Orio Mastropiero

Coat of arms of "Aurio Maistro Piero" based on the ideas of the 17th century

Orio Mastropiero (* 1st quarter of the 12th century in Venice ; † 1192 ibid), also Aureus , or Malipiero , was the 40th Doge of Venice according to tradition , as the state-controlled historiography of Venice was often called . He ruled from his election on April 17, 1178 until his abdication on June 1, 1192.

Orio Mastropiero, one of the richest Venetians of his time, had supported the city with loans before his election. He was iudex and envoy to the courts of Constantinople and Palermo . He was also in 1177 in the negotiations that resulted in the Peace of Venice, probably as an advisor between Pope Alexander III. and the Roman-German Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa as well as the emissaries of the Lombard communities and the southern Italian Norman Empire. Mastropiero had already been proposed as successor after the assassination of Doge Vitale Michiel II in 1172, but he had rejected the election because of his young age and proposed seventy-year-old Sebastiano Ziani .

As a doge, he continued the anti- Byzantine policy. There he tried to restore trading privileges and to obtain compensation for the arrests and confiscations ordered by the emperor in 1171, and even allied with the Normans, albeit without success. The fighting with Hungary for Dalmatia and Istria also got stuck in the face of preparations for the third crusade .

Domestically, the influence of the iudices , who had to concentrate on the legal field, declined, while the Small Council, made up of the six representatives of the city-Venetian districts , advanced to become the core of power. This further restricted the doge's power and at the same time succeeded in defusing the conflicts between the predominant families. Already his predecessor had begun to withdraw the right of Dogenwahl the People's Assembly.

Origin and family, economic and social advancement, iudex , election to the doge (until 1178)

Orio appears in the sources for the first time in 1147, when he was in Constantinople, probably in shops. Between 1158 and 1175 he held the office of iudex several times . Together with Sebastiano Ziani, the later Doge, he traveled to the court in Constantinople , the capital of the Byzantine Empire , in 1170 for complicated negotiations .

According to the Chronicon Iustiniani (Venetiarum historia ...) of the 14th century, the Mastropiero belonged to the tribunician families; therefore they came from Altinum . The name appears for the first time in 971, but only again in 1101 in a notarial act by a certain "Marcus Magistro Petro". In various documents Orio Mastropiero signed as "Magistropetro" before he was elected Doge. Therefore it is believed that the family goes back to a maestro Piero who was probably of non-aristocratic descent. His father was named Leonardo after the genealogist Girolamo Alessandro Cappellari Vivaro , but nothing can substantiate this claim. The house of the Mastropiero is often confused with that of the Malipiero, but Vittorio Lazzarini was able to prove that they must have been two separate families. In the election of 1178, which took place after the death of his predecessor Sebastiano Ziani, the four electors of the Grand Council included a Niccolò Mastropetro and a Leonardo Maripero . If the two men had been members of a common family, this would have contradicted the voting system, which provided that only one member of a family could be a member of the electoral group.

After Marino Sanudo , Orio, the Mastropiero family died out, but he had at least two sons. These were Marco, Conte von Arbe around 1205, and Marino, envoy to the Byzantine emperor Alexios III. in 1197. Marino was also one of the forty electors of Doge Pietro Ziani on August 5, 1205. He probably also had a daughter named Angela, who married Giovanni Venier . Marino, in turn, married Lamia Baseggio, daughter of Giovanni Baseggio, who had a son Tommaso together while his father was still alive. The relationship to the aforementioned Niccolò Mastropetro, elector from 1178 and Procurator from S. Marco in 1184, is unclear. The same is true of a Giovanni Mastropiero who appears in some commercial documents in the mid-12th century.

As can be proven by documents, Orio Mastropiero stayed many times in Constantinople, because his family had acquired their fortune in the trade with the Byzantine metropolis. This wealth enabled Orio to help the municipality out in 1164 with a loan of 1150 silver marks, for which he was entitled to the returns from the rialto market for eleven years.

At least eight family members belonged to the tribunician families, de "case vecchie", who did not differ too much in wealth, lifestyle or political interests from the "case nuove", which probably included the Mastropiero, even if they were attached to the Chronicon Iustiniani List them among the old families.

Orio's participation in political life is evidenced primarily by his activity as iudex , for example in 1158, then 1163 to 1164, 1173 and 1175. Before the Consilium minus or Minor Consiglio , the Minor Council , these iudices were not only in Legal matters are active, as the name suggests, but they were in the immediate vicinity of the Doge at the highest political level and also limited the Doge's personal power. They also enjoyed the Doge's privileges. When the conflict with Byzantium came to a head in 1170, and the Roman-German emperor was also involved in serious conflicts with the Lombard cities supported by Venice, long-distance trade came under heavy pressure. In this situation Orio Mastropiero traveled as envoy, together with Sebastiano Ziani , to the court in Constantinople to Emperor Manuel I. The negotiators should try to come to a peaceful solution to the conflict, which corresponded to the economic interests of the great , the Grandi . However, this was in conflict with the line of the Doge, who was ready to use force against Byzantium.

Already in 1167 this doge, Vitale Michiel , had forbidden the Venetian traders to travel to Constantinople in order to put the emperor under pressure, who had behaved hostile in the eyes of Venice. As a result, a delegation from the emperor appeared in Venice in 1170, trying to resume relations. The Doge then allowed the resumption of trade, but on March 12, 1171 the emperor had all of the supposedly 10,000 Venetians in his empire arrested and their property confiscated. While the Byzantine sources see the cause in the arrogance and arrogance of the Venetians, which turned the emperor's initial benevolence into determined enmity, the Venetian sources emphasize the emperor's hostility and greed for possession of the Venetians. The conflicting behavior that Venice began to play in the fight against the Normans, where the city had until then clearly taken a position in favor of Byzantium and had almost become its patron, may also have played a role. The failure of the diplomatic mission had extremely grave consequences. Venice's attempt to resolve the dispute by force with the help of its fleet ended in a catastrophe for which the Doge paid with his life in 1172. As a result, the influence of the iudices increased enormously, including Sebastiano Ziani. The doges up to Enrico Dandolo were in turn elected by electors who were themselves iudices . They also pushed through a constitutional amendment, according to which it was no longer the people who voted for the doge, but a group of eleven electors. The meeting of the people, the concio , had only the acclamation of the candidate. According to Marin Sanudo, who rightly invokes Andrea Dandolo's chronicle, Orio Mastropiero should be the first to be elected under this system, but he refused the election, declaring himself too young.

Christ crowns William II of Sicily, Monreale

In 1175 he was sent as envoy to Wilhelm II of Sicily , the Norman king from the Hautewille family. He should investigate the possibility of an alliance and a trade treaty. The treaty that the negotiators reached threatened, especially since Venice in 1177 a peace treaty between Pope Alexander III. and Emperor Friedrich Barbarossa was able to convey the Byzantine Empire. On this solemn occasion, ambassadors of Wilhelm II were also present in St. Mark's Church , namely Romuald von Salerno and Roger von Andria , as well as the representatives of the Lombard communities, whose armed forces had been defeated by the emperor a year earlier. Romuald became one of the most important chroniclers of these events.

The resignation of Doge Sebastiano Ziani in 1178 gave rise to a change in the simple electoral procedure. This resulted in an electoral group of 40, later 41 men, including non-nobles, who were elected by a college of four electors. Each of the forty had to get at least three of the four votes. The choice of the forty men fell on April 17, 1178, on Orio Mastropiero, of whom Martino da Canale wrote that he was “sage et piu et mult religieus” ('wise and pious and very religious').

The Doge's Office

As the first Doge, he was chosen by 40 electors according to the election procedure that was changed under his predecessor. The six-member minor consiglio , the small council, also arose under him . Each member represented one of the sestieri into which the city had been divided. The Consiglio was given executive rights . There was also the Consiglio dei savi , the council of wise men, with legislative powers. Towards the end of the 12th century, on the one hand, the process of continuous disempowerment of the Doge began, who was a purely representative figure with the decline of the Republic. On the other hand, the special structure of the state began to develop, with its multitude of committees , authorities, offices and control bodies , through which the nobility, but also large parts of the citizenry, were involved in responsibility and monitored at the same time.

After the Cronica per extensum of the later Doge Andrea Dandolo , but also after the Venetiarum historia , one of the first important measures of the new Doge was the establishment of the iudices Comunis , which first appeared in documents in 1179. They were responsible for reaching a verdict in disputes between citizens and the municipality. The iudices forinsecorum emerged from this institution in the 13th century . But the facility could also go back to its predecessor. In any case, it is undisputed that Orio Mastropiero brought out the Promissione del maleficio , a collection of penal norms in which a certain recognition of the rights of the commune in relation to the traditionally stronger Dogat can be felt.

A denarius, a silver coin, from the time of Doge Orio Mastropiero

Under Orio Mastropiero, the devaluation of the coins in circulation continued. From Sebastiano Ziani to Enrico Dandolo , Venice minted small, extremely thin and light denarii with a diameter between 5 and 11 mm and a thickness of about 0.5 mm, which weighed only about 0.41 g. The silver content was around 25%. The devaluation of the denarius was supposed to be greatest under Enrico Dandolo.

In terms of foreign policy, the republic found itself in distress on many fronts throughout its reign. In 1180 the Byzantine emperor Manuel died. After the arrest of all Venetians in Constantinople and the ensuing naval war, he had delayed negotiations on compensation for years. However, a treaty on damages was signed with Venice, which the Byzantines perceived as degrading, through which the Venetian losses were to be compensated, but which were never paid. In 1183 there was a contractual arrangement according to which the last captured Venetians were released. According to the Venetiarum historia , the Doge received the title of protosebastos on this occasion . After the death of the heir to the throne, who was only sixteen years old, Andronikos seized power in 1183. The following massacre of the Italian merchants, of whom only a few survived, was tolerated by him. All branches ( fondachi ) were destroyed and the goods confiscated. But Venice's merchants were hardly affected, as they had not yet been admitted again.

At the same time, the Hungarian King Bela III. a campaign to Istria and Dalmatia . Zara joined the king and other cities followed. According to Dandolos Cronica per extensum , a fleet was equipped in 1183, according to the Venetiarum historia in 1186, but it only succeeded in retaking a few cities. Among these were Traù as well as Pago and some other of the smaller islands. However, Zara long resisted the siege by the Venetians, so they wanted to wait for a better opportunity to conquer. In the run-up to the Third Crusade , a two-year contract was signed in 1188.

The republic was relieved by the campaign of the Norman king Wilhelm II against Byzantium, in which he was supported by Venice. Andronikos died in 1185, and two years later his successor Isaac II resumed negotiations with the Venetians. Venice was eventually compensated with a large sum and again received trade privileges. The compromise negotiated by the envoy and later Doge Enrico Dandolo , with which Venice was dissatisfied, was finally accepted.

Above: Barbarossa's departure as a crusade leader, identified by the crown and cross on his coat. Middle: Barbarossa drowns in Saleph when he falls from his horse; an angel carries the emperor's soul as a swaddled child into heaven, where it is handed over to the hand of God. Below: Barbarossa's son Heinrich entering the Kingdom of Sicily. Liber ad honorem Augusti by Petrus de Ebulo (created between 1194 and 1197), Bern, Burgerbibliothek, Codex 120. II, fol. 107r

The Crusader States around 1190

New problems arose on the one hand in the Holy Land with the conquest of Jerusalem by Sultan Salah ad-Din, who was known in the West as Saladin . Its victory in the Battle of Hattin in 1187 triggered the Third Crusade in Europe , in which Friedrich Barbarossa, Philip II of France and Richard the Lionheart of England took part. Venice saw its rule over the Adriatic threatened, which it suddenly had to defend not only against pirates, but also against its rivals Pisa and Genoa. Barbarossa drowned in 1190 and Orio Mastropiero did not live to see the end of the succession disputes in the Norman Empire. After him arose by Barbarossa's son Heinrich VI. and his marriage to the heiress of the Norman empire Constanze of Sicily from 1194 within a few years a threatening constellation for Venice. Due to the new concentration of power and the extensive expansion efforts, it seemed advisable to the Venetians to come to a rapprochement with Byzantium. The expansion efforts of the double empire only ended with the surprising death of Heinrich in September 1197.

During Orio Mastropiero's reign, the influence of the iudices declined, and they saw themselves increasingly reduced to their narrower, legal tasks. On the other hand, the rise of the Minor Consiglio , the Small Council, began, and the increasingly complex architecture of the communal magistrates unfolded. Significant is not only the fact that the adoption as early as 1185 should be obligatory an office of the municipality - that an election could not be denied - but that among the signatories only the six consiliatores the Doge appear, but not a single iudex more .

Orio Mastropiero abdicated in 1192 at a comparatively old age and retired to the Santa Croce monastery, where he died a little later. His grave has not been preserved.

At least eleven originals of his documents have been preserved.

reception

From the late Middle Ages

The Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo from the late 14th century, the oldest vernacular chronicle of Venice, represents the operations as well as Andrea Dandolo on a long common at this time, largely dominated by the Doge level is - they even make the time frame for the entire chronicle. According to the constitutional amendment under his predecessor Sebastiano Ziani, Orio Mastropiero was raised by an election, “per election… fu helevado”, and only then was confirmed “per tucto el p <o> volo confermado”, ie by the whole people. According to the chronicler, Zara rebelled for the fourth time, leaning against the King of Hungary. Therefore the Doge reacted by sending a force ("grande exercito") to besiege the city. But she was constantly supplied with food, so that the conquest did not succeed during the doge's entire tenure. This is followed by the chronicler, “el soldam de Babellognia nomado Saladin” - meaning Saladin, Sultan of Egypt between 1171 and 1193, also ruler of Syria since 1174 - has conquered “Jerusalem and Acre” and many other cities, not without extremely large ones Damage (“grandissimo danpno”) for the whole of Christianity “in persone et haver”. Also from Constantinople are the relics of St. Stephan was robbed by some monks ("furtevelmente el corpo de sen Stephano fu tolto et dacto a Venesia") and brought to Venice in the monastery of San Giorgio. From then on, the Doges were required to go there to worship the saint "al vespro, overo mesa". Aurio Mastropiero allegedly had coins minted that were called "Aurelli" 'out of love for him'. In fact, according to later research, these were only used as mere calculating coins, so they never existed physically. After fourteen years of reign, the Doge retired to the monastery of Santa Croce. Finally, the author reports on the drowning of Barbarossa, who was prophesied that he would die in the water. His army dispersed, of the participants in the crusade - a term that was still unknown at the time - only a few returned to their "contrade".

Pietro Marcello said in 1502 in his work, "Orio Malipiero", the "Doge XXXIX.", Which was later translated into Volgare under the title Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia , had first made a ten-year peace with Pisa and withdrew it from the alliance with Ancona. He also mentions the fourth rebellion of the Tsars, but claims that the whole area and the islands fell to Venice. Because of the crusade, a two-year peace was concluded and a large fleet was equipped which, accompanied by Pisans (“accompagnata co'Pisani”), went to “Soria”. Barbarossa drowned with him because he wanted to wash in the river. The said siege of "Tolemaide" continued even when Saladin tried to blow up the siege ring. To do this, he even used a ship, "piena di serpenti", filled with snakes in vain. His army was routed. The Doge became a monk in the ninth year or “(come dicono alcuni)” in the fourteenth year of his reign and died “in Santa Croce” (p. 86).

According to the chronicle of Gian Giacomo Caroldo , the Historie venete dal principio della città fino all'anno 1382 , "Messer Aurio Mastropiero and Messer Aurio Aurio" were sent as ambassadors to King William of Sicily. Shortly before his death, Sebastiano Ziani ordered a change in the electoral system for his successor. According to this, "quattro di loro primarij patricij", four of the outstanding patricians, should choose "XL degni Cittadini non sospetti", who in turn should choose the Doge under the oath to undertake an "elettione sincera et lealmente" (p. 155). In fact, in this way the 40 Doge voters were determined who, three days after the death of his predecessor Orio Mastropiero, elected a “huomo prudente, catholico, amator de buoni, persecutore de vitij et a poveri molto benefico”. In St. Mark's Church he was given “lo stendardo” and the oath was taken. Hardly on the Doge's chair did he publish the interdict against all those who delivered weapons, iron or wood for shipbuilding to the “Infideli” to the detriment of Christians. After the death of Emperor Manuel and the murder of Alexios by Andronikos, the latter released the Venetians who had been captured since 1171. He wanted to win the help of the Venetians, as the author thinks. He also promised to return the confiscated property ("promettendo reintegrarli delli beni tolti"). The author explains in detail that Zara no longer accepted submission to the Patriarchs of Grado and instead, despite papal intervention, submitted to King Bela of Hungary. He then had the city equipped with food, ammunition and the walls reinforced. The Venetian "fisco era all'hora molto debole et povero", caused by the wars. Many prelates, nobili and cittidini agreed to lend money to the state, for which they received "per loro sicurtà" the income from the "botteghe et statij di Rialto et il datio del Quarantesimo", that is, the income from the shops and stands of Rialto and from a widespread customs received as collateral. Since they wanted to go to the Holy Land, the warring parties agreed to sign a two-year armistice. Lucius III. granted the patriarch Enrico Dandolo the usual immunities, but also the supremacy over the Archbishop of Ragusa, today Dubrovnik ("esser primate sopra l'Arcivescovo di Ragusi"). However, the Patriarch of Grado died after 50 years in office, followed by "Gioanni Signolo". The Doge used men, "da giudicare le cause fra il fisco et special persone et quelle per giustitia terminare", a kind of mediator or judge for disputes between the state treasury and unspecified persons, some of whom, according to the author, were the first "Avogadori di Comun" were valid. - They were still at war with the Pisans, but when they agreed not to support Ancona any longer, a ten-year peace agreement was reached, with everyone being released from the prisons on both sides. Meanwhile there was another coup in Constantinople. The fallen Andronikos was mutilated - “fece tagliar la mano et cavar un'occhio” - and displayed on a camel. The Doge sent three ambassadors ("Ambassatori") to Constantinople, namely "Messer Pietro Michiel, Messer Ottavian Querini et Messer Gioanni Michiel", in order to restore the old immunities and privileges, the release of the last prisoners and reparations. This could be put into a contract, but with the return question "fù loro data dilatione et promissione, senza effetto veruno", they were fobbed off with delay and promises without any effect. Only a second embassy achieved more in this regard. - In the meantime the last king was expelled from Jerusalem and Saladin conquered the whole country except "Tripoli, Tiro et Antioch" (p. 159). Thereupon crusaders marched under “Federico Imperatore” through “Ungeria, Bulgaria, Macedonia et Thracia”, defeated the “Soldano d'Iconio” between Nicea and Bithynia, and came to Armenia, where the emperor wanted to refresh himself in the great heat , drowned in a river. According to the author, “tre Lune co l'segno della Croce in mezo di ciascuna; furono etiandio veduti molti Soli et a mezo giorno il Sole oscurarsi “, that is, three moons with a cross in the middle, then many suns and a sun that darkened at noon. The doge had all Venetian traders called home to set up a fleet on the death penalty and loss of their property. In the meantime, the king of France moved to Messina to winter there and wait for the king of England. The Pisans and Venetians besieged “Acri” together, even if Saladin was not far, then the English king drove to Cyprus. But this island did not want to support the campaign, so he took it away from the emperor and placed it under the control of the Templars. After two years, in the 14th year of the Doge, the city was conquered. The King of France and the son of Emperor Frederick returned. - A delegation consisting of “Henrico Dandolo” and Pietro Foscarini was sent to the “Consuli di Ferrara”. They reached an agreement that resulted in the appointment of judges in trade matters. Immediately afterwards, the author of the chronicle reports on the Doge's retreat to the monastery and his death "non molto dopò".

The Frankfurt lawyer Heinrich Kellner , who sees the 39th Doge in the new Doge "Orius Malapier", thinks in his Chronica published in 1574 that this is true and short description, everyone who moved to Venice lived , he "got the Duke of the Duchy / in jar 1178" . In the following, the compressed chronology becomes more and more untenable: “At the beginning of his government a decency was made with those of Pisa”, whereby their alliance “with the Anconitans” came to an end “who previously made the Venedian Sea very uneasy”. As with Marcello, it follows in the canon of descriptions that “at the same time” Zara “fell from Venice for the fourth time”. "Because of this, quite a few war people and an armada were sent out against them in Dalmatia / and Zara was besieged". The surrounding places and islands “surrendered to the Veniceers”, but Zara, “because it was occupied by the king / stayed for a while.” But because Saladin had conquered Jerusalem, and this from “other potentates and princes of the Christianity "should be conquered back," a decency has been made / two years long / with Bela the king of Hungary / stop the Bapst. "So that the Venetians" do not perceive such a divine Christian as the last one / so is a big one Armada / that is / a large Ankal ship has been fitted out. ”With the Pisans they went“ in Sirien ”. Barbarossa drowned at Kellner's because he “wanted to bathe in water”. King "Philip", "Reichart King in Engelland" and the other crusaders "came a little slower then the Venedians and Pisans". Only when they "brought together the whole army / did they attack the place of Ptolemaids with all their might". But then Kellner continues as if the besiegers, who had previously suffered from “hunger and theuwrung”, had only been adequately strengthened “by the arrival of the two kings”. Saladin was looking for the sea battle, but initially sent "a whole navy with snakes", but the ship sank and his fleet was "routed". This also resulted in “Ptolemais”. “Everything was cleared away from the Veniceers / if they had previously conquered and held by war.” Kellner is also unsure whether the doge “became a monk in the ninth / or (as some would like) fourteenth year of his duke's thump”. In any case, he died in the "Kloster zum Heyligen Creutz".

Francesco Sansovino counts in his Opus Venetia città nobilissima et singolare from 1581 also Mastropiero as 39th Doge, who was elected on April 19 according to the said electoral process. The electoral process was changed, with each of the first four patricians choosing ten voters who were then imprisoned, analogous to the papal election, in this case on April 15th (p. 179v). “Orio Mastropetro” became “publicato Principe, & accettato lietamente dall vniuersale” three (sic!) Days after the death of Sebastiano Ziani. 'Some say', says Sansovino, “che allora furono nominate dal Consiglio 6th persone, cioè una per sestiero (essendo la città divisa in 6th parti o Sestieri) & fu statuito che questi insieme col Doge, governassero lo Stato”. Accordingly, six men were appointed by the council, one for each sestieri, i.e. the sixth into which the city was divided, and they were to rule the state together with the doge. Under Mastropiero, the Venetian merchants captured in Byzantium were released by Emperor Andronikos. The contract with Bela was also renewed, and an agreement was reached with Ferrara (“Si composero anco le cose con la città di Ferrara”). 'Because of the affairs of Grado, the fourth Zara rebellion followed,' the author says laconically. - In his work Delle Cose Notabili Della Città Di Venetia, Libri II. The same author thinks “Orio Malipiero, ò Mastropetro” was the first of the forty to be elected. “Fece l'impresa di Zara, che si era ribellata di nuovo. Riprese Tolomaida, havendo armata all'acquisto di terra Santa. E superato il Saladino, si fece Frate “he sums up the events of Zara, Acri and Saladin very briefly, to mention his retreat as a monk.

In the translation of Alessandro Maria Vianoli's Historia Veneta , which appeared in Nuremberg in 1686 under the title Der Venetianischen Herthaben Leben / Government, und Absterben / Von dem First Paulutio Anafesto an / bis on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , the author counts, deviating by Marcello, Kellner and Sansovino, who lead him as the 39th Doge, "Aurius Maripetrus, The 40th Hertzog". Vianoli also knows almost only the foreign-political side of Orio Mastropiero's rule, namely the events surrounding Zara and the Third Crusade - although he does not discern any causal connections here: Right at the beginning, “his government / [had] the Republic of such things taste and taste sour annoyances; sintemalen the city of Zara nunmehro has once again defected from the Venetians: by repudiating the Dominicum Contarini, who at that time liked the same as the whole surrounding area in the name of the rulership / as a graff / governed / from himself / and the Hungarians king had submitted ”. The Venetians were “dismayed” and “obwolen the general Cassa at that time was completely exhausted / every inhabitant of free pieces brought his very best things to it” to put up a fleet (p. 242). At Vianoli the siege failed because of the great Hungarian occupation in the city, not in view of the preparations for the crusade, the Venetians did not give money, but "things", but he also named the "Count" with Domenico Contarini. After him, the Pope even wanted to travel to Venice to advance the crusade. Since the city did not want to be the last in the project, they allied themselves with the Pisans and brought together 50 ships (p. 244), also an original statement. Saladin tried to position the said snake ship against her fleet, "so that her army should be in fear and terror because of such an adventurous and cruel reputation". When this failed and the ship sank in the harbor, the besieged city fell. "At that time also Reichard / King in Engelland / against everyone's presumption" seized the Kingdom of Cyprus. According to this, he was driven there by a storm, and when "Isaac Coraneno, who ruled the island at that time," refused access, occupied the island, and finally made himself its king. According to the author, the doge went to the monastery at this time, where he lived another two years; whereby the election of his successor took place after the "renuncation of Orii, in the 1192nd year" (p. 247). Finally, he takes up the motif of stealing the relics of St. Stephan in Constantinople.

For Jacob von Sandrart in 1181 in his opus Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / territories / and government of the world-famous republic of Venice "to (XXXIX.) Duke Aureus Malipetra was otherwise called Mastopetrus or Orio Malipetro". Sandrart mentions the alliance with Pisa, without specifying its direction, followed by the conquest of Zara, which "had fallen away again" (p. 38). "He also sent a fleet of ships in Syria / which, with the help of other distinguished princes and lords, chased the Saladini's fleet to flight / and mastered the lost city of Ptolemais again". Sandrart not only deviates from the chroniclers who wrote up to then on the dates of the rule and the question of the unsuccessful or successful siege of Zara, but he also names neither Barbarossa nor the kings of England and France as leaders of the crusade. In addition, he sees the cause of the Doge's withdrawal from office in the fact that “this all happened with the help of estimates / if he imposed on the people”. He was therefore "so hated / that in the 11th year of his reign he went by himself to a monastery" (p. 39).

Beginnings of critical historiography up to the end of the Republic of Venice (1797)

Map with the Venetian neighbors around 1190

Johann Friedrich LeBret published his four-volume State History of the Republic of Venice from 1769 to 1777 , in which he counts as the 40th Doge in the first volume "Orio Malipiero", published in 1769. "As soon as one saw that the end of the great Doge Sebastian Zian was approaching, the four hundred and eighty representatives of the people or the great council came together". However, Ziani had to "buy his affection by throwing out large sums of money". Therefore, the electoral process was changed so that "four of the wisest citizens" were sworn in and these 40 "electors" were chosen. This electoral procedure was not changed again until 1229 (p. 381). In a footnote, LeBret notes that Dandolo only lists the forty men “to get to know the Venetian families”. Orio Mastropiero benefited from the fact that he led important legations and, above all, that he had already turned down the election. But he preferred the calm: "You knew his silence, but you thought it was cleverness". - "Immanuel Komnenus had, however, left with death", followed by his underage son Alexios. When this was overthrown by Andronikos, the Venetians surprisingly profited from the fact that the new emperor understood to make far-reaching concessions. So "the bishop opened the Venetians the vaults of his kingdom again" - he released their "merchants" again - they negotiated a settlement that provided for a reparation of 15,000 gold marks. "In this way, they made the Greek emperors almost entirely interestable because of their inner weakness." - LeBret sees the conflict over Zara as a consequence of Manuel's policy, because Venice, weakened by the plague and by Byzantium, Genoa and Pisa, appeared weak to the Dalmati, so that they leaned on Hungary. When a new bishop was installed, the citizenship forced him to refuse submission to the Patriarchs of Grado. He informed the Pope in writing, but the Pope asked him to submit within three months. As a result, the tsarese surrendered their city to Bela from Hungary, who already ruled Spalato. According to LeBret, the Venetians still lacked the necessary funds to equip a fleet. They first turned to the new Pope Lucius III, who confirmed their rights. At first, however, they broke the alliance between Pisa and Ancona, “whereby Ancona was so weakened that it had to give way by itself, and allowed the Venetians to sail freely and calmly on the Adriatic Sea. Pisa kept its old grudge and never wanted to come to terms with a peace. ”- After LeBret, Venice first had to increase its state revenue, which enabled it to build a bridge between foreign and domestic politics. Inside, the XL Council, which it calls the "Oberappellationsräthe," a court of last instance in which the Doge only formally held the board (in which LeBret sees a further limitation of his power), and which also has the influence of the Small council diminished. Then the repayment of a voluntary loan was financed by pledging the “fortieth penny on the road from Rialto” (p. 384 f.), A market levy from the dealers. “The instrument erected here is signed, among others, by four Avogadors; and this is the first document where it is thought of. ”These“ fiscal judges ”not only had the task of arbitrating disputes between state organs and citizens, but also to bring unlawful appropriation of property to the appropriate magistrates and“ the debtors of the public treasury to stop paying. ”“ Their power rose steadily until the end of the thirteenth century. ”-“ After such internal improvements of the state, one began to seriously commemorate the conquest of Zara. ”After Zara submitted to Venice, as well as which his bishop had "brazenly" rejected under the patriarchs, Venice began the siege of the city, which however soon had to be lifted again; LeBret justifies this by saying, "It was so unfortunate that the Venetians had to lift the siege after a considerable loss" (p. 387). The conquest of the neighboring cities and islands was also short-lived, because after his return the Doge had to hear "that these places and almost the whole area had surrendered to the Hungarians again." So one was "so satisfied", that because of the crusade, with papal mediation, a peace with Hungary came about. - LeBret describes the share of the Venetians in this crusade without being separated from the events in Byzantium ("In Asia, however, two changes had taken place which had an influence on the Venetian state system", p. 387). The author describes the motive for the siege of the Syrian trading city in a simplistic way: “The spirit of action enabled them to take part in a conquest which they never decided to pursue as self-interest” (p. 389). With him, the Venetians met the Pisan fleet by chance, which was on the same route. The besiegers find a clear judgment in him: "Humanity is so shaken when it contemplates the cruelty of Christians and their shameful greed for money, who also seeks gold in the bowels of the dead" (p. 390). The “only glory” of the Venetians consisted in “that they persisted in the siege to the end”. After the conquest and the establishment of their trading quarters, they returned. When the Venetians left the pilgrims behind who could not finance the crossing, Saladin equipped them: “This is how a Kurd shamed the Venetian merchant souls!” (P. 391). The Doge, on the other hand, "loved peace and quiet and his old age was so exhausted that he was unable to perform brilliantly." When the fleet returned home, he announced his retirement to the monastery. “There was no reason to complain about him; for he had brought a monk's heart to the throne ”(p. 391).

After-effects of the Venetian historiographical tradition, modern historiography

Less educative and moralizing than LeBret, but given a more national tone, Samuele Romanin interpreted the sources for this epoch, which were already less meager; He also drew on a number of unedited manuscripts from the Venetian archives and libraries. In doing so, however, he took uncritically much later information from manuscripts that he had viewed, especially with regard to the inner constitution of Venice. At the same time he occasionally used Byzantine chronicles. In any case, he tried even more to place the references to the Doge's life in the wider historical context, as he showed in the second of ten volumes of his Storia documentata di Venezia , published in 1854 . "Aurio Mastropiero" (together with "Aurio Daurio") appeared as envoy in September 1175 at the court of Wilhelm of Sicily , with whom a 20-year contract was concluded. Romanin emphasizes free trade for the Venetians, the halving of taxes, legal security, but above all that pirates and those who traded with Byzantium should be excluded from the Norman Empire (p. 98). Even under Vitale Michiel II. , Sebastiano Ziani's predecessor who was murdered in 1172, he was one of those who had contributed to the financing of the war against Byzantium with loans. Ziani, who went to the monastery on April 12, 1178, changed the right to vote for his successor shortly before his death. The Grand Council was now to appoint four electors. These were Enrico Dandolo , who later became Doge, Stefano Vioni, Marin Polani and Antonio Navigaioso. In view of the growing power of the Saracens , Orio Mastropiero had as a first measure prohibited the export of timber and other war goods. Of greater importance, however, was the death of Emperor Manuel I in 1180, whose son and successor Alexios II was overthrown two years later. The new emperor Andronikos had the Latins put down on the Golden Horn with his Paphlagonians 'without pity', 'there was no act of violence that these barbarians would not have committed' (p. 125). King Wilhelm was the first to promise to 'punish the tyrant', his fleet unceremoniously captured Durazzo on the Albanian coast, then the army moved to Thessaloniki , where deeds took place that 'shuddered' the reader. Meanwhile the Latins, among them the Venetians, set fire to the Dardanelles and the coasts of the Marmara Sea , and the Normans soon advanced on Constantinople. Andronikos was surprisingly overthrown there, followed by Angelus as Emperor Isaac II . Nevertheless, the Latins continued to advance on the capital. But they were defeated by Byzantine units under Alexios Branas ( Battle of Demetritzes ). This was in turn related, as Romanin found, that Isaak, female related to the Comnenes, had reached a contract with the Venetian negotiators Ottaviano Querini and Pietro Michiel. The contractual terms of his predecessors should be restored and reparations should be made for damage sustained since 1171. Romanin does not mention that the Normans, just like later Enrico Dandolo, wanted to use a Venetian pretender to the throne to conquer Byzantium, in this case also an Alexios Komnenos , in this case a great-grandson of Emperor John II (p. 126 f.) . Venice should provide the emperor with 40 to 100 galleys for defense in an emergency. The far-reaching agreements allowed Venice to turn back to Zara, which again fell to the Hungarians under King Bela III. had assumed. So in 1187 a loan was issued, secured by the salt and oil revenues of Venice and by the county of Ossero , to finance a campaign. Repayments should be made every four months for 12 years. The procurators of San Marco took on similar obligations, for which a number of Venetians were supposed to provide ships. According to Romanin, people preferred to resort to the resources of the wealthy in favor of an economic recovery (p. 130). But now the siege of Zara, valiantly defended by the Hungarians, has dragged on. In the end, the bad news from the Holy Land would have led the besiegers to relocate their forces there and to sign a two-year contract with Zara. The danger came from Saladin , the "formidabilissimo nemico a 'Cristiani". For Romanin the weakness of the almost ruined Crusader states was obvious: 'Weak kings, incapable of obeying, prepotent barons scattered in their castles, without unity without plan, without unity in procedure; Quarrel between the first and last to arrive, duping of women, excessive influence of the clergy, soldierkas violence, the no longer humble and benevolent Templars and Hospitallers, haughty and voracious ... the customs of all classes extremely degenerate '(p. 150). After the loss of Jerusalem to Saladin, the Italian cities united, the Doge called all Venetians back for Easter 1189 to be ready for a crusade, which Romanin found from “Cod. LXII cl. XIV lat. Alla Marciana “emerges. The kings of France and England also took the cross, as did 'the old' Friedrich Barbarossa (p. 151). The Venetians kept their case, according to the author, its advantages, because already in 1183 they had a contract to secure their privileges with Antioch completed and by the leaders of the Crusaders, they could now be the privileges from the time of King Baldwin I. confirm. In 1191 they also signed a corresponding contract with Ferrara. Mastropiero strengthened the control of the important trades, such as the salt and grain trade, by Ziani's predecessor by banning Chioggia from exporting salt and only allowing it to be sold through Venice's agents - here Romanin mentions in a footnote the " Cod. LXXI cl. XIV lat. Alla Marciana “(p. 135, footnote 1). At the same time, Venice now claimed the monopoly over the salt trade in the Adriatic. In addition, the grain trade became the 'source of the greatest profit' (p. 135 f.). Another body was created for the internal organization, namely the Quarantia . The Doge and his councilors were the first to be allowed to submit proposals, Pregadi and Quarantia became advisory bodies, and the Grand Council finally made the decisions, according to Romanin. The outstanding men who made up forty ensured that the envoys soon reported to them; in civil matters they became the highest authority, in criminal matters they passed judgments. In addition, Romanin mentions an expansion of reports, contracts and disputes with neighbors due to the growing trade (probably without recognizing the far-reaching changes due to the increased use of specific written communication forms). Here, too, Romanin, similar to the two predecessors Mastropieros, projects the later facilities back into the past using older historical works. The “Giudici e Avogardori del Comune” is documented by a document from 1187, namely again based on the “Cod. LXXI cl. XIV lat. Alla Marciana “(p. 138). But it cannot be deduced from this that this distribution of power over several, according to the author, stands out from all other powers of the time, in which the decision-making power was increasingly concentrated in the hands of individuals. Also, everyone was equal before the law, as the author claims, regardless of class or family affiliation ("non faceva alcuna distinzione di classi o di stirpi"). In contrast to many other cities, Venice also left the craftsmen with great freedom. Romanin's story of the stability, justice and freedom of the Venetians is thus continued in clear words.

This myth was cherished for a long time. In his Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia from 1861, Francesco Zanotto notes that there are two traditions that should explain how the change in the mode of voting came about. The chronicler Daniele Barbaro explained this through a meeting of the Pregadi, to which the Doge Sebastiano Ziani invited at the end of his reign, while other chroniclers only mention the resolution. The four men who were to determine the forty electors were also with him Enrico Dandolo , Stefano Viani, Marin Polani and Antonio Navigaioso. The forty elected Orio Mastropiero on April 17, 1178. Zanotto first reports how Emperor Manuel's son Alexios was overthrown and how the Latins - here because of their alliance with Alexios - were persecuted with all cruelty. The refugees in turn fed the call for revenge (“vendetta”). The Norman king Wilhelm sat at their head, conquered Durazzo and Thessaloniki in order to march on Constantinople, while other Latins, like the Venetians, covered Propontis and Hellespont with fire and sword. But with the fall of the emperor, this enterprise also ended. The Venetians withdrew with their 40 ships, a new treaty recognized their privileges in a wavering empire. Then Zanotto brushes against defeat in the battle for Zara. In 1187 a loan was issued that was to be serviced from the income from salt, the coin (Zecca) and the Contea di Ossaro - with a promised quarterly payment (p. 110). In order to induce some Venetians to equip ships, the goods of San Marco, the state treasury, the cadastre and all church goods were encumbered. But the siege failed because of Bela's support and finally a two-year peace was concluded with the mediation of the Pope, also here because of Saladin. The Italian communes sent people to Palestine, allegedly putting hatred and old disputes aside. The "flower of princes and warriors ... took the cross". The Doge called the Venetians to Venice to take the cross and equip a fleet that also transported many Italians, including the Bishop of Ravenna. In all the battles Venice did not forget its privileges. In 1183 the older agreements with Antioch were confirmed, also in Jerusalem (which, however, was lost) and a new agreement was also concluded with Ferrara in 1191. Inwardly, according to the author, the Venetians created order just as they usually looked after their well-being outwardly. The new magistrates were the “Avvogadori del Comune” - which appeared on November 7, 1187 as “Giudici del Comun”, namely “Manasse Badoaro, Jacopo Navigaioso and Filippo Faliero” -, then from 1179 the Council of Forty, or the Quarantia - with Zanotto only the chairmanship by the Doge and the Small Council is mentioned, suggesting that they had led the body - and the "Magistro del Forestiero", who was supposed to deal with trade disputes with non-Venetians. Then the Doge followed the example of his predecessor and resigned. He went to the monastery of S. Croce in Luprio, where he soon died and where he was buried. Finally, as usual with Zanotto, he lists which churches were built during the reign of the Doge. He briefly notes the return of the plague in 1182.

In 1905 , Heinrich Kretschmayr argued more critically of sources in the first volume of his three-volume History of Venice , and he sees Orio Mastropiero in no way up to the violent upheavals in Italy and Byzantium. Orio Mastropiero or "Aureus Magisterpetrus" was elected by the forty two days after the death of his predecessor on April 14, 1178. He ruled until "March (?) 1192". “It is said that he was proposed as early as 1172, but rejected it at the time; a rich man, it seems, with no personal weight. ”For the author, the contract with Pisa was first signed in the autumn of 1180 for five years, in 1185 it was extended by ten years. Venice had to give the Pisans access to the Ancona market again, "although the hostilities from there continued and soon found support again despite all the treaties at Pisa." Then Kretschmayr turns to the "period of wild thrones and divisions" (p. 269) in Byzantium too. For him, a "national Greek movement against the Latin-friendly ruling house" brought about the overthrow of Alexios and Andronikos "to the dignity of emperor". He was "gifted, but degenerated into unbridled passions". “A bloodbath was wrought among the Latin colonists of the imperial capital”, “in an unparalleled atrocity” 60,000 people were killed (p. 270). Many escaped, "devastated the coasts of the Propontis and the Hellespontes, called for revenge in Germany, France, Hungary and Italy." But, according to Kretschmayr, "the Venetian sources are known neither of these atrocities nor of a vengeance practiced for them." - King Bela of Hungary pushed back the "Greek rule in Dalmatia for good" in 1183, took Zara from the Venetians again - which according to other authors had not become Venetian again - and marched to Sofia . But all of this is "only partially related to the Latin murders". The attack by the Normans with allegedly 200 ships did not take place until the early summer of 1185, on August 24th, "the rich Thessaloniki" fell. On September 12th the emperor was murdered in Constantinople. He was followed by a great-grandson of Emperor Alexios I “from the mother”, Isaac Angelos on the throne. - When Bela occupied Zara in 1183, the Czarese fired arrows at the Venetian fleet, a letter, according to Kretschmayr, "that the Doge sent for Zara sounds like a pacifying excuse" (p. 272). In 1186 the city was re-fortified by the Hungarians, in the summer a Venetian fleet led by Petrus Marco drove in vain against Zara. At the same time Ragusa fell to the Normans, Traù "very likely" to the Hungarians. Since Venice had to “turn all attention to the very significant changes in conditions in Syria”, it concluded an “armistice to be renewed every two years” with Hungary. - Barbarossa's "army of the crosses" crossed the Hellespont at Easter 1190. “Venice was spared the difficult choice.” The author just barely lists the events of the crusade, including “the sacrificial siege and conquest of Acre”. The Venetians “held their ships at Tire and Acre - of course, there was a 'third' to lose, one to be won - and on May 7, 1191 in front of Acre they had Conrad of Montferrat, the new king, assure their conventional rights . "" In March 1190 Venetian supply ships off Gallipoli on the Hellespont had to be formally forced to hand over their shipments destined for Greece to the crusaders - but probably not without payment "(p. 274). In contrast, according to the author, Pisa and Genoa had vigorously supported the crusade from the start. On May 1, 1191, King Heinrich confirmed their old rights to them, "which were specifically directed against Venice" and in spring 1192 Byzantium also confirmed the privileges. At the end of the Doge's rule, Kretschmayr sums up: “That was the situation in 1192: the Dalmatian rule of Venice almost destroyed, his Adriatic sphere of interest due to the hostilities of the Anconitans promoted from Pisa, the Adige trade at the same time endangered by the Veronese, in Greece the emperor Isaac… of his throne not very certain and moreover unreliable ”, the“ renewed outbreak of hostilities ”with Pisa“ after the end of the existing armistice could almost be predicted with certainty. And above all: in the lands of Frederick Barbarossa and Wilhelm of Sicily commanded ... Emperor Henry VI. "The whole large traffic area of ​​Venice - so it was to be feared - would become his prey." "Doge Orio Malipiero had in the confusion of those days long since lost the courage to continue steering the ship of state. In the spring of 1192 he went to a monastery and died a little later there as a monk ”(p. 275).

John Julius Norwich laconically states in his History of Venice , published in 2003, that the Doge had the misfortune to have ruled between the most important Doges of Venice: “Orio Mastropiero's record in the fourteen years of his dogeship is far from negligible. If he still strikes one as being somehow colorless, he is not altogether to blame; for it was his misfortune to fill a gap between the two greatest Doges of the medieval Republic and the two most momentous chapters in its history ". For the author, Mastropiero was already in the election "an elderly diplomatist who had served on embassies to Palermo and Constantinople".

swell

• Venice State Archives , Miscellanea Ducali e atti diplomatici , 6: Promissione del maleficio del doge Orio Mastropiero ; Misc. codd., III, Codici Soranzo, 32, then Le carte del Mille e del Millecento che si conservano nel R. Archivio notarile di Venezia trascritte da Antonio Baracchi , Venezia 1883, n.LXV, CV, CXI-CXII, CXXVII.
• Girolamo Alessandro Cappellari Vivaro : Campidoglio veneto , vol. III, c. 274 f., Biblioteca Marciana , Siglen Ms It. Cl. VII 15-18 (8304-8307) .

Historiography

• Ester Pastorello (Ed.): Andrea Dandolo, Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 460-1280 dC , (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XII, 1), Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938, pp. 250, 260, 262, 266, 268–272, 389, 547. ( digitized , p. 266)
• Ester Pastorello (ed.): Chronica brevis (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XII, 1), Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938, p. 366.
• Roberto Cessi , Fanny Bennato (eds.): Venetiarum historia vulgo Petro Iustiniano Iustiniani filio adiudicata , Venice 1964, pp. 118 f., 122 f., 128-131, 133, 144 f., 282, 344.
• Alberto Limentani (ed.): Martin da Canal, Les estoires de Venise: cronaca veneziana in lingua francese dalle origini al 1275 , Olschki, Florenz 1972, p. 45.
• Marino Sanudo : Le vite dei dogi , ed. By Giovanni Monticolo , (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XXII, 4), 2nd edition, Città di Castello 1900, pp. 36, 263, 277–281, 283, 286, 301.
• Marcantonio Coccio Sabellico : Historiae rerum Venetarum ab urbe condita libri XXXIII , Basel 1556, pp. 185, 189 f., 207, 210 ( digitized , from p. 171 badly scanned).

Certificates, Promissioni

• Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca , Antonino Lombardo (ed.): Documenti del commercio veneziano nei secoli XI-XIII , 2 vols., Turin 1940, vol. I, pp. 113, 321, 395, 415.
• Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca, Antonino Lombardo (ed.): Nuovi documenti del commercio veneziano nei secoli XI – XIII , Turin 1953, pp. 9, 11.
• Luigi Lanfranchi (Ed.): S. Giorgio Maggiore , Vol. II, Venice 1968, p. 451.
• Gisella Graziato (Ed.): Le promissioni del doge di Venezia dalle origini alla fine del Duecento , Venice 1986, pp. VII, X f., XV.
• The promissio maleficiorum of Orio Mastropiero (1181) on the underside by Silvia Gasparini: PAX TIBI MARCE. Venice: government, law, jurisprudence / Venezia: istituzioni, diritto, giurisprudenza , at Ariel & Caliban (PDF)

literature

• Franco Rossi: Mastropiero, Orio , in: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani 72 (2008).
• Vittorio Lazzarini : Malipiero e Mastropiero , in: Nuovo Archivio veneto, ns, XXIV (1921) 242-247.
• Gino Luzzatto : Les activités économiques du patriciat vénitien (Xe-XVe siècles) , Padua 1954, pp. 129-132.
• Michele Asolati, Andrea Saccocci, Francesco Grazzi, Irene Calliari, Caterina Canovaro: Orio Malipiero's and Enrico Dandolo's denarii: surface and bulk characterization , in: Applied Physics A: Materials Science & Processing 113 (2013) 1081-1087 (study of 30 Malipiero- and 20 dandolo denarii, knowledge about the original composition of the alloys, enrichment process of the silver on the surface). ( academia.edu )

Web links

Commons : Orio Mastropiero  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Remarks

1. ↑ See Andrea Da Mosto : I dogi di Venezia nella vita pubblica e privata , Martello, Milan 1960, reprint 1977, p. 71 f.
2. ^ Antonino Lombardo , Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca (ed.): Nuovi documenti del commercio veneto dei secc. XI-XIII , Venice 1953, p. 11.
3. ↑ Michele Asolati, Andrea Saccocci, Francesco Grazzi, Irene Calliari, Caterina Canovaro: Orio Malipiero's and Enrico Dandolo's denarii: surface and bulk characterization , in: Applied Physics A: Materials Science & Processing 113 (2013) 1081-1087 ( academia.edu ) .
4. ↑ Irmgard Fees : A city learns to write. Venice from the 10th to the 12th centuries , de Gruyter, 2002, no. 59–64, 64A, 68–72, pp. 274–278, n. 60 is not to be definitely regarded as an original. Ten of these documents (except for 64 A) were edited by Marco Pozza: Gli atti originali della cancelleria veneziana , Vol. I (1090–1198), Venice 1994, No. 20–29.
5. ^ Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali "Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna", Venice 2010, p. 70 f.
6. ↑ Pietro Marcello : Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia in the translation by Lodovico Domenichi, Marcolini, 1558, pp. 84–86 ( digitized version ).
7. ↑ Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, pp. 150, 156-161 ( online ).
8. ↑ The author even lists them all: "Messer Pietro Cornaro, knife Gioanni Michiel, knife Otho Querini, knife Piero Foscarini, knife Lunardo Fradello, knife Henrico Dandolo, knife Dominico Memo, knife Marin Scacalado, knife Gioanni Mocenigo, knife Renier Polani, Marco Basegio knife, Polo Barbo knife, Nicolò Gussoni knife, Pietro Barozzi knife, Giacomo Vigliar knife, Antonio Viaro knife, Ordelafo Falier knife, Polo Marcello knife, Bernardo Centranico knife, Nicolo Fermo knife, Dominico Silvio knife, Henrico Orio knife, Gioanni knife Moresini, knife Rugier Permarin, knife Giacomo Badoaro, knife Nicolò Giustiniano, knife Gioanni Gradenigo, knife Nicolo Dolfin, knife Polo Celsi, knife Francesco Viglioni, knife Almorò Giusto, knife Nicolo Mastropiero, knife Steffano Ziani, knife Antonio Stornado, knife Daniel Bragadin, Giacomo da Molin knife, Francesco Zorzi knife, Lunardo Malipiero knife, Marin Moro knife, Concordio Bettanio knife ”(p. 156).
9. ↑ Heinrich Kellner : Chronica that is Warhaffte actual and short description, all life in Venice , Frankfurt 1574, p. 33v – 34r ( digitized, p. 33v ).
10. ^ Francesco Sansovino : Venetia città nobilissima et singolare, Descritta in XIIII. libri , Venice 1581, p. 179v, the rest from p. 231v ( digitized version ).
11. ↑ Francesco Sansovino: Delle Cose Notabili Della Città Di Venetia, Libri II. , Altobello Salicato, Venice 1606, p. 64 ( digitized version ).
12. ↑ Alessandro Maria Vianoli : Der Venetianischen Herthaben life / government, and dying / from the first Paulutio Anafesto to / bit on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , Nuremberg 1686, pp. 241-247 ( digitized ).
13. ↑ Jacob von Sandrart : Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world famous Republick Venice , Nuremberg 1687, p. 36-39 ( digitized, p. 36 ).
14. ↑ Johann Friedrich LeBret : State history of the Republic of Venice, from its origin to our times, in which the text of the abbot L'Augier is the basis, but its errors are corrected, the incidents are presented in a certain and from real sources, and after a Ordered the correct time order, at the same time adding new additions to the spirit of the Venetian laws and secular and ecclesiastical affairs, to the internal state constitution, its systematic changes and the development of the aristocratic government from one century to the next , 4 vols., Johann Friedrich Hartknoch , Riga and Leipzig 1769–1777, Vol. 1, Leipzig and Riga 1769, pp. 381–391 ( digitized version ).
15. ↑ Samuele Romanin : Storia documentata di Venezia , 10 vol., Pietro Naratovich, Venice 1853–1861 (2nd edition 1912–1921, reprint Venice 1972), vol. 2, Venice 1854, pp. 124–139 ​​( digitized, p. 124 ).
16. ↑ Francesco Zanotto: Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia , Vol. 4, Venice 1861, pp. 109–112 ( digitized version ).
17. ^ Heinrich Kretschmayr : History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, pp. 269–275 ( digitized version ).
18. ^ John Julius Norwich : A History of Venice , Penguin, London 2003.
19. ↑ The text therefore reads: In nomine domini Dei et salvatoris nostri Iesu Christi. Anno incarnationis eiusdem millesimo centesimo octuagesimo primo, mense Marcii, indicione quartadecima, Rivoalto. / Cum rebus publicis presideamus his que ad honorem et salutem tocius Venetie regimini nostro credite imminere videntur diligenter providere debemus. / Quapropter nos quidem Aureus Mastropetrus, Dei gratia Venetie, Dalmatie atque Chroatie dux, cum iudicibus et sapientibus nostris, collaudatione atque confirmatione populi Venetie, stabilientes per hanc nostram publicam promissionem stabilimus ut si amodo in antea in aliquetor navum tempore toto districtu Venecie naufragium passa fuerit, tunc quicumque ad ipsam navim iverit et aliquid de bonis vel habere aut rebus ipsius navis violenter vel sub occasione auxilii abstulerit, statim reddere debeat omnia que abstulerit illi cuius causa fuerit vel domui eius, aut mittere in commendatione ad Procuratorem sancti Marci ad opus illius cuius fuerit causa. / Quod si ita non fecerit et causam quam abstulerit tenuerit, aut in aliam partem ipsam portaverit, tunc totum quod abstulerit in duplo emendare debeat illi cuius fuerit causa et insuper nostrum bannum nobis emendare debeat [...] / Quod si non habuerit unde causam reddat, tunc tota domus eius ad terram ruinari debeat et insuper eum tantum in vinculis habere debeamus quousque universa que habuit reddat et nostrum bannum nobis similiter. [...] / Stabilimus quoque similiter legem super illos homines, qui ad ignem vadunt et violenter vel sub occasione auxilii aliquid ibi subripiunt et statim non reddunt. / Stabilimus autem de latronibus, ut illegal qui deprehensus fuerit in furto a viginti solidis et infra frustetur et bulletur. Si vero post verberationem et bullationem secundo in furto a viginti solidis et infra fuerit deprehensus, eius oculi eruantur. / Si quis autem a viginti solidis et supra usque ad centum solidos furtum commiserit, eius oculi eruantur. / Si quidem furtum ultra centum solidos quis commiserit, suspendatur. / Si autem latro aliquis in domo alterius inventus aliquo defensibili gladio se defendere attentaverit, aut fugiens percusserit aliquem aliquo defensibili gladio, eius manus dextera abscidatur, et eius oculi extraantur. / Si ocultaverit se quis in domo alterius et deprehensus in nocte fuerit, frustetur et bulletur, si tamen in conscientia iudicum fuerit quod pro furto faciendo in domo intraverit. [...] .

predecessor	Office	successor
Sebastiano Ziani	Doge of Venice 1178–1192	Enrico Dandolo