Suruç attack in 2015

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The attack in Suruç resulted in a suicide attack on July 20, 2015 in the Turkish city ​​of Suruç , about ten kilometers from the Syrian border . 34 mainly young people died and at least 76 were injured, some seriously.

The attack in Suruç is considered to be a turning point in the Turkish government's action against the Islamic State (IS), to which the attack is attributed.

The PKK committed after the attack in Suruç several deadly bombings in part on Turkish police and accused the Turkish government, the IS covered in its fight against the parts of northern Syria controlling YPG support.

After the attack in Suruç and the attacks on Turkish police officers, the Turkish military openly attacked ISIS for the first time, and for the first time in three years, PKK positions in the mountains of northern Iraq, where the PKK fighters are heading after the ceasefire had withdrawn from 2013.

Background and history

Significance of Suruç for the embattled and destroyed Ain al-Arab

Suruç is in the province of Şanlıurfa and is mostly inhabited by Kurds . One of the largest refugee camps for Syrian people who fled the war in Syria is located in the Suruç district . At the time of the attack, 35,000 refugees were living in the camp, which opened in January 2015.

The Turkish-Kurdish Suruç is regarded as the “sister city” of the nearby Syrian-Kurdish Ain al-Arab (Kurdish: Kobanê or Kobanî). Ain al-Arab lies within the northern Syrian territory claimed by the Kurdish PYD as "West Kurdistan" (Rojava), in which, as a result of the war in Syria, the formation of a second Kurdish de facto state has begun, similar to the one in northern Iraq.

In mid-September 2014, units of the Islamic State (IS), classified as a terrorist organization, attacked the Kurdish-ruled region and soon afterwards the city of Ain al-Arab itself on the border with Turkey. In Suruç, which is under Kurdish control and particularly badly affected by the war in Syria, whose mayor was appointed by the pro-Kurdish BDP , which is considered the legal arm of the PKK , there were repeated clashes between government opponents and Turkish security forces. After weeks of fighting in 2014, the Kurdish People's Defense Units (YPG) succeeded in driving the IS fighters out of Ain al-Arab with US air support. During the battle for Ain al-Arab against ISIS, the Syrian city, whose population had fled to Turkey, was almost completely destroyed. According to information from the co-mayor of the HDP- ruled Suruç, Zühal Ekmez, who is close to the PKK , the entire sewer system became inoperative and the infrastructure destroyed when the Kurdish recapture of Ain al-Arab. According to media reports, the first residents had returned in the weeks before the attack, but IS had repeatedly tried to take the city. In June 2015, the IS extremists attacked again, according to media reports that 200 people, mostly civilians, had been killed.

Role of the cultural center and the HDP / SGDF in the fight and reconstruction in Ain al-Arab

The Amara cultural center in Suruç is operated by the Kurdish city administration. In September 2014, the center was the first port of call for thousands of refugees who fled to Suruç from fighting in Ain al-Arab in just a few days. They received first supplies, food and accommodation in the garden of the Amara Center. Kurdish fighters who were waiting to be deployed against IS in Ain al-Arab had also stayed in the cultural center in the past.

In July 2015, following an appeal by the socialist youth organization Sosyalist Gençlik Dernekleri Federasyonu ( Federation of Socialist Youth Associations of Turkey : SGDF), hundreds of activists - mostly students - from Istanbul , Ankara , Diyarbakır and other cities in Turkey gathered in the Amara cultural center in Suruç, around to travel to Ain al-Arab and help build the city. The SGDF, which had participated in left-wing demonstrations across Turkey in the past - especially during the “Gezi” protests in 2013  - said on Twitter before the Suruç attack : “The children of Gezi met at the Amara cultural center von Suruç gathered to go to Kobane. "

The SGDF is considered a youth organization of the Ezilenlerin Sosyalist Partisi ( Socialist Party of the Oppressed : ESP), a Marxist-Leninist party that defines itself as “a militant revolutionary socialist party fighting for a federal republic of workers in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan ". The organizational structure of the SGDF consists mainly of university and high school students. The umbrella organization of the socialist youth association is part of the HDP. According to media reports, many HDP officials come from the SGDF. According to Spiegel , fighters against IS are also allegedly recruited from the SGDF . Members had fought on the side of the Kurdish troops in Ain al-Arab.

The SGDF has sympathy for the Kurdish YPG. The YPG are considered a military offshoot of the PKK in Syria. The PKK is classified as a terrorist organization in Turkey, the USA, Germany and other countries. By fighting IS in 2014, the PKK was able to improve its image. The fact that the PKK also carried out assassinations as a means of achieving its goals had faded into the background. About a week before the Suruç attack, the PKK partially terminated the ceasefire that had begun in 2013 after decades of war.

In Turkey, in addition to the PKK, the YPG are also classified as a terrorist organization. Because of the organic connection with the PKK, the Turkish government saw the PYD and its armed arm YPG, as Syrian offshoots of the PKK and HPG, as a greater long-term threat than IS. The YPG, which is closely linked to the PKK, had developed into the most important partner of the US-led coalition against IS in northern Syria in the fight against IS and controlled most of the Syrian border with Turkey at the time of the Suruç attack. There the PYD / YPG had established self-governments in three cantons, while other Kurds accused them of monopolizing power.

Turkish crackdown on ISIS and other jihadist groups

ISIS had threatened several times to expand its fight to Turkey. Western intelligence services saw the fear of terrorist attacks as one of the reasons for the Turkish reluctance towards ISIS that still existed in 2014. Some time before the attack, there had been accumulated indications that the Turkish government was focusing on ISIS in a way that was perceived both in Turkey and by international observers. According to official figures, more than 500 suspected IS supporters were arrested in Turkey in the six months preceding the attack. In the weeks leading up to the attack, there were raids on IS supporters in Turkey. In the course of the intensified crackdown on suspected IS networks in Turkey, dozens of suspects from the IS and Nusra Front were arrested and relevant websites that acted as the mouthpiece of IS and the al-Nusra Front were blocked. In July 2015 alone, according to official information, 21 "terror suspects" were caught nationwide in investigations into recruitment networks. According to the media, Şanlıurfa, a few kilometers from the attack site in Suruç, was among the cities in which around a hundred people were arrested in raids. When soldiers and military equipment were stationed on the border to Syria at the beginning of July 2015, the journalist Ruşen Çakır interpreted this as the first official government action against IS, based on a background conversation with a senior government official.

After the attack in Suruç, the Turkish government suspected that the attack could be part of an ISIS revenge campaign because the Turkish authorities stepped up action against the extremists. During the election campaign at the end of May 2015, a bomb attack on an HDP rally in Diyarbakır had been carried out, in which four people were killed. Security experts who were not named had told the daily Hürriyet that the aim of the attacks was to further aggravate the conflict between the Turkish government and the Kurds. At the same time, there is also the message to the Turkish leadership that Turkey will be the target of an attack if it continues operations against ISIS.

attack

course

On July 20, 2015, around 12 p.m. local time, a suicide bomber detonated an explosive device during a gathering of around 300 mostly young people in the garden of the cultural center in Suruç . 32 people died. Initial media reports spoke of over 100 injured. Local hospitals later reported to the Turkish press that there were 76 injured, some seriously.

According to the private news agency DHA, a press conference of the Turkish socialist youth organization is said to have taken place prior to the meeting, at which, among other things, the reconstruction of the Syrian city of Ain al-Arab, which was badly damaged in the fighting against the Islamic State, was said to have taken place. According to other media reports, the bomb should have detonated immediately before the start of the press conference.

In Ain al-Arab, ten kilometers from Suruç, there were apparently also explosions shortly after the attack in Suruç. The activist Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said the Syrian Kurdish militia YPG had been attacked with a car bomb. Two Kurdish fighters were said to have been killed in the explosion. A YPG spokesman denied this representation and stated that there had been several explosions during the removal of ammunition that had been left behind by IS.

Investigations and information on the perpetrator

According to the Turkish government, the crime was "most likely" to be attributed to ISIS. While Euronews reported on July 21 that IS had declared itself responsible for the attack, according to other media reports, neither IS nor other militant groups had admitted to the attack at the time.

On July 22nd, Turkish investigators identified the suicide bomber. According to DNA analyzes, it was found that it was a 20-year-old Turk from the southeastern province of Adıyaman , who was described as a Salafist of Kurdish ethnicity.

According to a report in the daily Radikal , the perpetrator dropped out of college and worked as a painter. According to media reports, he and his brother went abroad about six months before the attack and were reported missing by his parents. He is said to have stayed in Syria for several months, from where he returned and carried out the attack. The Turkish government assumed that he and his brother had joined IS in Syria. Kurds from Turkey and Iraq had been fighting for a long time not only in the ranks of the Syrian PKK branch YPG, but also in the ranks of the IS. According to Turkish media reports, the suicide bomber was also connected to the suspect behind the double attack on a Kurdish election campaign event in Diyarbakır, which left four dead and hundreds injured in June 2015. This IS cell in Adıyaman is called “ Dokumacılar ” (German: Weber ) in the Turkish media .

Details of the victims

During and shortly after the attack, 32 people died. Local hospitals later reported to the Turkish press that there were 76 injured, some seriously. According to the local governor, around 20 of the injured were in mortal danger shortly after the attack. On August 4, the number of those killed in the attack rose to 33 and on August 14 to 34. At the beginning of August, according to the Turkish medical association Türk Tabipleri Birliği (TTB), 24 seriously injured people were still being treated outside of Şanlıurfa province, while 26 were injured were still in the hospital in Şanlıurfa, including one seriously injured.

Among the 32 people who lost their lives in the Suruç attack by the end of July, the alleged IS suicide bomber was among the other 31 Turkish citizens, according to the media, most of the victims were students. Most of the victims were also young socialist SGDF volunteers who were preparing in Suruç for an aid mission in the destroyed Ain al-Arab. According to information in the Junge Welt , they wanted to cross the border ten kilometers away and go to Ain al-Arab on the same day, the third anniversary of the formation of three self-governing cantons in northeast Syria, which is celebrated as the “ Rojava Revolution”.

According to media reports, the youngest of the 31 fatalities by the end of July was 18 years old, the oldest 65. 14 of those killed were university students. Two each were enrolled at the On Dokuz Mayıs Üniversitesi in Samsun , the Harran Üniversitesi in Şanlıurfa, the Kocaeli Üniversitesi in İzmit and the Anadolu Üniversitesi in Eskişehir . Each one was at the University of Istanbul , at the University of Ankara , at the Mersin University , at the Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University , at the Arel Üniversitesi and at the Marmara University enrolled in Istanbul. According to media reports, the fatalities were: Koray Çapoğlu, Cebrail Günebakan, Hatice Ezgi Sadet, Uğur Özkan, Nartan Kılıç, Veysel Özdemir, Nazegül Boyraz, Kasım Deprem, Alper Sapan, Cemil Yıldız, Okan Yıldıaçyd, Ferdane Kıağ, Ferdane Kınığ Alican Vural, Osman Çiçek, Mücahit Erol, Medali Barutçu, Aydan Ezgi Salcı, Nazlı Akyürek, Serhat Devrim, Ece Dinç, Emrullah Akhamur, Murat Yurtgül, Erdal Bozkurt, İsmet Şeker, Süleyman Tksuna, Nur, Duşayu, Poland Koçan, Vatan Budak and Mert Cömert.

According to media reports, members of the ESP and the SYKP were among those killed . Among them were an HDP candidate for the June 7 general election (65-year-old Cemil Yıldız), the HDP co-chair for Istanbul's Maltepe district (Duygu Tuna) and a Maltepe council member of the CHP (the 55-year-old Nazegül Boyraz).

A photo taken immediately after the attack and distributed on the Internet showing two injured women lying covered on the floor and holding each other's hands was considered an “iconic image” ( Deniz Yücel / Die Welt ) and “one of the symbols” ( Today's Zaman ) of the attack. One of the women survived the crime despite life-threatening injuries and was described in the media as a "symbolic figure for the survivors". Depending on the source, she was described as a 27-year-old pediatrician (Hürriyet) or a 26-year-old primary school teacher (Die Welt). The other woman died. According to the media, it was the 20-year-old art student Hatice Ezgi Sadet from Istanbul, of whom there is a short amateur video that the SGDF recorded as part of its Ain al-Arab campaign, in which Sadet says: “The revolution is in Rojava a revolution of women ”,“ I'm going there to help with the reconstruction. ”When she started the journey from Istanbul to Ain al-Arab, she had stated on Instagram , according to media reports :“ We are going to the revolution ”. According to media reports, like the 20- or 23-year-old philosophy student Poland Ünlü, depending on the source, she was an activist of the pro-Kurdish-left HDP. The media emphasized that the families decided to have the two close friends buried next to each other in a cemetery in Istanbul-Ümraniye, although they belonged to different denominations (Sunni and Alevi). Thousands of people attended her funeral.

Portraits of Ece Dinç (left) and Büşra Mete (right) in front of a banner with portraits and names of the "Suruç martyrs"

After the funeral ceremony for 19-year-old Ece Dinç in Istanbul, in which HDP co-chair Figen Yüksekdağ participated, the police used tear gas and rubber bullets against the mourners, according to media reports. A day later, her grave was desecrated. Shortly before her death, Dinç had successfully passed the entrance exam to study political science at Istanbul University.

The burial of the 23-year-old journalism student Büşra Mete took place at night in camera. A family member said the family did not want extremist groups to exploit the grief. According to media reports, Mete's friend, 28-year-old Çağdaş Küçükbattal (according to other sources: Çağdaş Battal), was taken to the intensive care unit for treatment after the attack on Suruç and survived, whereupon a picture of him in the hospital bed circulated in the media. Küçükbattal, who, according to media reports, had previously worked as a photographer for the left-wing news agency ETHA , had been placed under house arrest as an ESP member and had run unsuccessfully for the HDP in the parliamentary elections, had already been reported by the media after May 31, 2013, after he was hit in the eye by a tear gas cartridge during the protests in Turkey in 2013 and, despite several operations, was the first of around a dozen people to lose an eye to police tear gas bombardment. After the Suruç attack, some Turkish media published an old hospital photo of Büşra Mete standing next to Küçükbattal, who was injured in 2013, as his girlfriend.

According to the media, the oldest victim of the Suruç attack was 65-year-old İsmet Şeker, whose son Mustafa Can Şeker was killed in a battle with the IS militia in the fight for Kobanê in January 2014, and his wife Zahide two months after the death of their son had died. According to media reports, İsmet Şeker is said to have justified why he joined the SGDF group: “I want to see the place where my son went.” According to media reports, the two victims of the attack İsmet Şeker and Cemil Yıldız were buried In the ranks of hundreds of participants, a number of people carrying Kalashnikov assault rifles and pistols, one of whom fired several shots into the air with the Kalashnikov. Şeker and Yıldız originally came from Istanbul's Gazi district (in the Sultangazi district ), which is considered the stronghold of the political left and a retreat for the left-wing terrorist DHKP / C. Alevis and many PKK supporters lived there - traditionally left-leaning. It was the district of Istanbul from which the highest number of young Kurds went to Ain al-Arab in 2014 to join the fight against IS. Since the funeral procession for the three socialists killed in the Suruç attack, which was accompanied by thousands and flanked by masked and armed Kurdish militants, local residents said there had been nightly clashes between the police and members of the PKK youth organization until August.

A photo of another victim, 24-year-old Cebrail Günebakan, taken in Adana in 2014 , circulated in Turkish newspapers and showed Günebakan being attacked by a police officer during a demonstration. According to Turkish media reports, the photo has become a symbol of police violence in Turkey.

The funeral service of Ferdane Kılıç and her son, Nartan Kılıç, who both died in the attack, was attended by Ferdane Kılıç's daughter, who was injured in the attack, and Selahattin Demirtaş, the HDP co-chair.

On August 4, 2015, 22-year-old activist Vatan Budak, seriously injured in the attack, died after 16 days of clinical treatment. A week before his death, publicly announced by the SGDF, doctors had pronounced him brain dead . Budak had shrapnel in his brain and had been taken to Istanbul with other injured people.

On August 14, 2015, the 19- or 22-year-old activist Mert Cömert from the Black Sea region , who was injured in the Suruç attack, died from his injuries. Cömert had been treated in an intensive care unit in a hospital in Şanlıurfa since the attack. His funeral was to take place in his hometown of Samsun . As a result of the Suruç attack, Mert Cömert had gained some notoriety when, just before his departure for Suruç, posts were published on social media in which Cömert said he wanted the Black Sea region, which in Turkey was traditionally anti-Kurdish and nationalist Turkish Mood is known to be "represented in a good way".

Immediate follow-up events

Riots and protests

After the attack, protests against the Turkish government erupted across the country, with pro-Kurdish demonstrators accusing the government of having been inactive in the fight against IS for too long. Clashes between police and demonstrators broke out for two consecutive nights. In Istanbul, Ankara and in cities in the south-east that were predominantly inhabited by Kurds, rallies were sometimes violent. As a result, the government-appointed governors of Istanbul and Şanlıurfa imposed a demonstration ban on July 20. Anti-government rallies took place in particular in the Istanbul districts of Şişli and Kadıköy and in the predominantly Kurdish city of Nusaybin on the Turkish-Syrian border. The police sometimes used tear gas and water cannons there.

Action of the “peace bloc” in Istanbul
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Anti-ACP transparency
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Signs that read "Peace" in Turkish and Kurdish


According to media reports on July 24, an NGO group called Barış Bloku (“Peace Bloc ”) called for a “Great Istanbul March” on July 26 in the Taksim district of Istanbul's Beyoğlu district, which according to the organizing committee's plans will take place in front of the building of the state TV broadcaster TRT in the Tepebaşı district in the afternoon and lead to Aksaray to demonstrate against the attack in Suruç. The HDP deputies Filiz Kerestecioğlu and Garo payLAN attended the press conference on the march as part as Samet Mengüç, board member of the Istanbul Bar Association TBB , and Meral Çandır, a member of the minority committee of the Human Rights Association ( "Human Rights Association": İHD). Mengüç said at the press conference: “Despite the suffering we endure, we will continue our struggle for people and peace. That is the main goal of this march. ”Kerestecioğlu indicated that he would remain in contact with the governor's office for permission to march.

According to pro-Kurdish media reports on July 25, the office of the governor of Istanbul is said to have declared that the "Great Istanbul March" organized by Barış Bloku for July 26 was prohibited in accordance with the Assembly and Demonstration Act because the route was not in the area designated for meetings and demonstrations. After the Istanbul Peace March was banned by the authorities in the Aksaray district on July 26, violent protests broke out in the streets of Istanbul. While the silent march from Şişhane to Aksaray was banned, protesters from Barış Bloku met at the Aksaray subway station for a protest.

Alleged PKK attacks

In the Turkish-Syrian border town of Ceylanpınar , 200 kilometers west of Suruç , two police officers were killed in an assassination attempt to which the PKK claimed responsibility. In an internet statement by the Turkish military arm of the PKK - the People's Defense Forces (HPG) - the PKK pretended that the killing of the police officers was a “punitive action” in order to “retaliate for the Suruc massacre”. In its communication, the PKK assumed that the police officers who were killed were cooperating with IS, but did not provide any evidence for this allegation. The two policemen Okan Acar and Feyyaz Yumuşak had previously been found dead in a house in Ceylanpınar. Turkish media quoted the governor of Şanlıurfa Province, İzzettin Küçük, as saying that it was still unclear whether there was a “link to terrorism”. Both police officers were therefore killed by headshots. According to the media, one of the police officers worked in the Department of Counter-Terrorism, the other in the riot police ( Çevik Kuvvet Şubesi ).

Later on, the PKK described the murder of the two police officers as "an unsettled reprisal by local forces". On July 29, 2015, Demhat Agit, foreign policy spokesman for Koma Civakên Kurdistan (KCK), an umbrella organization that includes the PKK, told BBC Türkçe that the PKK was not responsible for the execution-like murder of the two Turkish police officers who were found dead in Ceylanpınar , responsible. Agit told the BBC verbatim: “These are units that are independent of the PKK. They are local forces that organize themselves and do not belong to us. We have no problem holding ourselves responsible for what we did. If an action is carried out by the PKK or the HPG, then we can explain it and, if necessary, be self-critical. ”Agit went on to say that the PKK is a disciplined movement, but that it is not possible to exercise complete control over the entire group. In such an atmosphere "any kind of incident could take place".

Judicial publication ban on visual material

Two days after the attack, according to the state news agency Anadolu Ajansı (AA), a Turkish court blocked access to the online short message service Twitter for more than two hours and ordered newspapers and television stations to be banned from publishing visual material in relation to the terrorist attack ”. According to a report by Hürriyet, the court ordered Twitter to remove 107 pieces of content. Twitter quickly removed 50 articles, but failed to remove another 57 in the four-hour time limit imposed by the court, which led to the censorship. In addition, according to the AA report, the court blocked Internet access to the images. The hashtag #TwitterBlockinTurkey entered the global trending topics list on Twitter shortly after the ban . After Twitter met all of the court's requirements two hours after being suspended, the ban was lifted. With the measures, the AA government wanted to prevent the spread of pictures of the bombing and prevent Twitter users from calling for anti-government protests in connection with the attack. According to Reuters news agency, the reason for the court ruling was that no further images of the suicide attack in Suruç were to be broadcast on Twitter. According to Turkish news agencies, several Internet providers followed the order to block Twitter. The state telecommunications authority BTK was not involved. Efforts were immediately made to lift the lockdown. It is common in Turkey for courts to impose message bans on certain issues. According to a report by Hürriyet, the media had previously been banned from reporting on more than 150 topics.

Demonstrations outside Turkey

Protests in front of the Turkish embassy in Washington
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Proto-Turkish protest by Turks against "terror" by IS and PKK
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Pro-Kurdish pro-HDP protest by Kurds and Armenians for a "free Kurdistan"


Internationally too - including in Paris , London , Berlin and Hamburg  - there were demonstrations against the attack in Suruç and against the Turkish government, some of which were accused of being involved in the attack.

In a spontaneous two-hour solidarity demonstration with 1,100 participants in Berlin-Kreuzberg for the people killed in the attack, six demonstrators were briefly arrested on the evening of July 20 on charges of breach of the peace, assault and attempted release of prisoners.

Political reactions

The IS itself did not initially admit to the act.

In the context of a given in Istanbul on July 28, 2015 press conference by the SGDF, the ESP , the BEKSAV and the EHB was held, announced İlke Başak Baydar, one of the survivors of the attack of Suruç to, together with their remaining comrades Wanting to start work planned by the SGDF in Syria despite the attack. Describing the Suruç attack as the beginning of the war, she said, “We will rebuild the city no matter what.” Çiçek Otlu, chairwoman of the SGDF branch in Istanbul, announced that the SGDF would begin its campaign two months earlier to gain broader public attention. However, there is still no schedule when the next group could go to Ain al-Arab.

Turkey

  • TurkeyTurkey Turkey The Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan condemned the act with harsh words and said during a visit to Northern Cyprus that terrorism knows neither a religion nor an ethnicity. In a written communication, he stated that Turkey was against "all terrorist organizations". With regard to ISIS and its attack in Suruç, the Turkish government will use “every available means to locate the perpetrators of the terrorist attack”. On July 21, 2015, President İbrahim Kalın denied the opposition's allegations that the government was doing too little against the terrorist militia, saying that since IS was added to the terrorist list in October 2013, 1,600 foreigners with ties to the terrorist militia had been deported and against more than 15,000 entry bans have been imposed. The authorities have also arrested more than 500 suspects and issued arrest warrants for around a hundred.
The incumbent Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu called the attack an attack on peace, democracy and public order in Turkey and announced: "We will hold those responsible for this act to account." The Turkish Interior Minister spoke of an attack on the unity of the Country. In a statement, the Turkish government officially accused ISIS of having carried out the suicide attack in Suruç.
  • Several Turkish opposition politicians saw the attack as a consequence of Turkey's policy on Syria. Ali Haydar Hakverdi, MP for the largest opposition party , the CHP , told the media that the AKP government was responsible for the deaths in Suruç, which brought ISIS into the country but has always denied it. Ertuğrul Kürkçü , MP for the HDP , said: "The war that the AKP government waged with Qatar and others against the Assad regime and for which it used the jihadists is now reaching Turkey". The pro-Kurdish HDP called for a large demonstration against “IS barbarism” in Istanbul the following weekend, but the demonstration was banned by the governor.
  • The pro-Kurdish HDP, which came out surprisingly strong in the parliamentary elections on June 7, 2015 with 13 percent, issued a message calling on the Kurds along the border with Syria to take security into their own hands. The co-chairman of the HDP, Selahattin Demirtaş , called on the provincial and district headquarters of the HDP to “take their own security measures.” He told the TV broadcaster Med Nûçe on July 20: “Our people are now in the situation to take care of their own security. ”The HDP stated:“ All countries and regimes from which ISIL has received support are partners in this barbarism. Those who remain silent and do not dare to raise their voices against ISIL, governors in Ankara, who threaten the HDP every day, are accomplices of this barbarism. "
  • CHP boss Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu said on July 20: “I condemn terrorism and those who support it.” The CHP Deputy Chairman , Veli Ağbaba, announced that the CHP would open a library and a playground in memory of the murdered activists a Kurdish city. In a report published on July 26, the CHP called for a parliamentary commission to be set up to investigate the attack, locate IS activists in Turkey and develop a comprehensive plan to combat the organization.

International

  • United StatesUnited States United States : The United States condemned the incident as a terrorist attack and affirmed that it would continue to stand by Turkey as a "valuable NATO ally and partner in the global coalition against ISIL" to work together to counter terrorism.
  • United KingdomUnited Kingdom United Kingdom : The British Ambassador to Turkey Richard Moore said on his Twitter account: "The United Kingdom stands shoulder to shoulder with Turkey in unequivocal condemnation of all terrorism."
  • GermanyGermany Germany : Federal Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier condemned the act and said that the attack in Suruç shows “that we must not let up in our fight against terrorism. Turkey is a very important partner in this ”.
  • Sevim Dağdelen , spokeswoman for the left for international relations, criticized the policy of the Turkish government at a rally in Berlin on July 20 and said: "Today the seeds of the AKP regime that has been investing in ISIS grew in Suruc". She demanded: "The German government must immediately request Turkey not to open the border with Syria to the IS terrorist gangs". In addition, support for Turkish President Erdoğan through arms exports and the stationing of the German Federal Armed Forces on site must be stopped immediately.

Conspiracy theories and unconfirmed speculations

It was reported that in the days preceding the attack, the Turkish intelligence service MIT warned of an attack by IS terrorists illegally crossing the border from Syria into Turkey. Seven suspects were named, including three women, one of whom security authorities would believe to be the suicide bomber.

Various sides reacted with conspiracy theories to the forensic medical evidence that a young Kurdish Salafist had detonated the explosive device .

From the Kurdish side - but initially not from the official Kurdish side - the Turkish government was accused that no police officers were present at the meeting in the garden of the Amara cultural center. The missing police officers' conspiracy theory suggested that the government knew about the attack plans. The Kurdish opposition leader Selahattin Demirtaş said that a Gladio special unit associated with President Erdoğan and waging a dirty war had carried out the attack.

The Turkish Deputy Prime Minister Bülent Arınç responded to these allegations by asking why no representatives of the HDP and the HDP-dominated city administration were present and were harmed, adding that an "answer to this question would be found". The allusion to the lack of HDP politicians implied the conspiracy-theoretical accusation that the HDP had knowledge of the attack in advance, but had not done anything to produce martyrs for their purposes and to - also with regard to possible early elections - the image of the Harming the AKP and the Turkish government.

Observers noted that there were many rumors circulating in Turkey in general as a result of the attack. For example, the pro-government newspaper Sabah reported that international backers, especially from the US, were behind the attack in order to weaken Turkey, which is still sticking to its goal of overthrowing Assad's Syrian regime.

At the funeral service for the two policemen who were shot dead on July 22nd in the border town of Ceylanpınar, the head of the Şanlıurfa Police Department, Eyüp Pınarbaşı, said that an alleged terrorist group, headed by President Erdoğan and the AKP government, has long been called a “pro-Fetullah terrorist organization” “Had been raised, committed acts of violence in the east and south-east of Turkey and its members worked as insiders in police and other state organizations. Pınarbaşı's statements implied a cooperation between the HDP and the alleged “Pro-Fetullah terror organization” in the form of parallel state structures.

When asked by an MDR journalist, Middle East expert Michael Lüders speculated why IS had carried out an attack on Turkish territory, even though Turkey was suspected of favoring IS: “Possibly the attack was an unauthorized local action that did not participate was coordinated with the IS leaders. "

Significance and other subsequent events

Classification of the attack

The attack in Suruç was the worst attack in Turkey since the car bomb attack in May 2013 in the border town of Reyhanlı which left more than 50 dead. In connection with the incident, state representatives in Turkey spoke for the first time that ISIS could have carried out a terrorist attack in Turkey. From a scientific point of view, the likelihood that the attack could be interpreted as a threat by the IS that Turkey should not continue the arrest of dozens of alleged IS extremists from home and abroad in the previous weeks was considered to be high.

According to the media, the attack in Suruç and skirmishes with IS fighters triggered a military escalation between Turkey and the terrorist militias of IS and the PKK. According to Middle East expert Michael Lüders , IS was seen as the “real enemy” after the attack in Suruç, which is why the Turkish government has “terminated its tacit cooperation with IS”. With the simultaneous attacks on the PKK, Turkey has since fought a “two-front war” “in close consultation” with the US government and with the approval of NATO. After the attack in Suruç, according to the authorities, Turkish security forces arrested 1,050 suspects within a few days as part of nationwide “anti-terrorist operations” in 34 Turkish provinces. Allegedly, most of the suspects should belong to the IS, the PKK and the left-wing extremist DHKP / C. Since the Suruç attack, the conflict between the Turkish state and the PKK has escalated in Turkey. The PKK blamed the Turkish government for the attack, for which the Turkish government blamed IS. The PKK then attacked Turkish police officers, whereupon the Turkish government bombed PKK positions in northern Iraq and Turkey. According to media reports, the escalating conflict apparently brought the peace process between the Turkish government and the PKK to a complete standstill.

A dpa analysis described it as the “most likely” motive of IS for the attack in Suruç to further increase the tension between the Turkish government and the Kurds. Observers such as the Islamic scholar and journalist Rainer Hermann came to the conclusion that the IS calculus to split Turkish society from Turks and Kurds by deploying a Kurdish suicide bomber in Suruç was working. After a decade of largely calm, internal security in Turkey has been threatened by terrorist acts by both IS and the PKK.

Change in Turkish Syria Policy

Observers noted a change in Turkish policy on Syria as a result of the IS attacks in Turkey and pressure from the USA, which consisted of a change in the weighting of the threat to internal security from IS compared to the threat from Kurdish militancy. The attack in Suruç was the fourth attack by IS on Turkish soil within a few months, even if the previous three were hardly known to the European public, according to the Turkey expert Günter Seufert ( SWP ). When it began to change course in Syria policy as a result of these first IS attacks, Turkey revised its policy of supporting militant Islamist groups such as the al-Nusra Front . According to Seufert, the possible change of course had started two weeks before the attack and was related to the US goal of preventing Turkey from establishing a buffer zone on Syrian territory, as it was considering after the Kurds gained ground in the last week of June 2015 had pulled. The Kurdish militias in Iraq and Syria had previously been strengthened by US support for the fight against IS, according to a report by the Soufan Group think tank , and with the help of extensive arms deliveries from the West, they had military successes against them both in Iraq and Syria IS militia scored.

After the attack in Suruç, Turkey pushed ahead with border protection with Syria. Security measures along the 900-kilometer border with Syria have been increased. On July 23, the government announced the construction of a 150-kilometer-long wall that could be positioned variably due to its dismantling, as well as the installation of spotlights over a distance of 118 kilometers and the excavation of an additional 365-kilometer trench. The military said they had relocated around 90 percent of all reconnaissance planes and drones. 20,000 soldiers were deployed. The Turkish and American sides announced the creation of an “IS-free zone” in northern Syria, from which IS should be expelled and which, according to the Turkish president, would meet the requirements for the return of 1.7 million as a “safe zone” Syrian refugees from Turkey to Syria. According to later information, the US denied the agreement of such a zone.

Armed conflict with ISIS

On the occasion of the Suruç attack, Turkey allowed the US to use its air force bases for attacks against IS in Syria and northern Iraq, and it got itself into the open armed struggle against IS. Turkey launched air strikes against IS positions in Syria. There were also skirmishes with IS fighters on the Syrian-Turkish border.

According to media reports, on July 23, a Turkish soldier was killed by rifle shots fired across the Turkish-Syrian border, sparking what was described as the first firefight between the Turkish army and IS militias, in which Turkish tanks took positions of jihadists on July 23 shot at in Syria. Turkey then bombed ISIS targets in Syria on July 24, 2015 - for the first time since the IS militia gained strength in summer 2014 - and arrested around 300 suspected members of IS, the PKK and other militant groups such as the DHKP-C across the country . The media evaluated the open conflict between the Turkish leadership and IS and the air strikes on IS as a result of the attack in Suruç. The Middle East expert Michael Lüders also described the attack in Suruç in an n-tv interview as the “decisive reason” and a “wake-up call” for the turnaround in Turkish policy towards IS. The Turkish Prime Minister Davutoğlu announced on July 24, 2015 that Turkey would continue operations against ISIS jihadists and Kurdish militias. He said that there was no question of Turkey becoming a war party in the war in Syria, but that the Turkish government would take “all measures to protect its borders”. For the first time, according to media reports from July 24, 2015, Turkey also allowed the US military to use the strategically important Incirlik air base for air strikes on the IS militia. Experts in US think tanks welcomed the Turkish government's change of course as a "game- Changer ”and thus possibly a decisive turning point in the fight against IS. The media speculated that this decision might be related to the Suruç attack.

Armed conflict and termination of the peace process with the PKK

Turkish security forces at the crime scene in Diyarbakır after a police officer was killed there (July 23, 2015).

Against the background of the attack in Suruç, tensions between the Turkish government and the PKK intensified. The PKK, which had partially terminated its ceasefire before the attack, called on the Kurdish population to revolt in response to the attack in Suruç. In a skirmish between PKK fighters and the Turkish army on July 20, a soldier was killed in eastern Turkey. On July 22nd, two police officers were killed in an assassination attempt on the Turkish-Syrian border, in which the HPG initially claimed to be the PKK's military arm. On July 23, a Turkish police officer was shot dead in a PKK stronghold in Diyarbakır with an initially unknown background. According to the media, the Kurdish-Turkish conflict with the PKK threatened to escalate again. According to media reports, the Suruç attack put an end to hopes for a stable peace between Turkey and the PKK, as promised by the peace process that began in 2012. The Suruç attack sparked an escalation of the conflict with the PKK, in which, according to a news agency count, around 20 Turkish security guards were killed within the first two weeks after the Suruç attack. During the crisis that followed the Suruç attack, the PKK carried out attacks against police officers and soldiers in Turkey almost every day, while Turkey carried out daily air strikes against PKK positions in northern Iraq and Turkey.

In response to the attack in Suruç and the PKK attacks, Turkey began bombing PKK positions in northern Iraq in addition to air strikes on IS positions. On July 25, 2015, dpa reported that there was growing concern among politically moderate Kurds in Turkey, who were in favor of a Turkish-Kurdish peace process, including the HDP, of being isolated by previous events. On the same day the PKK canceled the ceasefire with the Turkish state. According to media reports, the far-reaching peace process between the Turkish state and the PKK was considered to have failed. The US government considered Turkey's attacks on the PKK to be legitimate and granted Turkey the right to defend itself against terrorist attacks. US Secretary of State John Kerry's spokesman defended Turkey's simultaneous crackdown on ISIS and the PKK, saying: “Turkey has been attacked by PKK terrorists. She has the right to defend herself against these attacks. It was a retaliation against the recent PKK attacks. ”At a special meeting of the NATO member states requested by the Turkish government, NATO emphasized its reliable solidarity with its NATO partner Turkey in the“ fight against terrorism ”and Turkish President Erdoğan declared that The peace process between the Turkish government and the PKK, which had been terminated by the PKK shortly before, ended for the time being. As a justification, he stated that a continuation of the solution process was not possible because the PKK threatened the national unity of Turkey. The USA then took a clear position on the Turkish approach and classified the Turkish air strikes on the PKK as a clear act of self-defense against the PKK, which had carried out attacks on Turkish police officers and was the aggressor. The US government had stressed several times in the past few days that it viewed the PKK as a terrorist organization.

In view of the military escalation between Turkey and the IS and the PKK, the media also raised the question of the importance attached to the YPG as a sister organization of the PKK, which is uniformly classified as a terrorist organization in Germany and the USA, to which it is assigned in the fight against IS Northern Syria was given a special meaning. The Middle East expert Guido Steinberg (SWP) assessed Turkey's military action as “a strategic decision” by the Turkish leadership. He expressed doubts about the sustainability of the fight against IS in Syria announced by the Turkish leadership and at the same time pleaded for supporting Turkey on its course instead of putting it under pressure because of the Kurdish question.

See also

Web links

Commons : Suruç Bombing  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

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  48. a b c d e Wounded in Suruç, Vatan Budak Dies ( Memento from August 5, 2015 on WebCite ) (English), bianet.org, August 4, 2015, by Haluk Kalafat.
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  102. Suruc attack: Conspiracy theories and revenge killings ( memento from July 23, 2015 on WebCite ) , Telepolis, July 23, 2015, by Peter Mühlbauer. With reference to: Arınç'tan HDP'ye şok Suruç suçlaması! ( Memento from July 24, 2015 on WebCite ) (Turkish), internethaber.com, July 22, 2015 (updated July 23, 2015).
  103. a b Middle East expert Michael Lüders - "Turkey wants to kill two birds with one stone" ( Memento from July 31, 2015 on WebCite ) , mdr.de, July 29, 2015, interview with Michael Lüders.
  104. a b Turkey fights against IS and PKK - controversial war on two fronts ( memento from July 26, 2015 on WebCite ) , tagesspiegel.de, July 25, 2015.
  105. a b c d After air strikes against IS and PKK - NATO convenes a special session on Turkey ( memento from July 27, 2015 on WebCite ) , tagesschau.de, July 26, 2015.
  106. Left-wing politician warns of "civil war" in Turkey ( memento from July 31, 2015 on WebCite ) , AFP, July 30, 2015.
  107. Violence in Turkey - three soldiers and a police officer killed ( memento from July 31, 2015 on WebCite ) , faz.net, July 30, 2015 (AFP / dpa / Reuters).
  108. a b Turkey blames PKK - three soldiers die in attack ( memento from July 31, 2015 on WebCite ) , n-tv.de, July 30, 2015 (n-tv.de, mli / AFP).
  109. Analysis: End of Tolerance ( Memento from July 26, 2015 on WebCite ) , sueddeutsche.de, July 24, 2015 (dpa).
  110. a b c After the attack in Suruc - Terror grips Turkey ( memento from July 26, 2015 on WebCite ) , de.qantara.de, July 26, 2015, by Rainer Hermann.
  111. ^ A b Turkey expert: Ankara's turnaround in Syria policy ( memento from July 25, 2015 on WebCite ) , dw.com, July 21, 2015, interview by Christoph Hasselbach with Günter Seufert.
  112. a b c Why did the armistice between Turkey and the PKK break up? ( Memento of July 29, 2015 on WebCite ) , de.euronews.com, July 27, 2015.
  113. ^ After the attack in Suruç - battles on the Turkish-Syrian border ( memento from July 26, 2015 on WebCite ) , taz.de, July 23, 2015 (afp / rtr).
  114. Istanbul - Bundeswehr withdrawal shocks Turkey ( memento from August 20, 2015 on WebCite ) , rp-online.de, August 17, 2015, by Thomas Seibert.
  115. Travel advice - Federal government warns of attacks in Turkey ( memento from July 31, 2015 on WebCite ) , mdr.de, July 29, 2015.
  116. As it happened: Turkish army engages in first gunfight with ISIL after soldier killed on border ( Memento from July 23, 2015 on WebCite ) (English), hurriyetdailynews.com, July 23, 2015.
  117. a b c Turkey - fighter jets fly attacks in Syria and Northern Iraq ( memento from July 25, 2015 on WebCite ) , tagesspiegel.de, July 25, 2015 (AFP).
  118. a b c Turkish PM Davutoglu vows to pursue operations against ISIL, PKK ( Memento of 24 July 2015 Webcite ) (English), hurriyetdailynews.com, July 24, 2015.
  119. a b Syria - Turkish fighter planes attack IS positions for the first time ( memento from July 24, 2015 on WebCite ) , faz.net, July 24, 2015.
  120. IS and PKK in their sights - Turkish Air Force is flying attacks again ( Memento from July 26, 2015 on WebCite ) (English), n-tv.de, July 25, 2015 (n-tv.de, bad / AFP / dpa).
  121. Lüders on Turkish air strikes - "Admission of a complete failure" ( memento from July 26, 2015 on WebCite ) , n-tv.de, July 24, 2015, n-tv interview with Michael Lüders.
  122. a b c Turkish Air Force attacks ISIS targets in Syria ( memento from July 25, 2015 on WebCite ) , phoenix.de, July 24, 2015.
  123. USA may use Turkish base Incirlik in the anti-IS fight ( memento from July 25, 2015 on WebCite ) , sueddeutsche.de, July 24, 2015.
  124. Türkiye'de Asker ve Polise Saldırı: 2 Ölü ( Memento from July 25, 2015 on WebCite ) (Turkish), ( Voice of America - Turkish edition), July 23, 2015, by Mahmut Bozarslan.
  125. Türkiye'de Asker ve Polise Saldırı: 2 Ölü ( memento from July 29, 2015 on WebCite ) (Turkish; video: 1:57 min.), ( Voice of America - Turkish edition), July 23, 2015, by Mahmut Bozarslan .
  126. Analysis: Suruc attack exacerbates tensions in Turkey ( memento from July 26, 2015 on WebCite ) , LZ Online, July 24, 2015, by Mirjam Schmitt and Jan Kuhlman (dpa).
  127. a b c Powder keg Turkey: Police officer killed, fighting at the border ( memento from July 24, 2015 on WebCite ) , diepresse.com, July 23, 2015.
  128. VIDEO: Policeman killed by gunfire in southeast Turkey ( Memento on the 24 July 2015 Webcite ) (English), hurriyetdailynews.com, July 23, 2015.
  129. a b EU concerned about democratic dialogue in Turkey ( memento from August 5, 2015 on WebCite ) , AFP, August 4, 2015.
  130. Three Turkish soldiers killed in new PKK attack ( memento from August 5, 2015 on WebCite ) , orf.at, August 4, 2015.
  131. Two soldiers killed in a new PKK attack ( memento from August 5, 2015 on WebCite ) , derstandard.at, August 4, 2015 (APA).
  132. Kurdish militia captures key northern Syrian town from Islamic State ( Memento from July 27, 2015 on WebCite ) (English), dpa-international.com, July 27, 2015, by Weedah Hamzah and Shabtai Gold (dpa).
  133. In a state of emergency because of IS and PKK - Turkey applies for NATO meeting - further air strikes in northern Iraq ( memento of July 29, 2015 on WebCite ) , tagesspiegel.de, July 26, 2015, by Thomas Seibert.
  134. Erdogan declares the peace process with the Kurds over ( memento from July 29, 2015 on WebCite ) , de.euronews.com, July 28, 2015.

Coordinates: 36 ° 59 '  N , 38 ° 26'  E