmation of the possessions and the protection of the king for the Chemnitz monastery under King Konrad III. shows. The areas around Leisnig , Colditz and Zwickau formed a second focus . In 1135 the Groitzsch family died out in the male line, as a result of which part of the imperial fiefs fell back. The Pegau and Bürgel monasteries were also important . Most of the Groitzsch allodial property went to Rapoto von Abenberg , although the kingship may also have acquired areas around Groitzsch and Leisnig.

Conrad III. (1138–1152)

Since it was King Konrad III. Lacking his own property with which he could have strengthened his position in the empire (the Hohenstaufen allodial property was subordinate to his brother, Duke Friedrich II of Swabia , the father of the later Emperor Friedrich I Barbarossa ), he was forced to rely on the old crown lands Support the Ottonian and Salian times, especially since he had to fight off the Guelph competition in the empire. In addition to the further promotion of monasteries (among other things, 100 Königshufen in the Pleißenwald were named as the basis for the foundation of the later Remse monastery ),) which were built under Konrad burgraviates , z. B. 1147 in Altenburg. These represented a permanent representation of the royal power, they were instruments for the security and administration of the royal property in and around the imperial castles. Their owners had military, judicial and political tasks. The usable areas newly gained through the development of the state were directly subordinate to royalty, as no older dynastic or ecclesiastical rights lay on the newly developed settlement areas. So Konrad III. to strengthen the Hohenstaufen weight in the east of the empire and thereby consolidate its own position. Of all the Hohenstaufen kings, however, Konrad was the only one who concentrated on the burgraves; his successors, especially Friedrich Barbarossa, relied on the new institution of the Reichsministeriales . However, centrifugal forces arose from both burgraves and ministerials in the 13th century, which weakened the royal power in the Pleißenland by expanding their own allodial property.

Friedrich I. Barbarossa (1152–1190)

Even during Konrad III. Rule was Duke Friedrich III. von Swabia, who later became King and Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa, was active in the Pleißenland. Soon after 1147 he acquired parts of the Groitzsch inheritance from Rapoto von Abenberg , but these were not connected to Altenburg. A joint planning of Konrad and Friedrich in the Central German East is not likely. Although Friedrich was in a better position than his uncle at the beginning of his rule, the dispute with the Guelphs under Henry the Lion (only temporarily resolved in 1180/81 with his prostration) and his rather unsuccessful first Italian trains in 1154/55 and 1158 also prompted Barbarossa to concentrate more on the crown estates in the East of Central Germany, because the areas east of the Saale offered the possibility of direct royal rule over relatively large and still to be developed areas with strong economic and political potential. The first significant measure was the exchange of goods with Henry the Lion in 1158. The emperor compensated the empire for the ceded imperial goods (e.g. the royal court of Pöhlde and other goods in the western Harz ( Scharzfels , Herzberg )) by transferring these property to the empire , which he had previously acquired from Rapoto von Abenberg (namely the castles Leisnig and Colditz , the fortress Lausick and others). The real transformation of the Pleißenland into an imperial country did not take place until around 1165. This meant an intensive expansion of the Pleißenland and accelerated urban development, for example the establishment of a palatinate in Altenburg and an Augustinian canon monastery there in 1165, which was consecrated in 1172. The granting of market, minting and customs rights to the Pegau monastery , the granting of city ​​rights to the Altenburg Bartholomäussiedlung and the establishment of a mint in Altenburg were also included. Friedrich Barbarossa founded the cities of Chemnitz and Zwickau around 1170 or gave them city rights and had numerous other castles built or expanded. For Altenburg, Chemnitz or Zwickau, this imperial state policy could also have meant a development towards the status of imperial cities had the Pleißenland not come to the Wettins in the turmoil of the last Staufer years of 1242/43 .

The second pillar of the expansion was the reorganization of the manorial administration. Barbarossa set up the office of district judge between 1165 and 1172 (for the first time verifiably proven, however, not until 1210). In addition there was a scultetus , a forestarius and a budellus in the Pleißenland. The office of Altenburg burgrave remained, but was limited to military tasks, so that his powers were rather limited. When developing the country, the emperor relied increasingly on the up-and-coming circles of the Reich ministry. These mostly noble free formed the foundation of the Reichsland. Clearance and settlement movements were primarily initiated by Reich ministerials (such as the Lords of Colditz), but also by the burgraves, especially from Altenburg and Leisnig. Through the activities of these rulers, the old core areas around Altenburg and Leisnig / Colditz were connected with each other, and a rapid development in the direction of Chemnitz to the Ore Mountains also proceeded. The agreement in the roughly simultaneous organization of the administration in the Egerland suggests a planned approach. In connection with the Vogtland , Friedrich Barbarossa was able to create a large imperial estate complex that reached from Colditz in the north to Eger and Nuremberg in the south, formed an enormous counterweight to the efforts of the Guelphs in Saxony and Bavaria and thus also strengthened Barbarossa's position in the empire, as it did has been worked out by Walter Schlesinger .

The Pleißenland around 1200

Henry VI. (1190–1197)

Starting from the position left to him by his father in the east, Emperor Heinrich VI persecuted . an expansion of power on an imperial scale. So he energetically pushed ahead with the formation of the Reichsgut of his predecessors. One possibility of expanding the imperial estate around Altenburg to the Elbe came in 1195 after the death of Margrave Albrecht the Proud of Meissen. In 1194 the emperor had tried to mediate the dispute between Otto the Rich , Dietrich the oppressed and Albrecht, but in 1195 he withdrew the mark and had the area administered by Reich ministers. However, there was hardly any concrete influence on the Meissen market . There were no changes in the noble estates, just as confirmations and declarations of protection for monasteries and cities were missing. Heinrich's endeavors were only a short interlude, because the plan for a large eastern central German imperial territory collapsed with his sudden death in 1197. After that, this very expanded imperial territory, which also included Upper Lusatia , quickly fell apart again. However, at the time of Heinrich, the expansion of the Pleißenland was largely complete. It was an imperial territory covered with many castles and young towns and villages and thus rounded off, over which the kingship asserted its claim, directly or through the imperial ministers.

From the turmoil of the double election in 1198 to the pledge under Frederick II in 1243

Philipp von Schwaben (1198–1208) and Otto IV. (1198–1218)

With the double election of Philipp von Schwaben (1198–1208) and Otto IV (1198–1218, emperor from 1209) in 1198 , the Staufer-Welf conflict broke out again. Philip now had to be much more reserved towards the territorial princes and could not proceed as ruthlessly as his brother Heinrich VI. As a result, he enfeoffed Dietrich the oppressed with the Mark Meissen. The Pleißenland was thus again a strong pillar of Staufer power. Philipp not only stayed in Altenburg in 1203 and 1206, the imperial territories of Egerland, Vogtland and Pleißenland also proved to be consistent. Philip's supporters certainly included the Altenburg burgrave family, which in return paid off with their appointment as district judge. If Philipp wanted to keep the Pleißenland as a power factor, he had to fill the most important offices with loyal followers. But this became obsolete when Philip was murdered in 1208 . The loyalty of the rulers quickly turned to Otto IV, so that the fronts in Central Germany had changed significantly at the beginning of the 13th century. Otto soon had to hurry to meet the young Staufer Friedrich, son of Heinrich VI., Who moved from Italy to Germany. The favor of the rulers of Pliceland changed again, now on the side of the Hohenstaufen. Otto IV had held a court day in the Reichsland Pleißen in 1209, but there were hardly any changes in the Reichsland. The four years between the murder of Philip and the arrival of Frederick II north of the Alps were easily bridged by the rulers of the empire.

Frederick II (1211-1250)

In his efforts to consolidate and regain imperial property (and especially the recognition of his royal dignity), Frederick II had to wage an arduous guerrilla war over property, castles, bailiwicks , income, etc. Often he was forced to buy his recognition by granting property and rights. It was not until 1218, after the death of Otto IV, that his policy began to change. Increasingly he had bought back or consolidated imperial property, so that he gradually gave up his considerate attitude towards the princes and increasingly emphasized the divine basis of his rule. Even before that, the future emperor had also had an influence on the Central German East, with clear impulses coming from his court days in Eger between 1213 and 1215. In 1215, 1216 and 1217 he also stayed in Altenburg, completing the expansion of the Pleißenland in 1214 with the establishment of a Teutonic Order House in Altenburg.

However, since Frederick's dominion center was in southern Italy, especially in Sicily , he increasingly left the business in the northern Alpine empire to his son Heinrich . According to the Hohenstaufen tradition, he also tried to expand the royal property and organize it more tightly in order to counteract an impending anti-Hohenstaufen coalition. In 1223 he documented the Altzella monastery in Altenburg , held a court day in Eger in 1232, and also in Altenburg in 1234 (the last visit of a Hohenstaufen king in the Pleißenland). However, because of his own strivings for power, he increasingly opposed his father, so that he was eventually replaced by his more cautious brother Konrad .

Frederick II made decisions that were geared towards his imperial goals and no longer paid heed to German conditions or the development of the Reichsland in Central Germany. This led to a change: the exercise of royal rule in the Pleißenland gradually broke off, and there was no longer any meaningful cooperation between the imperial states and imperial power after the deposition of his son Heinrich. This paved the way, on the one hand, for the spreading of the centrifugal forces of the Pleasenland imperial ministry, which now tried to expand its own property at the expense of the royal estate; on the other hand, the Wettins in particular now increasingly strove to the west and broke Friedrich Barbarossa's conception of the Reichsland without much resistance.

In 1242 Emperor Friedrich II entered the final dispute with the papacy over its universal claim . In order to survive in this conflict, each party was forced to gather their strengths, seek allies and bind them to themselves. In this context stands the pledge of the Pleißenland to the Wettins as a dowry of the imperial daughter Margaretha . In 1243 she was betrothed to Albrecht (later Landgrave of Thuringia and Margrave of Meißen), the son of Margrave Heinrich the Illustrious , and the marriage took place in 1255. The pledging was by no means planned as a permanent detachment of the Pleißenland from the imperial estate, but the necessity of owed to aggravated political situation; it aimed above all at a stronger bond between the Wettins and the emperor. Soon afterwards, Frederick II had a special tax levied in Sicily to redeem the area, but this turned out to be in vain. In the years 1252/53, the Wettins made their claims to the pledge clear, finally with the marriage between Albrecht and Margaretha.

Even if after the time of the so-called interregnum attempts were made to collect the imperial estates in Central Germany again, especially under Rudolf von Habsburg , the Wettin position and the forces of the small rulers in the Pleißenland proved to be no longer revisable. By 1373 the pledged imperial estates fell one after the other and finally to the Wettins, who incorporated them into their territory.

swell

literature

  • Gerhard Cheap : Pleißenland - Vogtland. The kingdom and the governors. Investigations into the ruling organization and state constitution during the Middle Ages under the aspect of periodization . Vogtland-Verlag, Plauen 2002.
  • Karlheinz Blaschke : History of Saxony in the Middle Ages. Union Verlag , Berlin 1990.
  • Egon Boshof : The late Hohenstaufen and the Reich . In: Egon Boshof and Franz-Reiner Erkens (eds.): Rudolf von Habsburg 1273–1291. A royal rule between tradition and change . (Passau Historical Research 7). Böhlau, Cologne a. a. 1993, pp. 1-32.
  • Karl Bosl: The Reich ministry of the Salier and Staufer. A contribution to the history of the high medieval German people, state and empire . (Writings of the Monumenta Germaniae historica 10). Hiersemann, Stuttgart 1950.
  • Friedrich Hausmann: The beginnings of the Hohenstaufen age under Konrad III. In: Theodor Mayer (ed.): Problems of the 12th century. Reichenau Lectures 1965-1967 . (Lectures and Research 12). Thorbecke, Konstanz / Stuttgart 1968, pp. 53-78.
  • Herbert Helbig : The Wettin corporate state. Investigations into the history of the estates and the state constitution in Central Germany until 1485 . (Central German research 4). Böhlau, Münster / Cologne 1955.
  • Jan Ulrich Keupp: Service and Merit. The Ministerials Friedrich Barbarossas and Heinrich VI. (Monographs on the history of the Middle Ages 48). Hiersemann, Stuttgart 2002.
  • Manfred Kobuch: Reichsland Pleißen and Wettin territories in the heyday of feudalism (1156-1397) . In: Karl Czok (Ed.): History of Saxony . Böhlau, Weimar 1989, pp. 105-150.
  • Rudolf Kötzschke and Hellmut Kretzschmar : Saxon history . Flechsig, Würzburg 2002.
  • Hans Patze : Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa and the East . In: Theodor Mayer (ed.): Problems of the 12th century. Reichenau Lectures 1965–1967 . (Lectures and Research 12). Thorbecke, Konstanz / Stuttgart 1968, pp. 337-408.
  • Dieter Rübsamen: Small rulers in the Pleißenland. Studies on the history of the Central German nobility in the 13th century . (Central German Research 95). Böhlau, Cologne / Vienna 1987.
  • Walter Schlesinger : Egerland, Vogtland, Pleißenland . In: Walter Schlesinger (Hrsg.): Central German contributions to the German constitutional history of the Middle Ages . Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1961, pp. 188–211.
  • André Thieme: The beginnings of the Burggrafschaft Altenburg . In: New archive for Saxon history . No. 65, 1994, pp. 27-38.
  • André Thieme: The Burggrafschaft Altenburg. Studies of office and rule in the transition from the high to the late Middle Ages . (Writings on Saxon State History 2). Leipziger Universitäts-Verlag, Leipzig 2001.
  • Bernhard Töpfer and Evamaria Engel: From the Hohenstaufen empire to the domination of power. German history from the Worms Concordat in 1122 to the double election of 1314 . Böhlau, Cologne / Vienna 1976.
  • Elmar Wadle : imperial property and royal rule under Lothar III. (1125-1137). A contribution to the constitutional history of the 12th century . (Writings on constitutional history 12). Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1969.

Web links

Wikivoyage: West Saxony  - travel guide

Remarks

  1. Note: e.g. In some cases, the references given here contain direct links to digitized editions of the relevant editions. Abbreviations follow the scientific standards, the full titles can be found in the sources and bibliographies (abbreviations abbreviations abbreviated as ibid.).
  2. RI IV, 1.1 No. 292 [1] and No. 390 [2] ; see. UBA, No. 4, also Georg Heinrich Pertz u. a. (Ed.): Scriptores (in Folio) 9: Chronica et annales aevi Salici. Hanover 1851, p. 138 ( Monumenta Germaniae Historica , digitized version )
  3. Cf. Elmar Wadle: Imperial property and royal rule under Lothar III. (1125-1137). A contribution to the constitutional history of the 12th century . (Writings on constitutional history 12). Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1969.
  4. Wadle: Lothar III. , P. 245; Lothar III. appears in the Necrologium of the Chemnitz Monastery, cf. CDS II 6, Annex II, p. 481 [3] .
  5. Certificate No. 86 in Friedrich Hausmann (Ed.): Diplomata 21: The documents of Konrad III. and his son Heinrich (Conradi III. et filii eius Heinrici Diplomata). Vienna 1969, pp. 152–154 ( Monumenta Germaniae Historica , digitized version ) (= UBA, No. 7 = CDS II 6 No. 302 [4] ).
  6. Wadle: Lothar III. , Pp. 241-243 and 280.
  7. ^ Friedrich Hausmann: The beginnings of the Hohenstaufen age under Konrad III. In: Theodor Mayer (ed.): Problems of the 12th century. Reichenau Lectures 1965-1967 . (Lectures and Research 12). Thorbecke, Konstanz / Stuttgart 1968, p. 62f.
  8. Certificate 85 in this volume of the series Diplomata does not exist, p. 152 ( Monumenta Germaniae Historica , digitized version ) (= CDS I A2, no. 176 [5] )
  9. On the burgraviates in the Pleißenland s. André Thieme: The beginnings of the Burggrafschaft Altenburg . In: New archive for Saxon history . No. 65, 1994, pp. 27-38. and André Thieme: The Burggrafschaft Altenburg. Studies of office and rule in the transition from the high to the late Middle Ages . (Writings on Saxon State History 2). Leipziger Universitäts-Verlag, Leipzig 2001.
  10. ^ Gerhard Billig: Pleißenland – Vogtland. The kingdom and the governors. Investigations into the ruling organization and state constitution during the Middle Ages under the aspect of periodization . Vogtland-Verlag, Plauen 2002, p. 27; Hausmann: Konrad III. , Pp. 66 and 76.
  11. ^ Thieme: Die Burggrafschaft Altenburg , p. 161; Cheap: Pleißenland , p. 31; Hans Patze: Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa and the East . In: Theodor Mayer (ed.): Problems of the 12th century. Reichenau Lectures 1965-1967 . (Lectures and Research 12). Thorbecke, Konstanz / Stuttgart 1968, p. 360.
  12. Document 199 in Heinrich Appelt with the participation of Rainer Maria Herkenrath, Walter Koch , Josef Riedmann, Winfried Stelzer and Kurt Zeillinger (eds.): Diplomata 22: The documents of Friedrichs I. Part 1: 1152–1158. Hannover 1975, pp. 332-333 ( Monumenta Germaniae Historica , digitized version ) (= UBA, No. 11 = CDS I A2, No. 277 [6] ); see. also Georg Heinrich Pertz u. a. (Ed.): Scriptores (in Folio) 21: Historici Germaniae saec. XII .. Hanover 1869, p. 246 ( Monumenta Germaniae Historica , digitized version ) Walter Schlesinger: Egerland, Vogtland, Pleißenland . In: Walter Schlesinger (Hrsg.): Central German contributions to the German constitutional history of the Middle Ages . Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1961, p. 197; Rudolf Kötzschke and Hellmut Kretzschmar: Saxon history . Flechsig, Würzburg 2002, p. 71; Bernhard Töpfer and Evamaria Engel: From the Hohenstaufen empire to the domination of power. German history from the Worms Concordat in 1122 to the double election of 1314 . Böhlau, Cologne / Vienna 1976, p. 137; Cheap: Pleißenland p. 31; Thieme: The Burggrafschaft Altenburg , p. 167; Patze: Barbarossa , p. 360.
  13. Thieme: Die Burggrafschaft Altenburg , p. 170 offers a convincing date for the establishment of the Reichsland Pleißen to 1165. In addition, Friedrich I. Barbarossa only stayed in Altenburg from 1165, see RI IV 2, 2 No. 1454 and 1455 [7] .
  14. From this time on, Altenburg appears as " imperiale castrum et oppidum ", cf. This volume of the Scriptores series (in Folio) does not exist, p. 423 ( Monumenta Germaniae Historica , digitized version) In addition, Patze: Barbarossa , p. 379 and 403; Thieme: The Burggrafschaft Altenburg , p. 165f.
  15. UBA, No. 17 (forged), 18 (forged) and 66, cf. also document no. 1065 in Heinrich Appelt with the participation of Rainer Maria Herkenrath, Walter Koch and Bettina Pferschy (eds.): Diplomata 25: The documents of Friedrich I. Part 4: 1181–1190. Hanover 1990, pp. 393–396 ( Monumenta Germaniae Historica , digitized version). Cheap: Pleißenland , p. 60 and Jan Ulrich Keupp: Dienst und Verdienst. The Ministerials Friedrich Barbarossas and Heinrich VI. (Monographs on the history of the Middle Ages 48). Hiersemann, Stuttgart 2002, p. 317. Despite everything, genuine copies of the forged documents may have served as templates.
  16. On the subject of Reich ministry see Karl Bosl: Die Reichsministerialität der Salier und Staufer. A contribution to the history of the high medieval German people, state and empire . (Writings of the Monumenta Germaniae historica 10). Hiersemann, Stuttgart 1950; and in a critical examination of it Keupp: Dienst und Verdienst likewise Töpfer / Engel: Hausmachtkönigtum , pp. 150–154.
  17. ^ Cheap: Pleißenland , pp. 49–56; Kötzschke / Kretzschmar: Saxon History , p. 82f. and Herbert Helbig: The Wettin corporate state. Investigations into the history of the estates and the state constitution in Central Germany until 1485 . (Central German research 4). Böhlau, Münster / Cologne 1955, pp. 304-332.
  18. ^ Walter Schlesinger: Egerland, Vogtland, Pleißenland . In: Walter Schlesinger (Hrsg.): Central German contributions to the German constitutional history of the Middle Ages . Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1961, pp. 188–211. See also Helbig: Ständestaat , p. 296.
  19. ^ Helbig: Ständestaat , p. 14; Cheap: Pleißenland , p. 66; He also held two farm days in Altenburg, cf. Document book Altenburg No. 32 and 36-42.
  20. Schlesinger: Egerland , p. 210; Kötzschke / Kretzschmar: Sächsische Geschichte , p. 77; Helbig: Ständestaat , p. 14., cf. Heinrich's designation as “ Imperator Henricus, qui eo tempore marchiam liberam in sua potestate habeat. ", In: CDS I A2, No. 596 [8] , cf. also CDS I A3, no. 21 and 22 [9] and Georg Heinrich Pertz u. a. (Ed.): Scriptores (in folio) 23: Chronica aevi Suevici. Hannover 1874, p. 166 ( Monumenta Germaniae Historica , digitized version )
  21. ^ Karlheinz Blaschke: History of Saxony in the Middle Ages. Union Verlag , Berlin 1990, pp. 142f.
  22. Schlesinger: Egerland , pp. 209f .; Cheap: Pleißenland , p. 66.
  23. ^ Helbig: Ständestaat , p. 15.
  24. See UBA, No. 61 (note) and RI V 1, 1 No. 77a [10] and No. 130a. [11] .
  25. Thieme: Die Burggrafschaft Altenburg , pp. 175-178.
  26. UBA, No. 65, cf. RI V 1, 1 No. 275a [12] : " curia in Aldenburg que alio nomine Plisne nuncupatur ".
  27. ^ Egon Boshof: The late Hohenstaufen and the empire . In: Egon Boshof and Franz-Rainer Erkens (eds.): Rudolf von Habsburg 1273-1291. A royal rule between tradition and change . (Passau Historical Research 7). Böhlau, Cologne a. a. 1993, pp. 5, 9, 22 and 26.
  28. UBA, No. 72, 73, 80-86, 88 and 89, cf. RI V 1, 1 No. 732 and 733 [13] , 781 and 782 [14] , 878, 917 and 918 [15] ; Cheap: Pleißenland , p. 68.
  29. UBA, No. 110 and 123-135, cf. RI V, 1,2 No. 3910 [16] and 4335-4337 [17] ; Schlesinger: Egerland p. 201; Helbig: Ständestaat , p. 18.
  30. ^ Cheap: Pleißenland , pp. 68f.
  31. Dieter Rübsamen: Small rulers in the Pleißenland. Studies on the history of the Central German nobility in the 13th century . (Central German Research 95). Böhlau, Cologne / Vienna 1987; Thieme: The Burggrafschaft Altenburg , p. 179f.
  32. RI V 1.1 No. 3372 [18] , 3463a and 3464 [19]
  33. ^ Cheap: Pleißenland , p. 71; Kötzschke / Kretzschmar: Saxon History , p. 80; Helbig: Ständestaat , p. 24; Thieme: The Burggrafschaft Altenburg , pp. 184–187.
  34. Schlesinger: Egerland , p. 211.