Taksim is everywhere

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Deniz Yücel dedicated his book to Berkin Elvan (drawing).

Taksim is everywhere. The Gezi Movement and the Future of Turkey is a political non-fiction book by the German-Turkish journalist and author Deniz Yücel (born 1973). In addition to an outline of Turkish history, it deals with civil society during the protests in Turkey in 2013 and afterwards as well as the author's own experiences. The book title picks up on the slogan “Taksim is everywhere - resistance is everywhere”, which was born during the Gezi Park protests . The Hamburg publisher Edition Nautilus published the book in 2014 in the series "Nautilus Flugschrift".

After Yücel was arrested in Turkey on February 14, 2017, a revised solidarity edition was published in April 2017. Yücel was released on February 16, 2018 after 367 days. He dedicated the book to the young person Berkin Elvan , who was injured as a bystander during the protests and died after nine months in a coma in March 2014.

Origin and publications

Author Deniz Yücel (2014)

Deniz Yücel was editor of the daily newspaper (taz) when he wrote the book. “You have to come”, a friend asked him in an email when the uprising had started, “the Istanbul you know no longer exists.” Yücel followed her request. He wanted to stay four days, which turned into six weeks. After the day of Gezi Park evacuation , he watched tens of thousands of people trying to get through to Taksim Square , being attacked with tear gas, and how “a group of AKP people armed with clubs came from Kasımpaşa and hunted people in front of the police went ". Half a year later, Yücel received a cross-border commuter grant from the Robert Bosch Foundation for the research ; the Berlin Literary Colloquium supported his application . During his research in İstanbul and other cities in Turkey, he spoke to more than a hundred people.

Taksim appeared everywhere in 2014, and the first edition was out of print by the end of the year. Although the publisher considered the book to be terrific, it decided against another edition after the demand fell. Yücel has already made revisions and updates, but these could not be authorized for the next edition in 2017 because the publisher could not contact him while he was in custody. The communication was done by his lawyers and sister, who were allowed to visit him in prison. Yücel called friends in custody who took care of the revision. Doris Akrap ( taz ), Daniel-Dylan Böhmer ( Die Welt ) and Özlem Topçu ( Die Zeit ) wrote the foreword to the special edition together and called on other colleagues for help, who each checked a chapter for necessary updates. The new edition was completed within a short time. The solidarity issue appeared in April 2017. For each copy sold, in addition to the originally agreed fee, one “solidarity euro” goes to Yücel. The publisher thanked the Beltz printing company and the daily newspaper Die Welt for their financial support , "which would have made this new edition possible".

content

The non-fiction book is divided into 16 chapters. The content of the 2017 solidarity edition is preceded by a preliminary remark by the publisher and a foreword by Doris Akrap, Daniel-Dylan Böhmer and Özlem Topçu from March 2017. Yücel's thanks ( Teşekürler ) to his parents, friends and colleagues and other supporters at the end of the book is followed by a list of abbreviations of the parties, institutions and organizations mentioned.

  • 1. Taksim: a political place

Yücel describes his earliest relationship with Taksim Square : a photo of his great-grandfather Alim with his parents, another that showed Deniz Gezmiş , after whom his parents named him, and which was posted at the Ataturk Cultural Center in Taksim Square. It recalls May 1, 1977, when half a million people heard Kemal Türkler's speech there , when at least 34 people were killed in shots from surrounding buildings or a deadly crowd in a side street. The square became the “sanctuary of the left”, but it is also significant for Islamists . For them it is about those under Selim III. renewed Topçu barracks , on the area of ​​which the Gezi Park was laid out, for which the Armenian cemetery was leveled.

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan wants the barracks, the occupation of which revolted against the Young Turks on March 31, 1909 , to be reconstructed, although he gives contradicting information about its use. A historian from Istanbul University notes that this date is more familiar to his freshmen than any other in the history of the Ottoman Empire . For Kemalists it was a day of victory for progressive forces over reaction, for Islamists it was the beginning of a hundred years of patronage by the military. For them, Taksim Square is the symbolic place of this defeat. Yücel's great-grandfather Alim fought in the intervention army that put down the uprising in 1909.

  • 2. Gezi: The Park of Others

Like every social uprising, the Gezi movement came as a complete surprise, Yücel notes. Between the end of May and the end of September 2013, the “Gezi feeling” developed. It was female: According to the Turkish police, half of the protests were women, possibly more than 50 percent. Photos of women who had been sprayed with pepper spray and who stood with open arms in front of the jet of a water cannon spread through social networks. The “Gezi feeling has a sense of humor”, which was expressed in tweets , chants and graffiti , and which exposed those in power to ridicule. The “Gezi feeling is young”: According to a representative survey by İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi, 40 percent of the Gezi Park demonstrators were between 19 and 25 years old, and another 26 percent were between 26 and 30 years old. For 53 percent of the demonstrators it was their first participation in a political action. If Prime Minister Erdoğan had not described the movement as çapulcu and developed conspiracy theories about its backers, the police would not have cracked down on a few hundred sleeping squatters in Gezi Park on May 29, 2013, but had Erdoğan given up on his plans if there had been no street fighting , says Yücel.

  • 3. Tarlabaşı: Kurdistan in the heart of the city

Yücel writes that the glitz and misery of capitalism can be seen in Istanbul's hawkers. The majority of the traders are Kurds , including eight-year-old children. The 17-year-old Mithat from the Tarlabaşı district temporarily took part during the protests because he felt that the state treated him as a second-class citizen. Tarlabaşı is subject to decay, but now “the new Tarlabaşı” is emerging. At the beginning of 2013, 278 buildings were demolished for this purpose, 210 of which were listed. For many residents, it is not the first displacement: In the 1990s, according to a report by the Turkish parliament, 2,663 Kurdish villages were evacuated, other institutions name more than 3,000 and 4,000 villages.

  • 4. Cihangir: The celebrities next door

When Yücel asked whether so many artists and actors joined the protests because so many people were on the street anyway, or whether so many people joined the protests because so many celebrities took part, the actress Zuhal Şener gave him the answer . Both are correct. On the one hand, people would have felt encouraged when they saw their series heroes on TV, on the other hand, many actors lived near the park in the Cihangir district. After the police set fire to the demonstrators' tents, they notified each other in a kind of telephone chain.

Other artists such as the pianist Davide Martello , who brought his piano to the square in the evening and played, only became popular through the protests. The protests had consequences: the broadcasting company TRT canceled two television series, whose contributors supported the protests.

As the first writer, Ahmet Ümit and Beyoğlu 'En Güzel Abisi (The Most Beautiful Brother of Beyoğlu) processed the events in a novel that came out in autumn 2013. Critics accused him of wanting to capitalize on Gezi. Ümit reports that the novel was almost finished and that Gezi was consequently incorporated - because "what would a novel have looked like that is set in Beyoğlu in 2013 but does not deal with Gezi?" "Crazy or cowardly."

  • 5. Beşiktaş: A neighborhood and its football club

For the members of Çarşı , the fan club of the Beşiktaş Istanbul football club , a police operation broke the barrel a few weeks before the Gezi Park protests: The police blocked the fans' way to the last game of their club in the İnönü Stadı before the stadium was demolished . There was fierce street fighting. During the Gezi Park protests, their corner with tents was the loudest, during the marches their block was the happiest - and in the park they tried to ensure the safety of everyone involved and to settle disputes.

Onur, 28 years old at the beginning of the protests, the son of a teacher and a nurse, resigned without notice from a bank closely associated with AKP President Erdoğan's . His father warned him to take part, it was of no use, "we have been involved in politics for years and have achieved nothing". Onur replied: “I am on the barricades because you were unsuccessful.” The father came back later, expressed concern, but also proud: “Do what we haven't managed - make this country a real democracy.”

In September 2013, another fan group of the club was formed, 1453 Kartaları (1453 eagles). It claims to be apolitical, but is believed to be controlled by the AKP. 1453 is the year in which Istanbul became the new capital of the Ottoman Empire.

  • 6. Nişantaşı: The Çapulcu citizens

Nişantaşı describes Yücel as one of the most posh neighborhoods in the city; Orhan Pamuk , for example, grew up there . Erdoğan denigrated political opponents as “ Çapulcu ” (robber, looter). The protesters transformed the expression into a positive self-designation. Çapulcu also became entrepreneurs and managers during the protests. Yücel quotes from a survey by The Economist , according to which more than half of 137 board chairmen surveyed said they had visited the demonstrators in Gezi Park themselves. Heads of retail companies stated that they would not open any branches there when the park was developed. The entrepreneur and politician Cem Boyner stood by demonstrators in Nişantaşı and carried a sign that read “I am also a Çapulcu”.

Yücel portrays other people from the middle and upper classes like a self-made woman whose company plans and sells construction projects. She took part in Gezi so as not to be part of a society that allows everything to be done with it without contradiction.

The management of the luxury hotel Divan, which was built on the site of the Armenian cemetery and belongs to Koç Holding , allowed first responders to set up an emergency hospital to care for injured demonstrators. Other hotels also opened their doors to protesters, who rested in the lobby, used toilets, and charged cell phones. When the park was cleared, protesters fled to the hotels, 200 of them to the Divan Hotel. There are also held Sezgin Tanrıkulu and Claudia Roth on. The police shot tear gas into the foyers. Claudia Roth said: “It's like a war”, entrepreneur Mustafa Koç later spoke of purely humanitarian aid: “A large number of the people whom the police are trying to evict with tear gas are scared to death at your door and want to get in. And this situation repeats itself day after day. What would you do?"

  • 7. Kadıköy: Ataturk's new grandchildren

Yücel describes the demonstration of several thousand people after the violent death of the 18-year-old Kurd Medeni Yıldırım in a village near Lice in the southeastern province of Diyarbakır as one of the great moments of Kadıköy . He was shot dead by the army at the end of June 2013 while protesting against the construction of a gendarmerie barracks. The demonstration, whose participants changed the slogan “Taksim is everywhere - resistance is everywhere” to “Lice is everywhere - resistance is everywhere”, was organized by young members of the social democratic and Kemalist party CHP . A philosophy student who rejects Kurdish nationalism says that nobody knows how many Medenis died and that they did not notice anything. Her friend, with an Ataturk tattoo on his chest, is promoting a reinterpretation of Kemalism, the party must deal critically with its history.

  • 8. Gazi: The almost liberated zone

According to Yücel, the Gazi district, in which the 1995 riots occurred, is one of the largest and most famous rebellious quarters in Istanbul. The young people from there feel branded - it belongs to the predominantly Alevis- populated areas of major Turkish cities - and before they took part in the Gezi protests they felt ridiculed as poor dreamers. Arzu, born in 1987, studied local government and describes herself as a professional revolutionary. She looked down on her peers from the rich neighborhood because she denied them the ability to fight, she explains. The mutual disdain now no longer exists, one is no longer so strange.

From a conversation with young representatives of the Popular Front, which is close to the DHKP-C , which is also considered a terrorist organization outside Turkey , Yücel reports that the Gezi protests were less about saving the park than about justice, like him the 22-year-old Oğuz explains. When the police use violence against people and the people defend themselves, be their place at the side of the people. In the further course of the conversation, in which Yücel identifies Hasan, who is in his mid-thirties, as the guardian of the younger ones, the topics of homosexuality, alcohol and neglect in the neighborhood are among other things. For them, neglect is professional football, fashion, pop music. Hasan is outraged about a comparison with the AKP and “doesn't notice that he sounds like Erdoğan when he tries to differentiate himself from the AKP,” sums up Yücel.

  • 9. Fatih: The border crossers

Yücel names the groups “Revolutionary Muslims” and “Anti-capitalist Muslims” as the most exotic faction of the Gezi Park protests. He illustrates this with a photo taken on July 9, 2013 of breaking the fast on the first day of Ramadan from İstiklal Caddesi , which leads to Taksim Square. That evening the city administration - on one side of the police chain - had invited people to break the fast. There, waiters served a sumptuous evening meal to a thousand people at tables laid white - ten thousand were on the other side in the face of water cannons. The anti-capital Muslims called for this breaking of the fast, and the group is based in Fatih . Erdoğan's AKP consider Yücel's interlocutors from both groups to be a capitalist party that only continues the rule of the Kemalists, albeit with an Islamic tinge.

  • 10. Internet: A plague called Twitter

Yücel goes into the role of the media and communication channels such as the microblogging service Twitter , based on the BBC documentary Penguins - Spy in the Huddle . It was broadcast by CNN Türk on June 1, 2013, while CNN International reported live from the fighting on Taksim Square. CNN Türk has taken some time to change the program, admits a CNN Türk program editor. A friend of Yücels sees another reason why, in addition to CNN Türk, other media switched and finally reported on the protests: In front of the headquarters of the NTV news channel in the Maslak district, 2,000 to 3,000 employees from surrounding banks and companies had gathered during their lunch break and NTV thus made to report on their protest against news suppression in the current program. They had agreed to meet on Twitter.

According to an analysis by LinkedIn , the hashtag most used between May 29 and June 3 was # DirenGeziParkı (diren = to resist), it was sent a total of 5.6 million times. On June 2, 2013, Prime Minister Erdoğan spoke in an interview with Habertürk TV about a "plague called Twitter" and used the word Çapulcu for the first time. The opposite side of the protesters also used tweets , for example Melih Gökçek , Mayor of Ankara in 2013 . For example, he declared a BBC journalist a traitor to the fatherland and called on his followers to "democratic protest"; the journalist then received thousands of tweets with insults, rape and death threats.

When asked what constitutes opposition journalism in Turkey, a columnist and reporter for the newspaper Radikal answered : "In Turkey it is enough to simply report what is happening."

  • 11. Ankara: Just before the revolution

In the capital Ankara , the Kızılay district was the center of the protests, in particular Kızılay Square . Heavy street battles took place there in the first weeks of June 2013. Yücel Tuzluçayır describes the “Gazi of Ankara” in the Mamak district , where many Alevis live who take part in the protests and fight their way to Kızılay Square on June 1, 2013, take it and push the police back to Güven Park. A 27 year old locksmith is shot there. He belonged to the Alevis - like five other demonstrators killed in direct connection with the protests. The police recaptured Kızılay Square. A 19-year-old student says that the situation was different from that in İstanbul. Right behind the neighboring Gülen Park is Çankaya with the official seat of the Prime Minister, ministries and the parliament building. The older people from the political groups had decided not to go any further, there they would have to deal with the gendarmerie in addition to the police. They wouldn't fight machine guns with stones.

  • 12. Dersim: Always marginal

The protests also came to Dersim , which created a spirit of optimism there, reports Songül, a young geologist, but as suddenly as they came they disappeared again. Yücel describes the Munzur valley as one of the most beautiful regions in Turkey. The people in the province of Tunceli (formerly Dersim) have experience of resistance: the Munzur-Vadisi National Park has been under protection since 1971; nevertheless, the AKP government developed plans to build six hydroelectric power stations and four dams on Munzur and its tributary Pülümür Çayı . The plans were stopped by a court in 2013.

Barış, a young lawyer, studied in İstanbul and returned to Dersim. He says the resistance to the demolition of Gezi Park has taken on another dimension, in the beginning it was a big city version of what the people in Dersim and other regions of Turkey had started on a small scale: it was a local, ecological resistance to been a project to plunder nature without regard to people or culture.

  • 13. Kayseri: In the heart of the tiger

Kayseri describes Yücel as the heartland of the AKP. The business sense of the population is proverbial, it is a stronghold of the “Anatolian tigers” - the Islamic capital faction: economically successful, in a technical sense modern, clean, pious, a little ostentatious, rather tasteless and very boring. For young people who want to have fun, there is just one café and two soup shops where boys and girls can meet, reports a 22-year-old law student. Nothing more for the elderly after the night prayer call to prayer, alcohol is only served in the Hilton Hotel . The affluent have fun in Ürgüp , which is 60 kilometers away in the tourist region of Cappadocia .

The Gezi protests also spread to Kayseri, and half a year later those involved are still proud of it, writes Yücel. On the first evening they took to the streets in the university district, there were maybe 500 people, reports Yusuf. The police immediately attacked you with water cannons and tear gas. The next day, 5,000 people demonstrated in Cumhuriyet Square, and the police also violently dispersed them. Then it was decided to camp in the central Kurşunlu Square, explains Aykut, the 23-year-old local chairman of the Türkiye Gençlik Birliği (TGB). They would have lasted 17 days. The following day Erdoğan, Prime Minister at the time, wanted to hold a rally. They had decided to dismantle the tents, "they would have cleared us anyway". The number of active TGB members in the city then almost doubled.

  • 14. İzmir: By the unbelievers

According to Yücel, İzmir , the third largest city in Turkey, was already known as the “incredulous İzmir” during the Ottoman period. Until 1922, Greeks, Jews and other non-Muslims made up the majority of the population. Even after the "Asia Minor Catastrophe" , it remained a more Mediterranean than Asia Minor city. Mayor Aziz Kocaoğlu complains that she is being neglected by the central government.

The protests in the city will begin on May 31, 2013. After being viewed on Twitter, members of political organizations gathered in Konak Square . Groups move on to the AKP headquarters in Basmane district, street battles ensue. The next day, with serious riots, hundreds of thousands are said to have been on the streets. Facilities of both the Gülen movement and the AKP are burned down. Yücel lets an employee of the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (Türkiye İnsan Hakları Vakfı, TİHV) speak: He tried to dissuade people from vandalism. It was not possible. Nobody could control such a crowd. He describes the manhunt as what happened when strangers in civilian clothes showed up armed with clubs.

  • 15. Antakya: On the brink of war

The student Ahmed Atakan, the 22-year-old security guard Abdullah Cömert, who was a member of the CHP , and the 19-year-old teacher student Ali İsmail Korkmaz were all killed in Antakya in southern Turkey . Yücel asks her survivors about the circumstances of her death.

Korkmaz's brother Gürkan reports that Ali İsmail took part in the protests in Antakya on June 3, 2013, and fled to a side street from the use of tear gas and water cannons, where he was beaten up. The next day, doctors found a cerebral haemorrhage. He died in a coma after 37 days. Video recordings of what happened in shops were professionally deleted. Another record later surfaced showing bat attacks on him. Eight men, including four police officers, and a doctor were charged with breach of duty of care.

Abdullah Cömert's death circumstances were clear, but the authorities did not admit them until months later. On the evening of June 3, 2013, a tear gas cartridge hit him in the back of the head in an alley, and he died in the alley.

There are contradicting accounts of the death of Ahmet Atakan, who died at the age of 20 in September 2013 during the last wave of Gezi protests. According to the autopsy report, he suffered a serious head injury and the cause of death is believed to be a fall. For the public prosecutor's office, he fell from the roof of a building, which in their opinion shows a video recording. It shows how a motionless body falls onto the street. Ahmet Atakan's brother doubts the prosecution's portrayal. He asks how it could be that his brother did not instinctively try to protect himself. "And how can a grown man fall from a roof that is surrounded by a 50-centimeter wall?" Eyewitnesses said he was hit by a tear gas cartridge fired from an armored car.

  • 16. Abroad: Çapuling Diaspora

Yücel deals with two topics in the last chapter. He recalled that September 2013 marked the 50th anniversary of the association agreement between the EEC and Turkey offering the state the prospect of future membership. In 1999 it was recognized as a candidate for accession to the EU . Yücel states that joining the EU no longer plays a role, but that Europe is no longer a guarantee of prosperity, or a reliable bulwark of democracy and human rights. Yücel quotes a comment from Felix Dachsel in the daily newspaper in June 2013: "How can you convince the Turkish prime minister of freedom of expression and freedom of the press when you switch off state television in Greece for financial reasons?"

The section Why I am in Istanbul is a revised version of a column from the daily newspaper from June 19, 2013. Yücel's explanation: He came here because since the beginning of the uprising he had the feeling that his place was there now - like others German-Turkish colleagues who came without an order from their editorial offices. He mentions Özlem Gezer from Spiegel as an example , who later wrote that she was now also a Çapulcu . Others like Fatih Akın , Sibel Kekilli and İmran Ayata signed letters of protest or demonstrated in Germany. Yücel: "Ask an Almancı of your choice and you will hear a different reason every time, but always the same conclusion: this is a special country for me."

reception

Luise Sammann reviewed the book for Deutschlandfunk in 2014. She criticized the fact that Yücel moved "a little awkwardly across Turkish history" on the first 30 pages. But then he comes to "perhaps his most important topic, the Gezi feeling". He manages to "reflect the ease and humor of summer 2013 in his texts". His descriptions are particularly strong in the report-style chapters in which experts or historians do not have their say, but rather "artists and managers, Jews and Islamists, professional revolutionaries and kebab sellers, transvestites and housewives".

Ingo Arend wrote for Deutschlandfunk Kultur that Taksim is everywhere is not just an exciting political non-fiction book, it is also an informative, socio-psychological document. Yücel takes sides with the Gezi movement, but "never loses the distance to his subject".

In June 2014, Luisa Seeling reviewed three books by Almancı, German-Turkish authors that were published by small left-wing publishers in the spring of that year in the Süddeutsche Zeitung . Regarding Yücel's non-fiction book, she states that he describes his encounters in lively, precise language. The result is like a mosaic “a picture of the up to 3.5 million people who took to the streets last summer”.

Yücel's 200-page report “belongs to the best that can currently be read about contemporary Turkey”, wrote Iris Alanyali in Die Welt . It is a book about Gezi in the spirit of Gezi, committed, humorous and romantic. Yücel is classifying, putting Gezi in relation to the protests of past years - "and this is precisely why it is getting the movement off its pedestal".

literature

  • Taksim is everywhere. The Gezi Movement and the Future of Turkey. Solidarity issue. Edition Nautilus, Hamburg 2017 ISBN 978-3-96054-060-1 .

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, p. 89.
  2. ↑ Deniz Yücel on the way to Germany. In: Spiegel Online. February 16, 2018, accessed March 12, 2018 .
  3. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, p. 4 (unpaginated).
  4. ↑ Doris Akrap, Daniel-Dylan Böhmer, Özlem Topcu: "My situation will not stay as it is". In: The world. April 11, 2017. Retrieved March 12, 2018 .
  5. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Why I'm in İstanbul . In: Ders .: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 219–222, here p. 222 (revised version of a column in the taz of June 19, 2013).
  6. ↑ The taz at the Leipzig Book Fair 2014: “Taksim is everywhere. The Gezi Movement and the Future of Turkey ”by Deniz Yücel , video at vimeo.com, accessed on March 28, 2018 (12:27 minutes, information about the length of stay at 0: 37–0:26, with reading the 15th chapter).
  7. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Why I'm in İstanbul . In: Ders .: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 219–222, here p. 219 (revised version of a column in the taz on June 19, 2013).
  8. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Teşekürler. In: Ders .: Taksim is everywhere. 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, p. 223.
  9. ^ Claudia Christophersen: Out of solidarity with Deniz Yücel. In: NDR culture. April 12, 2017, accessed on March 2, 2018 (Interview with Katharina Florian, Edition Nautilus).
  10. ↑ Publishing details for the book on the Edition Nautilus website, accessed on March 5, 2018.
  11. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, p. 5 (preliminary remark by the publisher), p. 6 –8 (preface to the solidarity edition), p. 223 (Teşekürler), p. 224 (list of abbreviations of the parties, institutions and organizations).
  12. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 9–36.
  13. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 37–56.
  14. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 57–71.
  15. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 77–82 (citations p. 79).
  16. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 83-96 (citations p. 87, p. 88).
  17. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 97-108 (citations p. 98, p. 99).
  18. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 109–120.
  19. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 121-136 (quotation p. 133).
  20. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 137–150.
  21. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 151–167 (citations p. 152, p. 156).
  22. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 168–180.
  23. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 181–188.
  24. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 189–196 (quotation p. 193).
  25. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 197–205.
  26. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 206–215 (quotation p. 207).
  27. ↑ Deniz Yücel: Taksim is everywhere . 2nd edition, Hamburg 2017, pp. 216–222 (citations p. 218, p. 221).
  28. ↑ Luise Sammann: The character of the Taksim protests. In: Deutschlandfunk. March 10, 2014, accessed March 2, 2018 .
  29. ↑ Ingo Arend: The Gezi phenomenon. In: Deutschlandfunk Kultur. April 23, 2014, accessed March 2, 2018 .
  30. ↑ Luisa Seeling: Greetings from Gezi Park. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung. June 3, 2014, accessed on February 27, 2018 (print review quoted from buecher.de).
  31. ↑ Iris Alanyali: "We know this state". In: The world. May 28, 2014, accessed February 27, 2018 .