Roberto Vivarelli

Roberto Maria Cesare Ricciardo Vivarelli (born December 8, 1929 in Siena , † July 14, 2014 in Rome ) was an Italian contemporary historian who made an appearance primarily through his work on Italian fascism .

His three-volume Storia delle origini del fascismo (History of the Origins of Fascism) is considered the standard work for the history of primo dopoguerra , the years after the First World War in Italy. The publication of Vivarelli's memoirs in 2000, in which he describes in particular his participation in the Italian civil war of 1943-45 on the part of the fascist republic of Salò , sparked a journalistic debate on a national level. In the course of this, some authors accused him of a revisionist view of history.

Life

Childhood in Fascist Italy (1929–1942)

Roberto Vivarelli was born in Siena on December 8, 1929. In retrospect, Vivarelli described and commented on his childhood and youth in fascist Italy in the memoirs published in 2000 under the title La fine di una stagione (“The end of a season”). The Vivarelli family lived in Milan from Roberto's birth to the age of five.

While the maternal family, according to Vivarelli, was more anti-fascist, his father was a staunch fascist who, according to a letter to his mother dated February 25, 1942, had tried to raise his sons to be “good Catholics and good fascists”. In 1921, as a university student , his father had joined the Fasci italiani di combattimento and a fascist squadra and in October of the following year had participated in the so-called March on Rome , which was a decisive step in the process of the fascists' seizure of power under the leadership of Benito Mussolini . In 1935 the father gave up his employment as a lawyer to take part in the Abyssinian War. Even so, the father is said to have said little about politics at home.

When he left for Africa in the summer of 1935, the family moved to the mother's house in Siena. Vivarelli lived here continuously until spring 1944, together with his older brother Piero Vivarelli , his mother and two aunts. In Siena, Vivarelli regularly visited the fascist youth group in his neighborhood on Saturday afternoons, the gruppo rionale fascista "Alessandro Mini" based in the Piazza Santo Spirito. Its animator was Leo Rossi, a middle school drawing teacher (Scuola Media) and a military officer. In 1939 Vivarelli took part in a camping in Sovicille organized by the Opera Nazionale Balilla .

In the spring of 1941, the father left the family to join the 97th Battalion of the Camicie Nere (Divisione Bergamo ) in the Balkan campaign led by the German Wehrmacht after the Italian offensive against Greece got stuck . He returned to the family in Siena for a few months around Christmas, but had to return to the Yugoslav front in February. There he was soon under the leadership of Tito's standing partisans killed when the young Roberto was twelve years old.

As a teenager in the war (1943–1945)

On July 25, 1943, Mussolini was overthrown in a session of the Fascist Grand Council and imprisoned a little later; King Victor Emmanuel III then appointed Marshal Pietro Badoglio as the new Prime Minister, who initially declared that the war would continue on the side of the German ally. The 45 days between the announcement of the armistice negotiations between the monarchical government and the Allies on September 8, 1943, was marked by an atmosphere of uncertainty and waiting. The fallen Italian dictator was imprisoned, but was freed by German paratroopers on September 12 as part of Operation Eiche . The invasion of German troops as a result of September 8th and the reinstatement of Mussolini in the Repubblica Sociale Italiana with its seat of government in Salò actually meant the beginning of a civil war for Italy (see also Resistancea ).

Following the example of his three years older brother Piero, Roberto Vivarelli ultimately joined the Brigate Nere , the voluntary associations of the Repubblica Sociale Italiana, in this situation . In his memoirs Vivarelli describes that because of their fascist upbringing, the two brothers had no doubts about their partisanship for the Repubblica Sociale and National Socialist Germany from the start. Rossi's ardent speeches at the gruppo rionale fascista would have influenced his decision even more than his father's example . The brothers were shocked by the news of the murder of Ettore Muti , while the news of the liberation of Mussolini on the morning of September 13th aroused their enthusiasm; When the Germans moved into Siena later in the day, the two homemade flags of the so-called Third Reich waved with the swastika . Piero Vivarelli left Siena on September 16 with a detachment of tank grenadiers ; later he belonged to the Lupo battalion of the Decima Mas . The younger Roberto, on the other hand, only succeeded in joining the Brigate Nere in September 1944 after repeated setbacks .

Setbacks

The request made by Roberto after September 8th to join the newly founded army of the Republic of Salò, the Guardia Nazionale Fascista , in his hometown of Siena, was officially granted; in fact, however, his assignment was limited to cleaning the abandoned Sienese barracks of Porta Pispini for ten days. Then he had to return to the school desk of the city's natural science high school (Liceo Scientifico) . During this time he began to attend the meetings of the fascist association, the Federazione fascista . After the fascists had issued the order to collect all private weapons, Roberto took over the task of organizing and cataloging them. He stopped attending the Federazione meetings when a fascist youth movement, the Movimento giovanile repubblicano , was founded. Motivated by the news that the Decima Mas was training the first naval units of the Repubblica Sociale in La Spezia , Roberto tried to find his way to Padua to visit the supposedly newly formed naval college (Collegio Navale) that was once in Venice ; He had wanted to become a naval officer since he was ten. In Florence he met a division of recruits from the Decima Mas , but in Padua it turned out that the Collegio Navale only existed in name.

Fourteen-year-old Roberto was forced to go back to school again. In his autobiographical work, Vivarelli describes in retrospect that he and his peers considered the trial of Verona in January 1944 , during which some of the members of the Fascist Grand Council who had voted against him to be, to be fair, because it was about Traitor. Together with his older comrades Aldo C., whom he had met in the fascist youth movement, Vivarelli undertook on 1 March 1944 again an experiment in the Brigate Nere hiring: After the two had stumbled on buses, which the battalion Barbarigo the Decima Mas in the German-occupied Rome transported and were provided with advertising inscriptions, they fled from home and fought, travel with you on German vices in several stages up to the Eternal city by. However, when the two presented themselves at the Federazione Fascista in Piazza Colonna, they were told they would have to go to La Spezia to volunteer for the Decima Mas . Roberto then went home, while Aldo remained in Rome; without his younger companion, he was able to join the paracadutisti Nembo , a paratrooper division, a little later . Roberto Vivarelli, who was traveling back to Siena from Viterbo on a dump truck, witnessed an attack on the vehicle by two fighter pilots: By jumping into the ditch, he managed to save himself as the only passenger and finally returned to Siena after an absence of around two weeks.

As a result of the failed Roman adventure, Roberto successfully finished school, but apparently only at the second attempt after he failed the first attempt because of poor performance in mathematics and, of all things, history. In view of the advancing Allied offensive in central and southern Italy - around a month after the end of the long and costly Battle of Monte Cassino  , the Allied troops took Rome in June 1944 - Roberto and his mother fled north to Salò . In Florence they parted; after Roberto was nominally accepted into a Tuscan fascist fighting force that wanted to rally in Salò, but had no means to get there, he traveled alone to Salò via Bologna and Milan after his mother. A short one-week stay in Brescia followed, where the two Sienese fascists wanted to visit, witnessed the bombing of the city by the Allies and met Roberto's brother Piero. When Emilio Bigazzi Capanni, an old friend of his father, who was now the chief of police in the secretariat in Mussolini's villa in Salò, found a job for the mother in the Servizio Ausiliario Femminile , the association of voluntary female workers of the Repubblica Sociale, the two moved to Venice , where Roberto spent the whole of August 1944 without any duties. A subsequent renewed attempt to hire in Brescia at the Decima Mas failed.

As a volunteer of the Republic of Salò

After the headquarters of the Servizio Ausiliario Femminile had been moved to Como and as a result mother and son had moved there, Roberto Vivarelli managed to be accepted into the brigata nera Cesare Rodini by capitano Biraghi at a performance on September 19, 1944 . Vivarelli then took part in guards and later also in patrols in the surrounding mountains, of which it was known that partisans were on the move; During their excursions, however, the company never met partisans, but instead met smugglers, from whom it once took a kind of bribe.

Roberto's mother had meanwhile been appointed in command of the Milanese Servizio Ausiliare in the immediate vicinity of the Villa Necchi Campiglio , in which the quarters of the General Secretary of the Partito Fascista Repubblicano Alessandro Pavolini were. After a brief visit to Milan at the end of October, Roberto decided to change companies and move to the capital of Lombardy; on November 7th he became a member of the Bir-el-Gobi .

Roberto stayed in his new role from November 7, 1944 to January 17, 1945 in Milan. There he often saw his comrades in arms being shot in the street by members of the urban Resistancea ( Gruppi di Azione Patriottica ). Vivarelli notes in his memoirs that he and his fellow campaigners viewed such undertakings as cowardly, since the guards attacked had no time to defend themselves. At the beginning of January the patrol, to which Roberto belonged, accidentally opened fire on a German company after their car did not stop when called; When another German car passed the scene of the accident, the company members present claimed that the murderers were unknown. During Roberto's stay in Milan, three spies were exposed in his company and were subsequently executed. In addition to the task of guard duty, the members of the Bir-el-Gobi received military training in the barracks: exercises such as simulating attacks, sealing the ground and throwing hand bombs were to prepare them for the upcoming front. On his fifteenth birthday, Vivarelli received a Beretta pistol from a general; his mother gave her son, who was a regular smoker at the time but later gave up, a leather cigarette case. Vivarelli also reports that in their free hours the members of the company would have liked to listen to American jazz music, although the explicit use of this term was of course prohibited.

On January 17th, the Bir-el-Gobi left Milan to take part in the fight against the partisans in what is now the province of Biella in Piedmont . At the beginning of the enterprise, when the company stayed in Coggiola and Trivero , there was no trace of partisans; Two volunteers died in a collision in Cavaglià on February 8th. In order to top up their rations, Vivarelli said that the volunteers sometimes pretended to be partisans, as the farmers would have treated them better that way. On February 18, there was a violent clash with partisans near the Masino fort in Caravino in what is now the province of Turin , in which two volunteers from the company were killed and thirteen were captured; Roberto was not directly involved in the fight: when he arrived at the fort in the reinforcement group, the fighting had already ceased. The remaining members of the company plundered the fort together with the German troops who had moved in. The prisoners were later freed in hostage swaps.

The company, which had never wanted to take part in the war against the partisans, was finally able to convince Pavolini to allow her to leave for the front on April 9th. They advanced as far as Bologna , but because of the collapse of the Gothic line , their combat mission no longer came about (see also the Italian campaign ). Instead, the company that was the last to leave Bologna had to retreat under attack from Allied planes and on small roads across the Po towards Milan, where it arrived on April 24th. While numerous other members of the Brigate nere already defected to the Resistancea after the Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale called for a general strike on April 25 (see also Day of the Liberation of Italy ), Roberto and a small group of other volunteers from the Bir-el-Gobi Pavolini company assured them around 9 o'clock in the evening her loyalty The following day the company then traveled to Como; Once there, Pavolini explained the dissolution of the company in front of the building of the fascist association and recommended everyone to do everything possible to save themselves. Roberto followed advice by getting rid of his ammunition; on April 30th he returned to Milan by train.

Studies and academic career in the post-war period (1945–2014)

Vivarelli spent the years 1945-46 in the Lombard capital, where he suffered from hunger in the particularly cold winters of those years. In the summer of 1945 he saw the documentaries broadcast by the Allies about the National Socialist concentration camps in the cinema . For the academic year 1947/1948 Vivarelli enrolled at the University of Milan for the chimica industriale course , but had to drop out in the first year because of bone tuberculosis in the summer of 1948. He was then taken to a military hospital of the Sovereign Order of Malta in Calambrone on the Tuscan coast between Pisa and Livorno , where he had to stay until 1951. Here Vivarelli, who was the only university student among the patients, took on a teaching position in French, history and mathematics as part of catch-up courses for hospital patients. In retrospect, Vivarelli also described his illness stay as a time of political education: Regular reading of the newspaper Il mondo Mario Pannunzios and the magazine Il Politecnico, published from 1945 to 1947 by the writer Elio Vittorini , as well as the friendly contact with his usually contributed to this older students and fellow patients, most of whom were former prisoners of war interned in Germany.

After his hospital stay, Vivarelli changed his subject, he now began studying political science (Scienze Politiche) , which he completed in March 1954 at the University of Florence . There he made friends with the writer Piero Jahier , through whom he also met the Florentine university professor Piero Calamandrei . This enabled him to publish his Lettera agli amici del "Ponte" (letter to the friends of the "Ponte"), in which he processed his experience in the Republic of Salò. He then worked as a postdoc at the University of Pennsylvania , then at the Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Storici in Naples, founded by Benedetto Croce in 1946 . Here he began under the direction of Federico Chabod and Gaetano Salvemini 1956-57 his research on the origins of fascism, which resulted in the publication of the first volume in 1961 and which should keep him busy until two years before his death. Salvemini, a staunch anti-fascist who fled to France in August 1925 and taught at Harvard from 1934 , died in 1957; After his death, Vivarelli published Salvemini's diaries for the years 1922 and 1923 in the newspaper Il mondo and in 1961 published his lecture on the origins of fascism for the first time in Italian, which he had written in English and given at Harvard. In the early 1960s he became a research fellow at St Antony's College , Oxford , where he befriended director Frederick William Deakin ; Deakin, who was himself a scientist of fascism and had once been on Churchill's behalf as a liaison to Tito's partisans in Yugoslavia, helped him in 1969 by translating a Yugoslav partisan report to find out the exact circumstances surrounding his father's death. From 1967 he worked as a freelance lecturer at the Storia contemporanea until he accepted a professorship in this field at the University of Siena in 1972 . In 1975 he moved to the University of Florence and in 1986 to the Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa . Vivarelli was a member of the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton from September 1969 to June 1970 and from September 1980 to June 1981 . In 1976 he worked as a visiting professor at Harvard University . 1993–1994 he was a visiting fellow at All Souls College , Oxford.

In addition to his university activities, Vivarelli was a member of the management of the Rivista Storica Italiana , the Accademia Europea in Florence and the Tuscan Academy La Colombaria .

The publication of Vivarelli's memoirs entitled La fine di una stagione in 2000, in which he described and commented on his participation in the civil war of 1943–45, sparked a journalistic debate at the national level, in the course of which Vivarelli was accused of revisionism; At that time Vivarelli seems to have been excluded from the Historical Resistance Institute of Tuscany (Istituto Storico della Resistenza in Toscana) (see in detail below).

After the end of the academic year 2003-2004 Vivarelli finished his academic work at the Scuola Superiore di Pisa . He had previously given the documents in his possession to the Centro Archivistico there ; These included various manuscripts, correspondence with some important exponents of Italian and European culture, as well as documents Vivarelli had received from Salvemini. Vivarelli retired in March 2005.

For his book Storia e storiografia , published in 2004 . Approssimazioni per lo studio dell'età contemporanea , Vivarelli received the Premio Cherasco Storia in 2006, endowed with 10,000 euros . In 2012 he managed to finish the third and last volume of his monumental Storia delle origini del fascismo , which appeared on October 11th of that year.

Vivarelli died on July 14, 2014 in Rome at the age of 84; the funeral ceremony took place in the Florentine Basilica of San Miniato al Monte , according to the press .

plant

In addition to his university career and his membership in numerous institutions, Vivarelli has made an impact through the historical studies he has written: His historiographical work is dominated by the Storia delle origini del fascismo , on which he worked for almost six decades. The three-volume script is still the standard work for the history of primo dopoguerra , the years after the First World War in Italy.

At least until the publication of his memoirs in 2000, Vivarelli was generally known as an anti-fascist historian, moreover left-wing. In the 1960s he was one of the first and harshest critics of the historiographical work of Renzo De Felice , but later he increasingly approached his positions.

The historian Vivarelli always had an interest in history education: he saw history as a magistra vitae in the sense of Cicero , which could contribute to a better understanding of current political events. In this context, his book Storia e storiografia , published in 2004, is particularly important . Approssimazioni per lo studio dell'età contemporanea to see.

Storia delle origini del fascismo

Backgrounds and role models

For the writing of his main scientific work, the three-volume Storia delle origini del fascismo , Vivarelli resorted to the state central archive in Rome as well as to numerous state archives of the Italian provinces. Originally he wanted to use the archives in Turin , Milan , Cremona , Ferrara , Bologna , Florence , Siena and Bari ; in Milan he was denied access; in Turin, Cremona, Ferrara and Florence the relevant material turned out to be lost. Vivarelli also worked a lot with the national and local Italian press of the post-war years and contemporary literature.

The project of the Storia delle origini del fascismo can be explained against the background of Vivarelli's biography: As is evident from numerous self-statements, both the role of the father and the experience as a volunteer in the army of the Repubblica Sociale caused Vivarelli to endure Italian fascism after the end of the war wanted to understand it as a historical phenomenon. In addition, there was the influence of intellectuals, especially the lawyer Mario Bracci and his history teacher Gaetano Salvemini: Vivarelli later agreed with Bracci that fascism had presented “a big lie” (“una gande menzogna”). Salvemini, on the other hand, had already dealt with the topic of the origins of fascism in his lectures at Harvard; Vivarelli was able to build on this work and the portrayal of Angelo Tascas . In retrospect, Vivarelli said that although he was somewhat familiar with the writings of his teacher, he had come to similar results in his own studies largely independently of this and in other ways. The first volume, published in 1967, is dedicated to Vivarelli's teachers Salvemini and Chabod. Vivarelli published a collection of reviews and articles, some of which had already been published earlier, in a monograph in 1981 under the title Il fallimento del liberalismo , which worked towards the second volume .

Selected theses of Vivarelli

Like Salvemini, Vivarelli argues that the rise of fascism was preceded by a crisis in the liberal state. In the course of working on the second volume, he came to believe more and more that the most important origins of fascism lay not only in primo dopoguerra , but also in the half century since the founding of the Kingdom of Italy in 1861 . Christopher Seton-Watson came to similar conclusions in his book Italy from liberalism to fascism , published in 1967 . 1870–1925 , which Vivarelli had praised in a review. In the second volume Vivarelli therefore devoted more space to the long-standing weakness of Italian socialism and the problems of peasant society in Italy. Vivarelli judges Italy's economic and social backwardness to be decisive for the country's democratic immaturity.

Connected with this is Vivarelli's criticism of the concept of socialist massimalismo that runs through the three volumes. The political direction within the Partito Socialista Italiano , which largely adhered to the theoretically formulated goals of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, is described as maximalist . Vivarelli assesses this and a. Policy advocated by Giacinto Menotti Serrati in the historical situation at the time as impractical and wrong, since it made a compromise with the liberal forces impossible. The socialist policy had not reacted to the actual problems of the country, but in addition to the Russian October Revolution , the early influence of Mussolini was also responsible (Mussolini was a member of the party until 1914).

According to Vivarelli's assessment, the fascist movement did not experience the decisive boom until 1920. According to Vivarelli, Italian fascism did not emerge as a reactionary movement, spurred on by industrialists and large landowners; rather, it emerged from a true civil war between two opposing parties, embodied by the socialists on the one hand and the fascists on the other (see also Biennio rosso and Biennio nero ).

With regard to the role of Mussolini, Vivarelli argues in the first volume - in contrast to Renzo De Felice - that Mussolini never really had revolutionary ideals.

criticism

The first volume was received very positively overall. Christopher Seton-Watson judged in a 1970 review that Vivarelli had drawn a more accurate picture of the budding politician Mussolini than De Felice. Alan Cassels criticized the use of the attribute “ totalitarian ” for the Italian rights of the post-war years, but praised the work as well as Charles Delzell as a whole for its scientific thoroughness.

When the second volume was published, there were not only positive reviews but also critical voices. Walter Adamson criticized the fact that the first volume was reprinted unchanged and that the bibliographical information was out of date. Vivarelli had also neglected social and cultural developments when he blamed the weakness of the state for the rise of fascism. The role of Mussolini, the fascist movement and the subsequent party formation is undervalued in the second volume, and too little space is devoted to the subject. Overall, Vivarelli portrays the rise of fascism as too inevitable and the role of Mussolini as too passive. At the same time, Adamson pointed out positively the wealth of information and scope of the work.

Salvatore Adorno criticized in 1993 in the journal Studi Storici that Vivarelli had interpreted some sources in the sense of a pre-prepared thesis, while deliberately ignoring others. In addition, the First World War is only insufficiently treated in the volumes; In addition, Vivarelli had underestimated or neglected the historiography, which had drawn attention to the aversion of bourgeois and peasant soldiers to war by studying private sources, letters and diaries. Vivarelli wrote a two-page response to Adorno's review, which was published in the same journal. He felt that Adorno's criticism that he was writing a book determined by a pre-prepared thesis (“libro a tesi”) was tantamount to denying him scientific honesty. Vivarelli therefore briefly defended his point of view - referring to his own book chapters, he stressed that he had considered historiography, and with reference to a review of John Keegan 's work Between Mutiny and Obedience by Leonard Smith, he argued that he was not the only one who do not attach any political importance to the negative attitude of both bourgeois and peasant soldiers. Adorno replied again to Vivarelli's reply by making it clear that his intention was by no means to accuse the latter of scientific dishonesty; there was a misunderstanding on this point. Adorno only wanted to express his opinion that the work was based on a strongly interpretative approach. Differences of opinion remained on the other points; with the argument that he had already dealt with the book chapter to which Vivarelli had referred in his answer in his review, he countered Vivarelli's accusation of not having read his book completely; instead, according to Adorno, it seems rather that Vivarelli did not read his review carefully.

Vivarelli's memoir “La fine di una stagione” and the controversy that led to its publication

The publication of Vivarelli's memoirs in 2000 sparked a journalistic debate at the national level. With the publication of the book, the historian revealed his active participation in the civil war of 1943-45 on the part of the Brigate Nere , which he had concealed since the publication of his Lettera agli amici del "Ponte" from 1955 and which had not been known to the public. The fact that he did not publicly acknowledge his role as a volunteer for the Republic of Salò before 2000 was due to both a lack of time and reasons of discretion, according to Vivarelli. For parts of his memories relating to the years 1943-45, the author said he could fall back on a contemporary diary.

Judge Vivarellis about the Italian persecution of Jews 1943–1945 and his own behavior

La fine di una stagione is divided into 14 chapters. Vivarelli first describes his childhood and youth in fascist Italy, the death of his father, then the experience of July 25th and the interlude of the 45 days. Before starting the chronological account of his experiences between September 8th and the end of the war, he makes a few fundamental remarks: According to his report, he and his brother did not regard the Germans advancing to Italy after September 8, 1943 as enemies but as betrayed allies ; they therefore acted out of the feeling that they had to regain the Italian honor that had been lost through the treasonable actions of Badoglio and the king - he still does not know today whether "they", the supporters of the Repubblica Sociale, were wrong at the time. Vivarelli uses the first person plural several times in his memoirs.

In the same part of the memoir, Vivarelli also vehemently claims that neither he nor the vast majority of Italian citizens knew the true character of National Socialism after the armistice. Most of the Brigate Nere also did not know about the Holocaust and were not anti-Semitic either . Vivarelli goes so far as to claim that for the majority of the so-called repubblicchini a “Jewish question” (“una questione ebraica”) did not exist at all. He did not mean to deny that some supporters of the Republic of Salò were working with the Germans and that anti-Jewish legislation existed, but it is questionable how many were aware of this. He himself only found out about the National Socialist extermination camps after the end of the war in summer 1945.

After the chronological narration of the relevant period of life, Vivarelli, in the final chapter of the book, retrospectively assesses his actions at the time: If someone asked him today whether he regrets his decision, he would say no; no, he is even proud of this in his own way, even if he is aware today that the choice at that time was historically and morally wrong. Vivarelli puts those who have chosen a side morally on a higher level than the so-called attendisti , who refrained from making a conscious decision in 1943-45, instead behaving passively and worrying about their own survival. He would choose the same side again because the circumstances at the time would not have allowed him any other option. A review by Vivarelli of Pavone's book Una guerra civile , published elsewhere, is printed in the appendix to the book .

Reception and criticism

Even before La fine di una stagione went to print , reviews appeared in the Italian daily newspapers Corriere della Sera and La Repubblica . Paolo Mieli was the first to publish a review article in La Repubblica on November 5th ; In it he limited himself to a large extent - apparently on the basis of a reading before the publication of the book - to report its content and basic statements, quoting numerous relevant passages directly. The following day, two articles on the subject appeared in the features section of the Corriere della Sera : A commentary by the journalist Dario Fertilio, in which he reproduced the very different opinions of numerous intellectuals on the subject, and an interview with Dario Fo ; In it, Fo explains how he too joined the brigade nere in the biennium 1943–1945 , but in contrast to Vivarelli did not do so out of passionate conviction, but for simple reasons of wanting to survive - a motivation that, in his opinion, has a large number of so-called repubblichini was true. Another day later, on November 7th, Mario Pirani published an article in La Repubblica in which he severely criticized Roberto Vivarelli and - using older quotes from the historian Claudio Pavone , author of the influential book Una guerra civile - the circle the neo-revisionists assigned. Giovanni Belardelli called Pirani's contribution in the Corriere della Sera the following day “more of an excommunication than a serious contribution to the] discussion” (“più che una discussione sembra una scomunica”); like himself, Pirani could not read the book because it had not yet been published.

Claudio Pavone wrote a critical review for La Stampa after the book was published , which was published on December 27, 2000. He considered Vivarelli's claim that the supporters of the Repubblica Sociale had no knowledge of the persecution of the Jews to be a simple lie; Pavone asks critically, for example, how one could have ignored the seventh item on the agenda of the Verona Manifesto , which was explicitly anti-Semitic . The ex- partisan and publicist Arrigo Petacco , on the other hand, considered Vivarelli's assessment to be credible. In Vivarelli's descriptions of the struggle, Pavone also believes that he recognizes typical fascist prejudices such as that of the “cowardly partisan”. Finally, like Mario Pirani before, Pavone criticizes Vivarelli's argument that both his father and himself acted out of good intentions (“buona fede”): Vivarelli writes, one can remain morally upright even if one fought on the side which turned out to be wrong from the perspective of the winner. Pavone sees the same apologetic tendency in the final sentence of Vivarelli's memoir, which reads: "Back then, on September 8, 1943, I was only doing what I thought was my duty, and I think it was enough."

The ex-partisan and journalist Giorgio Bocca said in an interview with the then President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi that he “really didn't like Vivarelli's memoirs”. Ciampi replied that he had not read the book yet and said: “It seems to me that Vivarelli was a little boy when he made his decision. One thing is the question of conscience, the good intention, which may well have been there. The other is the institutional question. ”In terms of constitutional law, only the royal government in Brindisi, but not the fascist one in Salò, was legitimate. Elsewhere, Ciampi, who is actually considered to be the defender of the ideals of the Resistancea, publicly expressed the view, under the banner of a national policy of reconciliation, that the 'ragazzi di Salò' had also fought for a united Italy.

In an obituary for Vivarelli in 2014, the historian Roberto Chiarini defended Vivarelli's memoirs in the newspaper Il Giornale as a “courageous attempt to come to terms with a bloodcurdling phase of life”. Journalist Sergio Romano also judged that most critics had misunderstood Vivarelli's true intentions; It was neither an attempt to justify his own behavior, nor did Vivarelli try to point out general contradictions in Italian history by presenting his own case. The publication did not represent an intended provocation or a case of narcissism .

According to a comment by Piero Graglias, a member of the Istituto Storico della Resistenza in Toscana , which was published on the Internet and can only be accessed via another page, a vote was taken after Vivarelli's memoirs were published to exclude them from the institute concerned. Since Vivarelli's membership in the Istituto Storico della Resistenza in Toscana is not mentioned in the publications of the Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa in addition to all of his other roles in other bodies listed there, it seems that Vivarelli was actually expelled from the institute.

The historian Giorgio Rochat , former president of the Istituto nazionale Ferruccio Parri per la storia del movimento di Liberazione in Italia , based in Milan, went so far - most likely on the basis of Vivarelli's memoirs - whose handbook on Età contemporanea published in two volumes in 2000-2001 To call Dizionario della Resistenza neo-fascist journalism.

Fonts

For a complete list of publications up to and including 2006, see Ilaria Pavan / Roberto Pertici: Bibliografia di Roberto Vivarelli (1954–2006). In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 1 (2007), pp. 221-238.

• Storia delle origini del fascismo. L'Italia dalla grande guerra alla marcia su Roma. 3 volumes, il Mulino, Bologna 1991, 1991, 2012, ISBN 978-88-15-23986-0 , ISBN 978-88-15-23987-7 , ISBN 978-88-15-23989-1 (Volume 1 appeared previously as: Il dopoguerra in Italia e l'avvento del fascismo (1918–1922). Dalla fine della guerra all'impresa di Fiume. Istituto italiano per gli studi storici, Naples 1967)
• Presentation. In: Italian fascism. Problems and Research Trends. Oldenbourg, Munich Vienna 1983, pp. 49-55.
• Interpretations of the Origins of Fascism. In: The Journal of Modern History , Volume 63, Issue 1 (1991), pp. 29-43.
• A neglected question: Historians and the Italian national state (1945-95). In: Stefan Berger, Mark Donovan, Kevin Passmore (eds.): Writing national histories: Western Europe since 1800. Routledge, London a. a. 1999, pp. 230-237.
• La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, ISBN 978-88-15-24533-5 .
• Storia e storiografia. Approssimazioni per lo studio dell'età contemporanea. Editori di Storia e Letteratura, Rome 2004 (Storia e letteratura 221), ISBN 88-8498-178-6 .
• Fascismo e Storia d'Italia. Il Mulino, Bologna 2010.
• Italia 1861. Il Mulino, Bologna 2013, ISBN 978-88-15-23387-5 .

literature

• Luca Baldissara: On the Way to Bipolar Historiography? The public use of the Resistancea in a present without history. In: Sources and research from Italian archives and libraries , Volume 82 (2002), pp. 590–637 ( pdf ).
• Antonio Cardini: L'intelligenza del passato: la storiografia di Roberto Vivarelli. In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 239-247.
• Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici (eds.): Culture e libertà. Studi di storia in onore di Roberto Vivarelli. Edizioni della Normale, Pisa 2006. ISBN 978-88-7642-175-4 .
• Daniele Menozzi (Ed.): Storiografia e impegno civile. Studi sull'opera di Roberto Vivarelli. Viella, Rome 2017. ISBN 978-88-6728-829-8 .

Web links

• G. Cimalando (Ed.): Nella scia del Revisionismo italico: i fratelli Vivarelli tra Repubblica Sociale e Fidel Castro. In: Pavone Risorse. it , Progetto Storia del 900 . Retrieved September 20, 2017. [Collection of digital copies of press articles on the controversy surrounding the publication of Vivarelli's memoirs]

Individual evidence

1. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 9.
2. ↑ The term “civil war” was already used by contemporaries, but after 1945 it was increasingly associated with the right-wing nationalist camp in Italy; only since the publication of the book Una guerra civile. Saggio storico sulla moralità della Resistenza by the historian Claudio Pavone in 1991, the interpretation of events as guerra civile has also established itself domestically, while foreign research has always used the term to characterize the biennial. (See for example Carsten Kretschmann: Dealing with the fascist dictatorship in Italy after 1943/45. An outline. In: Wolfgang R. Assmann / Albrecht von Kalnein (ed.): Remembrance and Society. Forms of coming to terms with dictatorships in Europe. Metropol-Verlag, Berlin 2011, pp. 169–180, here p. 174.)
3. ^ Roberto Chiarini: Roberto Vivarelli, il "ragazzo di Salò" che ci ha insegnato cosa fu il fascismo . In: Il Giornale . Retrieved September 3, 2017.
4. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 9-12.
5. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 97.
6. ↑ "Ai miei Figlioli raccomando di essere quali mi sono di sforzato educarli e come sono certo che tu li educherai buoni cattolici e buoni fascisti." (Roberto Vivarelli: .. La fine di una stagione Memorie 1943-1945 Il Mulino, Bologna 2000 P. 16).
7. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 14.
8. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 15.
9. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 97.
10. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 9-12.
11. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 97 f.
12. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 13-16.
13. ↑ See for example Charles F. Delzell: I nemici di Mussolini. Storia della Resistenza armata al regime fascista. Castelvecchi, Rome 2013, pp. 193-226 (English original: Mussolini's Enemies. The Italian Anti-Fascist Resistance. Princeton University Press, Princeton (New York) 1961).
14. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 21.
15. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 98.
16. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 19.
17. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 23-24.
18. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 24 and 41.
19. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 17 and pp. 27-31.
20. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 33-39.
21. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 41-47.
22. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 49-53.
23. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 55-62.
24. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 63-70.
25. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 71-76.
26. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 77-87.
27. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 89-95.
28. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 101-103.
29. ^ Antonio Cardini: L'intelligenza del passato: la storiografia di Roberto Vivarelli. In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 239-247, here p. 240.
30. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: Lettera agli amici del "Ponte". In: Il Ponte XI (1955), pp. 750-754. See also ntonio Cardini: L'intelligenza del passato: la storiografia di Roberto Vivarelli. In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 239-247, here p. 240
31. ^ Istituto Italiano per gli Studi Storici , accessed on September 3, 2017.
32. ↑ See Roberto Vivarelli: Il dopoguerra in Italia e l'avvento del fascismo (1918–1922). Dalla fine della guerra all'impresa di Fiume. Istituto italiano per gli studi storici, Naples 1967; newly published as: Storia delle origini del fascismo. L'Italia dalla grande guerra alla marcia su Roma. Vol. 1, il Mulino, Bologna 1991, p. 9. Quoted in Antonio Cardini: L'intelligenza del passato: la storiografia di Roberto Vivarelli. In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 239–247, here p. 240. See also [with wrong date] Domenico Caccamo: Roberto Vivarelli e la crisi dello Stato liberale. In: Rivista di Studi Politici Internazionali. Nuova Serie, Vol. 80, No. 1 (317) (January – March 2013), pp. 137–142, here p. 138.
33. ↑ Roberto Vivarelli: Nota introduttiva. In: Gaetano Salvemini: Le origini del fascismo in Italia. Lezioni di Harvard. Edited by Roberto Vivarelli, Collana Universale Economica, Feltrinelli Editore, 2nd edition, Milan 1972, ISBN 9788807886348 , pp. 5–7, here p. 5.
34. ↑ Gaetano Salvemini: Diario degli anni 1922 e 1923. Fascisti e generali. Edited by Roberto Vivarelli. In “Il Mondo” (Rome), October 14, 1958, pp. 11–12; Continuation at weekly intervals in the same newspaper, always on pp. 11-12 under the titles I sovversivi di destra on October 21, 1958, Turati al Quirinale on October 28, 1958, Le paure di Facta on November 4, 1958, un ministero fantasma on November 11, 1958.
35. ↑ Roberto Vivarelli: Nota introduttiva. In: Gaetano Salvemini: Le origini del fascismo in Italia. Lezioni di Harvard. Edited by Roberto Vivarelli, Collana Universale Economica, Feltrinelli Editore, 2nd edition, Milan 1972, ISBN 9788807886348 , pp. 5–7, here p. 5.
36. ↑ Frederick William Deakin: The Brutal Friendship. Hitler, Mussolini and the fall of Italian fascism. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 1964 (English original 1962); the same: The last days of Mussolini. Penguin Books, Harmondsworth 1966. On the mission in Yugoslavia, see the same: The embattled Mountain. Oxford University Press, London 1971.
37. ↑ This was first captured in a clash, possibly to be exchanged as a hostage against a representative of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Then the local partisan leader decided to have him shot while stopping in a village, otherwise he could pass on the location of the clash, which could result in a retaliatory strike. This is how the father met his death in April 1942. See Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 14.
38. ↑ Vivarelli, Roberto . In: Enciclopedia Treccani . Retrieved August 18, 2017.
39. ↑ Entry Roberto Vivarelli on the website of the Institute for Advanced Study. Retrieved September 20, 2017.
40. ↑ Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici: Introduzione. In: Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici (eds.): Culture e libertà. Studi di storia in onore di Roberto Vivarelli. Edizioni della Normale, Pisa 2006, pp. VII – X, here p. VIII.
41. ↑ La Scuola Normale ricorda Roberto Vivarelli. July 14, 2014. Accessed September 20, 2017; Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici: Introduzione. In: Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici (eds.): Culture e libertà. Studi di storia in onore di Roberto Vivarelli. Edizioni della Normale, Pisa 2006, pp. VII – X, here p. VIII.
42. ↑ Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici: Introduzione. In: Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici (eds.): Culture e libertà. Studi di storia in onore di Roberto Vivarelli. Edizioni della Normale, Pisa 2006, pp. VII – X, here p. VII.
43. ^ A Roberto Vivarelli il Premio Cherasco Storia. In: Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche , June 1, 2006. Accessed September 21, 2017; see also Corriere della Sera. June 14, 2006, p. 37.
44. ↑ Roberto Vivarelli: Storia delle origini del fascismo. L'Italia dalla grande guerra alla marcia su Roma. Vol. 3, il Mulino, Bologna 2012.
45. ^ Si è spento Roberto Vivarelli, "il repubblichino in calzoni corti". In: QuiNews, Pisa.it , July 14, 2014. Accessed September 20, 2017.
46. ↑ Antonio Cardini ascribes a “posto di grande rilievo nella storiografia italiana delle seconda metà del XX secolo” to the work and believes that it belongs to the group together with Franco Venturi's Settecento riformatore , Rosario Romeo's Cavour biography and Renzo De Felice's Mussolini biography four most important works of Italian modern historiography, which also hold an international rank. (Antonio Cardini: L'intelligenza del passato: la storiografia di Roberto Vivarelli. In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 239– 247, here p. 243). Ernesto Galli della Loggia called the project “un'opera monumentale, paragonabile solo a quella di Renzo De Felice su Mussolini” (Ernesto Galli della Loggia: L'inerzia dei governi liberali carta vincente del fascismo. In: Corriere. It. 9 October 2012 (changed on October 10, 2012, accessed on September 25, 2017). Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici called the work a "indispensabile e imprescindibile punto di riferimento per ogni indagine che voglia comprendere le modalità e le ragioni della conquista mussoliniana al potere" (Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici: Introduzione. In: Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici (eds.): Culture e libertà. Studi di storia in onore di Roberto Vivarelli. Edizioni della Normale, Pisa 2006, pp. VII – X, here p. VIII). See also the judgment of Massimo Salvadori in a contemporary newspaper review of the second volume: "Quest'opera costituisce uno dei risultati più maturi della storiografìa italiana contemporanea, riguardanti lo stile dell'autore, il suo approccio metodologico, il suo animus etico-politico." ( Massimo L. Salvadori: Il fiuto di Mussolini. In: La Stampa. June 8, 1991). In 1983, Jens Petersen said that the book promised to “step up to the side of the investigations by A. Tasca and R. De Felice” (Jens Petersen: [Review of Vivarelli: Il fallimento del liberalismo.] In: Historische Zeitschrift. Vol. 237 , No. 2 (October 1983), pp. 458-459, here p. 458).
47. ↑ For a criticism of De Felice's picture of the young Mussolini, see above all the chapter “Benito Mussolini dal socialismo al fascismo” in: Roberto Vivarelli: Il fallimento del liberalismo. Studi sulle origini del fascismo. Bologna, Il Mulino 1981, pp. 77-109.
48. ↑ Paolo Mieli: Il fascista con i calzoni corti. In: La Stampa. November 5, 2000.
49. ^ Antonio Cardini: L'intelligenza del passato: la storiografia di Roberto Vivarelli. In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 239-247, here pp. 241, 243 and 247.
50. ↑ Roberto Vivarelli: Il fallimento del liberalismo. Studi sulle origini del fascismo. Il mulino, Bologna 1981, p. 10. Quoted in Antonio Cardini: L'intelligenza del passato: la storiografia di Roberto Vivarelli. In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 239-247, here p. 245.
51. ↑ Charles F. Delzell: [review on Vivarelli: Il Dopoguerra in Italia e l'Avvento del Fascismo]. In: The Journal of Modern History. Vol. 41, No. 4 (December 1969), pp. 634-637, here p. 635.
52. ↑ Christopher Seton-Watson: [Review of Roberto Vivarelli: Il dopoguerra in Italia e l'avvento del fascismo]. In: The English Historical Review. Vol. 85, No. 334 (January 1970), pp. 146-148, here p. 147.
53. ↑ Roberto Vivarelli: Storia delle origini del fascismo. L'Italia dalla grande guerra alla marcia su Roma. Vol. 1, il Mulino, Bologna 1991, p. 9; the same: Fascismo e storia d'Italia: fra biografia intellettuale e riflessione storiografica. In: Ricerche di storia politica , Vol. 6 (2003), pp. 347-360. Quoted in Antonio Cardini: L'intelligenza del passato: la storiografia di Roberto Vivarelli. In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 239-247, here pp. 239-240.
54. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: Fascismo e storia d'Italia: fra biografia intellettuale e riflessione storiografica. In: Ricerche di storia politica , Vol. 6 (2003), pp. 347-360, here p. 348. See also Antonio Cardini: L'intelligenza del passato: la storiografia di Roberto Vivarelli. In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 239-247, here p. 239.
55. ↑ Angelo Tasca: Nascita e avvento del fascismo: L'Italia dal 1918 al 1922 . La nuova Italia, Scandicci (Firenze) 1950 (2. A. 2002. German translation under the title Believe, obey, fight. Rise of fascism . Europa Verlag, Vienna 1969).
56. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: Introduzione. In: The same: Il fallimento del liberalismo. Studi sulle origini del fascismo. Bologna, Il Mulino 1989, pp. 5-9. Quoted in Antonio Cardini: L'intelligenza del passato: la storiografia di Roberto Vivarelli. In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 239-247, here p. 242.
57. ↑ Christopher Seton-Watson: [Review of Roberto Vivarelli: Il dopoguerra in Italia e l'avvento del fascismo]. In: The English Historical Review. Vol. 85, No. 334 (Jan 1970), pp. 146-148; Massimo L. Salvadori: Il fiuto di Mussolini. In: La Stampa. June 8, 1991.
58. ↑ Roberto Vivarelli: Il fallimento del liberalismo. Studi sulle origini del fascismo. Bologna, Il Mulino 1981.
59. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: Introduzione. In: The same: Il fallimento del liberalismo. Studi sulle origini del fascismo. Bologna, Il Mulino 1989, pp. 5-9. Quoted in Antonio Cardini: L'intelligenza del passato: la storiografia di Roberto Vivarelli. In: Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia. Series IV, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2004), pp. 239-247, here p. 242
60. ↑ Christopher Seton-Watson: Italy from liberalism to fascism. 1870-1925. Methuen, London 1967; Barnes & Noble, New York 1967.
61. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: Italia Liberale e Fascismo. Considerazione su di una recent storia d'Italia. In: Rivista Storica Italiana. Vol. 82 (September 1970), pp. 669-703.
62. ↑ Glenda Sluga: In: The Journal of Modern History. Vol. 68, No. 4 ( Practices of Denunciation in Modern European History 1789-1989 , December 1996), pp. 1008-1012, here p. 1008.
63. ^ Walter Adamson: [Review of Roberto Vivarelli: Storia delle origini del fascismo] In: The American Historical Review. Vol. 97, No. 2 (April 1992), pp. 577-578.
64. ↑ Glenda Sluga: In: The Journal of Modern History. Vol. 68, No. 4 ( Practices of Denunciation in Modern European History 1789-1989 , December 1996), pp. 1008-1012, here p. 1011.
65. ↑ See Domenico Caccamo: Roberto Vivarelli e la crisi dello stato italiano. In: Rivista di Studi Politici Internazionali , Nuova Serie, Vol. 80, No. 1 (January – March 2013), pp. 137–142, here in particular pp. 139 and 141; Glenda Sluga: In: The Journal of Modern History. Vol. 68, No. 4 ( Practices of Denunciation in Modern European History 1789-1989 , December 1996), pp. 1008-1012, here p. 1010.
66. ↑ Roberto Vivarelli: Storia delle origini del fascismo. L'Italia dalla grande guerra alla marcia su Roma. Vol. 2, il Mulino, Bologna 1991, p. 9. Quoted in Domenico Caccamo: Roberto Vivarelli e la crisi dello stato italiano. In: Rivista di Studi Politici Internazionali , Nuova Serie, Vol. 80, No. 1 (January – March 2013), pp. 137–142, here p. 139.
67. ^ Ernesto Galli della Loggia: L'inerzia dei governi liberali carta vincente del fascismo. In: Corriere. it. October 9, 2012 (changed October 10, 2012), accessed September 25, 2017.
68. ↑ See the first volume of a total of eight volumes of Mussolini's biography by the historian from Rieti: Renzo De Felice: Mussolini il rivoluzionario, 1883-1920. Collana Biblioteca di cultura storica, Einaudi, Turin 1965.
69. ↑ Christopher Seton-Watson: [Review of Roberto Vivarelli: Il dopoguerra in Italia e l'avvento del fascismo]. In: The English Historical Review. Vol. 85, No. 334 (January 1970), pp. 146-148, here pp. 147-148.
70. ↑ Christopher Seton-Watson: [Review of Roberto Vivarelli: Il dopoguerra in Italia e l'avvento del fascismo]. In: The English Historical Review. Vol. 85, No. 334 (January 1970), pp. 146-148, here pp. 147-148.
71. ^ Alan Cassels: [Review of Roberto Vivarelli: Il dopoguerra in Italia e l'avvento del fascismo]. In: The American Historical Review. Vol. 74, No. 1 (October 1968), pp. 219-220; Charles F. Delzell: [Review of Vivarelli: Il Dopoguerra in Italia e l'Avvento del Fascismo]. In: The Journal of Modern History. Vol. 41, No. 4 (December 1969), pp. 634-637, here p. 635.
72. ^ Massimo L. Salvadori: Il fiuto di Mussolini. In: La Stampa. June 8, 1991.
73. ^ Walter Adamson: [Review of Roberto Vivarelli: Storia delle origini del fascismo] In: The American Historical Review. Vol. 97, No. 2 (April 1992), pp. 577-578.
74. ^ "[E] come tutti i libri a tesi ha bisogno di piegare alcune fonti e alcuni fatti agli schemi, e di eluderne altri" (Salvatore Adorno: [Review of Vivarelli, Storia delle origini del fascismo , vols. 1 and 2], in: Studi Storici , April – September 1993, pp. 693–707), quoted by Roberto Vivarelli and Salvatore Adorno: A proposito di "Storia delle origini del fascismo. L'Italia dalla grande guerra alla marcia su Roma." In: Studi Storici 35, No. 3 (July-September 1994), pp. 861-864, here p. 861.
75. ↑ Leonard Smith: Between mutiny and obedience. The case of the French Fifth Infantry Division during World War I. Princeton University Press, Princeton (New York) 1994.
76. ^ Roberto Vivarelli and Salvatore Adorno: A proposito di "Storia delle origini del fascismo. L'Italia dalla grande guerra alla marcia su Roma." In: Studi Storici 35, No. 3 (July-September 1994), pp. 861-864.
77. ^ Roberto Chiarini: Roberto Vivarelli, il "ragazzo di Salò" che ci ha insegnato cosa fu il fascismo . In: Il Giornale . Retrieved September 3, 2017; Si è spento Roberto Vivarelli, "il repubblichino in calzoni corti". In: QuiNews, Pisa.it , July 14, 2014. Accessed on September 20, 2017. For a collection of digitized material on the subject, see G. Cimalando (Ed.): Nella scia del Revisionismo italico: i fratelli Vivarelli tra Repubblica Sociale e Fidel Castro. In: Pavone Risorse. it , Progetto Storia del 900 . Retrieved September 20, 2017.
78. ↑ Dario Fertilio: Salo. So finisce la stagione della reticenza. In: Corriere della Sera. November 6, 2000, p. 21.
79. ↑ Mentioned by Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 65 and p. 67.
80. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 24-25.
81. ↑ So also Claudio Pavone: La corta memoria dei ragazzi di Salò. In: La Stampa , December 27, 2000.
82. ↑ “[...] Che cosa il nazismo fosse veramente noi allora non lo sapevamo affatto. Io lo ignoravo del tutto. [...] Del resto non mi resulta che nella generalità dei comuni cittadini si sapesse ora del nazismo più di quanto si era semper saputo sino al 25 luglio [...]. ” (Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 24).
83. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 26.
84. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 104.
85. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 106.
86. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 105-106.
87. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 111-125. First published in La rivista dei libri , April 1992, pp. 25-28.
88. ↑ Paolo Mieli: Il fascista con i calzoni corti. In: La Stampa. November 5, 2000.
89. ↑ Dario Fertilio: Salo. So finisce la stagione della reticenza. In: Corriere della Sera. November 6, 2000, p. 21.
90. ^ Giuseppina Manin: Dario Fo: "Anch'io mi arruolai, ma soltanto per sopravvivere." In: Corriere della Sera. November 6, 2000, p. 21.
91. ^ Claudio Pavone: Una guerra civile. Saggio storico sulla moralità nella Resistenza. Bollati Boringhieri, Turin 1991. ISBN 88-339-0629-9 .
92. ^ Mario Pirani: Che cosa nasconde la nostalgia di Salò. In: La Repubblica. November 7, 2000.
93. ↑ Giovanni Belardelli: La Resistance, Salo ei ragazzi del '44: chie ne parla Rischia ancora la scomunica. In: Corriere della Sera. November 8, 2000, p. 33.
94. ^ Claudio Pavone: La corta memoria dei ragazzi di Salò. In: La Stampa , December 27, 2000. Criticism in this regard also by Piero Graglia: Article without title, published on the Internet on December 18, 2000, available here under the title “Gargonza”.
95. ↑ Dario Fertilio: Salo. So finisce la stagione della reticenza. In: Corriere della Sera. November 6, 2000, p. 21.
96. ^ Claudio Pavone: La corta memoria dei ragazzi di Salò. In: La Stampa , December 27, 2000. Pavone quotes Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, pp. 49, 55 and 56.
97. ^ Mario Pirani: Che cosa nasconde la nostalgia di Salò. In: La Repubblica. November 7, 2000.
98. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943-1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 15: “[...] L'onestà riguarda le intenzioni e il modo particolare del proprio agire, sicché ci si può mantenere moralmente integri independentemente dal valore della parte in cui si milita. [...] "
99. ^ "Allora, dopo l'8 September 1943, io feci semplicemente quello che ritenevo il mio dovere, e credo che basti" (Roberto Vivarelli: La fine di una stagione. Memorie 1943–1945. Il Mulino, Bologna 2000, p. 106 ).
100. ↑ Aldo Cazullo: Ciampi, 'Salo fu illegittima'. Il presidente contro Vivarelli. In: La Stampa , November 15, 2000, p. 25: “Mi pare che Vivarelli fosse un ragazzino, quando fece la sua scelta. Un conto è the questione di coscienza, la buona fede, che può anche esserci stata. Un'altra la questione istituzionale. "
101. ^ Giorgio Battistini: Ciampi: Anche i ragazzi di Salò volevano un'Italia unita. In: La Stampa , October 15, 2001 ( online , accessed May 4, 2019).
102. ^ "[...] coraggioso tentativo di fare i conti con una pagina lacerante" (Roberto Chiarini: Roberto Vivarelli, il "ragazzo di Salò" che ci ha insegnato cosa fu il fascismo . In: Il Giornale . Accessed September 3 2017).
103. ^ Sergio Romano: Vivarelli, uno storico contro tutti i luoghi comuni. In: Corriere.it , July 14, 2014. Retrieved September 21, 2017.
104. ↑ Piero Graglia: Article without a title, published on the Internet on December 18, 2000, available here under the title “Gargonza”.
105. ↑ La Scuola Normale ricorda Roberto Vivarelli. July 14, 2014. Accessed September 20, 2017; Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici: Introduzione. In: Daniele Menozzi, Mauro Moretti and Roberto Pertici (eds.): Culture e libertà. Studi di storia in onore di Roberto Vivarelli. Edizioni della Normale, Pisa 2006, pp. VII – X, here p. VIII.
106. ^ Roberto Vivarelli: L'età contemporanea. La Nuova Italia, Scandicci 1996.
107. ↑ Enzo Collotti, Renato Sandri and Frediano Sessi (eds.): Dizionario della Resistenza. Einaudi, Turin; Volume 1: Storia e geografia della liberazione. 2000; Volume 2: Luoghi, formazioni, protagonisti 2001.
108. ↑ Giovanni Bellardelli: Resistance, tre ombre sul nuovo dizionario. In: Corriere della Sera. November 21, 2001, p. 37.