Genius (wolf child)

Genie [ ˈʤi: ni ] (born April 18, 1957 in Los Angeles County ) is the pseudonym of an American wolf child , a girl who has been the victim of severe abuse , neglect and social isolation . The circumstances in which it came about and its psycholinguistic development are documented in the annals of linguistics and abnormal child psychology .

When the girl was around 20 months old, her father started locking her in a room. During this time, he mostly strapped her to a toilet chair or handcuffed her to the cot so that her arms and legs were unable to move. He forbade anyone to interact with his daughter, who was barely exposed to external stimuli, and left her severely malnourished. The extent of her isolation prevented her from being sufficiently exposed to everyday language usage that there was no language acquisition in her childhood . Los Angeles child protection agencies became aware of the girl's abuse in November 1970 when she was 13 years and 7 months old.

The authorities initially arranged for Genie to be admitted to Children's Hospital Los Angeles , where a research team of doctors and psychologists took care of her care for several months. Her later life circumstances became the subject of heated debate. In June 1971, she left the hospital to live with her teacher who was employed by the hospital. A month and a half later, the authorities placed her with the family of the scientist who led the research team and lived with her for almost four years. Shortly after she was 18, Genie returned to her mother, who after a few months decided that she could not take proper care of her. The authorities then placed them in various facilities for disabled adults. The facility managers banned Genie from contact with almost everyone they knew and subjected them to extreme physical and emotional abuse. As a result, her physical and mental health deteriorated significantly, and her newly acquired language and behavioral skills declined very quickly.

In January 1978, Genie's mother banned further scientific research on her daughter. Little has been known about the living conditions of geniuses since then. Her current whereabouts are uncertain, although she is believed to be in the care of the State of California . The genius case remains an issue for psychologists and linguists, and there is considerable academic and media interest in its development and the methods of the research team. In particular, scientists have compared her to Victor von Aveyron , a 19th-century French wolf child who was also the subject of a case study on delayed psychological development and late language acquisition.

family

Genie was the last and second surviving children of four children who lived with their parents in Arcadia , California. Her father worked as a flight engineer in a factory during the Second World War and then continued in aviation. Her mother, who was about 20 years younger and from a farming family in Oklahoma , had to flee to Southern California as a teenager with friends of her family due to the dust storms ( Dust Bowl ) that occurred in the 1930s . During her early childhood, Genie's mother suffered a serious head injury in an accident that caused persistent neurological damage and resulted in degenerative vision problems in one eye. Genie's father grew up primarily in orphanages in the Pacific Northwest . His father died as a result of a lightning strike and his mother ran a brothel and rarely saw her son during this time. His mother also gave him a female first name, which made him a victim of constant ridicule. As a result, he had extreme resentment towards his mother during his childhood . Genie's brother and the scientists believed that these were the main cause of his subsequent anger problems.

When Genie's father reached adulthood, he changed his first name to a typically male one and his mother began to spend as much time with him as possible. His mother was his only caregiver, so his independence suffered. So he treated all other relationships as secondary at best. Although Genie's parents appeared happy to others, shortly after the marriage, her father prevented his wife from leaving the house and hit her with increasing frequency and intensity. Her eyesight steadily deteriorated due to the persistent effects of her neurological damage, the onset of severe cataracts and a detached retina in one eye, making her increasingly dependent on her husband.

Genie's father didn't like children and didn't want his own because he found them loud. But about five years after their marriage, his wife became pregnant. Although he beat his wife during pregnancy and attempted to strangle her towards the end of the pregnancy, she gave birth to an apparently healthy daughter. Her father found her screams disturbing and put them in the garage, where she developed pneumonia and died at the age of ten weeks. Their second child, born about a year later, was a boy diagnosed with Rh incompatibility . He died at the age of two days, either from complications from Rh incompatibility or from choking on his own mucus . Three years later they had another son, whom the doctors declared healthy despite Rh incompatibility. His father forced his wife to keep him calm, which led to significant physical and linguistic developmental delays. When he was four years old, his maternal grandmother was worried about his development and took care of him for several months. He made good progress with her before she finally brought him back to his parents.

Early years

Genie was born about five years after her brother, around the time her father began to isolate himself and his family from everyone else. She was in the 50th percentile of body weight at birth . The following day she showed signs of Rh incompatibility and required a blood transfusion . However, this had no consequences for her and she was otherwise described as healthy. A medical check-up after three months showed that she gained normal body weight, but had congenital hip dysplasia , which made it necessary to wear a Frejka splint, which restricts movement, for correction at the age of 4.5 to 11 months. The splint resulted in Genie starting running too late. Researchers later suggested that this may have led her father to believe his daughter to be mentally retarded. As a result, he tried not to speak to or pay attention to her, and got his wife and son to do the same.

Little information is available on Genie's early life, but the available records show that she showed relatively normal development in her first few months. Genie's mother later recalled that Genie wasn't a huggable baby, didn't babble a lot, and resisted solid food. Occasionally she said that at an unspecified time, Genie had spoken a single word, but she couldn't remember it. At another point, she stated that Genie never spoke. Researchers have never been able to determine what the truth is.

At 11 months of age, Genie was still in good health and had no cognitive abnormalities, but her body weight had dropped to the 11th percentile. Later research led to the hypothesis that this was an indication of successive malnutrition . When Genie was 14 months old, she developed a fever and pneumonia. Her parents took her to a pediatrician who claimed that although her illness prevented a definitive diagnosis, there was a possibility that she was mentally retarded and that she might have bilirubin encephalopathy , which further reinforced her father's conclusion that she was severely retarded .

Six months later, when Genie was 20 months old, her paternal grandmother died in a traffic accident. His mother's death hit her father deeply, and after learning that his son had previously gone for a walk with her, it made him even more angry and he accused his son of being partly responsible for his grandmother's death. When the driver of the truck received suspended sentences for manslaughter and drunk driving , Genie's father went delusional with anger. Scientists believed that these events made him feel that society had abandoned him and strengthened his belief that he needed to protect his family from the outside world. But he lacked the self-knowledge and foresight to recognize the damage that his actions would bring. Believing that Genie was severely retarded, he believed that she needed him for protection, so he decided to hide her existence as much as possible. He immediately quit his job and took his family to his mother's two-bedroom home, where he demanded that his late mother's car and bedroom remain completely untouched as shrines to her, and continued to isolate his family.

childhood

After the move, Genie's father increasingly restricted his daughter to the second bedroom in the back of the house while the rest of the family slept in the living room. During the day, her father handcuffed her to a toilet chair for about 13 hours with a makeshift harness that served as a straitjacket . While she was handcuffed, she wore only diapers and could only move her limbs . She was forced to sleep in a sleeping bag at night and placed in a cot with a metal mesh cover, with her arms and legs also being immobilized. The researchers believed that he sometimes left her on the toilet chair overnight.

The researchers concluded that when Genie spoke or made a noise, her father would hit her with a large board he kept in her room. To keep her calm, he bared his teeth, barked and growled at her like a dog, and scratched her with his fingernails. If he was upset and suspected that Genie was the cause, he would make these noises in front of her door and, if he continued to suspect, hit her, which caused Genie to have an extremely intense and persistent fear of cats and dogs . Nobody knows the reason for his dog-like behavior, although one scientist speculated that he may have viewed himself as a watchdog and acted out that role. As a result, Genie learned to be as silent as possible and to remain completely blank. Genie developed a tendency to masturbate in socially inappropriate situations, leading doctors to suspect that Genie's father sexually abused her or forced her brother to do so, although they were never able to produce conclusive evidence.

Genie's father fed her as little as possible and refused to give her solid food. He only fed them baby food, cereal, cereal, an occasional soft-boiled egg, and liquids. Her father or brother, if forced to do so, spooned the food into her mouth as quickly as possible, and if she choked or couldn't swallow quickly enough, he rubbed her face into her food. These were usually the only occasions that he would allow his wife to be with Genie, even though she couldn't feed Genie herself. Genie's mother claimed her husband always fed Genie three times a day, but also said that Genie was beaten for screaming out of hunger, leading researchers to believe that he often refused to feed her. In early 1972, Genie's mother informed the researchers that whenever possible she had secretly tried to give Genie extra food around 11 p.m., which resulted in Genie's developing an abnormal sleep pattern. She slept from 7pm to 11pm, woke up for a few minutes, and then went back to sleep for another 6.5 hours. After she was taken from her father, this pattern of sleep lasted for several months.

Genie's father had an extremely low tolerance for noise and refused to have a working television or radio in the house. His wife and son were forbidden to talk to each other, and they were brutally beaten if they did so without permission. In particular, he forbade them to speak to or about genius. Any conversation between the mother and son was therefore very quiet and out of Genie's earshot, which prevented Genie from learning the language by mere listening. Genie's father kept her room extremely dark, and the only charms available were the cot, chair, curtains on each of the windows, three pieces of furniture, and two plastic raincoats hanging on the wall. On rare occasions, he allowed Genie to play with plastic food containers, old spools of thread, TV guides (program guides ) with lots of cut-out illustrations, and raincoats. The room had two almost completely darkened windows, one of which her father left open. Although the house was far from the street and other houses, she could see the outside of a neighboring house and a few inches of sky and occasionally heard ambient noise or a neighbor child practicing the piano.

Nobody could leave the house in the meantime. He only allowed his son to go to school and upon his return asked him to provide a variety of means to prove his identity before entering the house. The father often sat in the living room and threatened him with a shotgun that was on his lap if the son should disobey. In addition, no one else was allowed to enter the house or be near the house, so he kept his gun handy whenever anyone approached the house. Nobody in the neighborhood knew about the father's abuse of his family or that Genie's parents had another child in addition to a son. In addition to the abuse, Genie's father documented the acts he committed against his family, as well as his strategies for keeping his family under lock and key and hiding.

Genie's mother was inherently passive and also almost completely blind. Her husband continued to beat her and threatened to kill her if she tried to contact her parents, close friends who lived nearby, or the police. Genie's father forced his son to be quiet, instructing him to keep quiet about what was going on at home and about the father's deeds. He also hit him with increasing frequency and intensity. As the son got older, the father forced him to abuse genius, and the abuse only increased. The son felt completely powerless to stop his father's abuse and was afraid of punishment if he intervened. He tried to run away from home on several occasions. Genie's father was convinced that Genie would die at age 12 and promised that if she lived beyond that age, he would allow his wife to seek help for Genie in public. When Genie finally turned 12, her father withdrew that promise, and Genie's mother did nothing about it for another 1.5 years.

rescue

In October 1970, when Genie was around 13 years and 6 months old, Genie's parents had a heated argument in which her mother threatened that if she couldn't call her parents, she would leave the house. Her husband eventually relented, and later that day, when her husband was away, she went with genius to her parents' home in Monterey Park . Genie's brother, then 18 years old, had run away from home and was living with friends. About three weeks later, on November 4, 1970, Genie's mother and Genie decided to seek assistance for the blind in nearby Temple City , California , but due to her near-total blindness, Genie's mother accidentally entered the general welfare office next door. The social worker who greeted her immediately sensed something was wrong when she saw Genie and was shocked when she found out her age. She estimated from her looks and behavior that she was around 6 or 7 years old and possibly autistic , and after she and her supervisor interviewed Genie's mother and confirmed Genie's age, they immediately contacted the police. Genie's parents were arrested and the court took over the guardianship of Genie's ( ward of the court ). Due to her physical condition and her almost unsocialized condition, a court order was immediately issued, according to which Genie should be taken to the Children's Hospital Los Angeles.

After Genie was admitted to the hospital, David Rigler, a therapist and professor of psychology at the University of Southern California who was also the hospital's chief psychologist, and Howard Hansen, then head of the department of psychiatry and an expert on child abuse, took care of Genie. The following day, they hired a doctor, James Kent, who campaigned for child abuse awareness , to conduct Genie's first research. Most of the information doctors got about Genie's early life came from a police investigation into Genie's parents. Even the results of the investigation could not answer many questions about Genie's childhood that later investigations could never answer.

Reports of Genie hit the media on November 17, 1970 and received a lot of local and national attention, largely fueled by a photo of Genie. Although Genie's father refused to speak to the police or the media, large crowds later still wanted to contact him, which he reportedly found extremely difficult to handle. On November 20, the morning before his court charge for child abuse, he committed suicide by a gun shot. The police found two farewell letters, one to his son, which included the following statement: "Be a good boy, I love you". The other letter was addressed to the police. One note, which is unclear due to various sources, contained the statement: "The world will never understand."

After Genie's father committed suicide, the authorities and hospital staff focused solely on Genie and her mother. Years later, Genie's brother said that his mother immediately began to devote all of her love and attention to Genie, and he left the Los Angeles area. At Hansen's request, attorney John Miner, an acquaintance of Hansen, represented Genie's mother in court. She told the court that her husband's beatings and her near-total blindness made her unable to protect her children. The charges against her were dropped and she received therapy at Children's Hospital Los Angeles with Hansen being the direct line manager of her therapist.

Traits and personality

James Kent said that his initial research into Genie revealed by far the most serious child abuse he has ever investigated and was extremely pessimistic about Genie's prognosis. Genie was extremely pale and severely malnourished. She was 1.37 m tall and weighed only 27 kg. Her dentition was almost complete and her stomach was bloated. The strap her father used to tie up caused a thick callus and severe bruises on her buttocks that took several weeks to heal. A series of x-rays showed that Genie had moderate coxa valga in both hips and an underdeveloped chest, and that her bone age was the same as that of an 11-year-old child. Despite early testing that confirmed that she could see normally with both eyes, she could not focus more than 10 feet away, which was the dimensions of the room her father kept her in.

Genie's gross motor skills were very poor. She was unable to stand upright, could not fully straighten her limbs, and had very poor physical endurance. Her movements seemed very hesitant and shaky. Her characteristic gait , known at the time as the "bunny walk" because she held her hands like claws in front of her while walking, indicated extreme difficulties in sensory processing and the inability to integrate visual and tactile information. Kent was somewhat surprised to find that her fine motor skills were significantly better and that it made her about the level of a two year old. She could not chew and had severe dysphagia , which made her unable to swallow solid or even soft foods or liquids. When she ate, she kept whatever she couldn't swallow in her mouth until her saliva broke it down, and if that took too long, she spat it out and crushed it with her fingers. She was also completely incontinent and unresponsive to extreme temperatures.

Doctors had great difficulty testing or assessing Genie's mental development status or cognitive abilities, but on two tests they found that her mental development status was the same as that of a 13-month-old child. They were also surprised that Genie was interested in exploring stimuli from her environment, even though she was more interested in objects than people. Unusual sounds in particular made Genie curious, and Kent noticed how she was busily searching for their origins. In addition, during Genie's stay, the caregivers noticed her extreme fear of cats and dogs very early on and initially assumed that this fear was due to their inability to think rationally. They didn't realize the real origin of fear until years later.

From the beginning, Genie showed interest in many hospital workers, often approaching and accompanying strangers, but Kent claimed that Genie did not differentiate between people and there was no evidence that they had an emotional bond with anyone, including their mother and her brother. At first she would not allow anyone to touch her and would quickly back away from physical contact. While Genie sat on her lap at her mother's request, she remained very tense and broke away from her as quickly as possible. Hospital staff wrote that her mother barely responded to Genie's emotions and actions. Genie was usually very antisocial and extremely difficult for others to control. No matter where she was, she kept salivating and spitting. She was also constantly sniffing and blowing her nose at everything that was near her. She had no sense of private property and often pointed to items she wanted or took away from other people. She also had no situational awareness . Doctors wrote that she acted spontaneously regardless of the environment, particularly that she often masturbated in public and sometimes tried to involve older men.

At first she hardly responded to non-verbal signals from other people, including body gestures and facial expressions, but she was good at making eye contact. However, her demeanor was completely devoid of facial expressions or recognizable body language and she could only convey some very basic needs non-verbally. She could clearly distinguish the noises made when speaking from others, but remained almost completely silent and unresponsive. Answers she gave were only used to support her non-verbal cues. When Genie was upset, she would attack herself savagely. Afterwards she was completely expressionless and never cried or spoke. According to some reports, she couldn't cry at all. To make noise, she knocked over chairs or similar objects. Her outbursts of anger were common in the beginning and had no obvious trigger. Kent wrote that Genie never tried to track down the cause of her outbursts and was angry until someone distracted her or exhausted her and made her still and expressionless again.

In January 1971, linguists found that Genie had an understanding of their own names, names of some other people, and about 15-20 other words. At this point her active vocabulary consisted of two phrases : "stop it" and "no more". At no point before January 1971 had linguists been able to determine the extent of their active or passive vocabulary and therefore did not know whether they had acquired some or all of these words in the past two months. After watching Genie for some time, they concluded that she wasn't selectively mute . The tests performed did not provide any physiological or psychological explanation for their lack of speech. Since her existing medical records did not contain any clear evidence of intellectual disability either, researchers found that she had not acquired a native language due to her extreme isolation and lack of exposure to language during childhood.

Preliminary assessment

Within a month of Genie's admission to Children's Hospital Los Angeles, Jay Shurley, a professor of psychiatry and behavioral science at the University of Oklahoma and a specialist in extreme social isolation, became interested in the Genie case. Shurley noted that Genie was the worst case of social isolation he had ever heard of or investigated, and he had followed that case for more than 20 years. Over the next year and a half, he visited Genie three times for a three-day evaluation and a sleep study to determine if Genie had autism, brain damage, or a congenital intellectual disability. Shurley concluded that genius was not autistic, which researchers later confirmed. He noted that she had noticeable emotional disturbances and wrote that her need for new stimuli and the lack of defense mechanisms were atypical of autism.

Shurley found no signs of brain damage, but observed some persistent abnormalities in Genie's sleep, including a significantly reduced amount of REM sleep with a greater-than-average variation in REM sleep duration and an unusually high number of sleep spindles (short-term Accumulation of constant or repetitive neural activities). He finally came to the conclusion that Genie was mentally retarded from birth, particularly pointing out their significantly increased number of sleep spindles, as these are characteristic of people with severe disabilities. The other scientists who followed the case were divided. Much later, for example, Susan Curtiss argued strongly that Genie, while clearly having serious emotional difficulties, could not have been mentally retarded. She pointed out that Genie had developed one year each calendar year after she was rescued, which would not have been expected if her condition had been congenital, and that certain language skills that Genie acquired were atypical for the mentally handicapped be. Instead, she believed that genius was born with at least average intelligence, and that she was functionally retarded from childhood abuse and isolation.

Hospitalization

When he first met Genie, James Kent initially saw no reactions from her, but was finally able to draw her attention with a small doll by responding non-verbally as well as verbally. Playing with these and similar dolls quickly became her favorite pastime, and apart from her tantrums, she was able to express her feelings at the beginning of her stay. Within a few days, she learned to dress herself and began using the toilet voluntarily, but continued to suffer from incontinence during the day and night, which was only slowly improving. Kent quickly realized that a lot of people wanted to work with Genie and feared that it would prevent her from establishing a normal relationship with someone. He therefore decided to be the reference person for Genie who accompanies her on her walks and all her appointments.

Genie began to grow and gain weight quickly and become more confident in her body movement. By December 1970 her hand-eye coordination and eye focusing improved. She quickly developed a sense of property and collected items that she liked for whatever reason. She was extremely annoyed when someone touched or moved her collected items. She collected all kinds of objects, especially colored plastic objects, which the researchers speculatively attribute to the fact that her father had let her play with plastic food containers at the time. She didn't seem to care if it was toys or ordinary containers that she was collecting. She was particularly interested in beach buckets. During the first few months of her stay, she could be soothed with one of these items if she had tantrums.

After a few weeks, Genie was able to respond more quickly to signals from other people and shortly afterwards began listening to others speak, but remained expressionless. It was unclear whether she was more responsive to verbal or non-verbal cues. Shortly thereafter, Genie showed clear responses to non-verbal cues so that her non-verbal communication skills developed exceptionally quickly. A month after her stay, she began making contact with trusted adults, first with Kent and later with other hospital staff. She was obviously happy to have someone close to her visit and tried to keep that person with her. If that person left Genie, he was expressing disappointment, but in return his greetings were forceful. After the state dropped the charges against Genie's mother, Genie visited her twice a week, and after a few months they got along better.

At the same time, it was noticed that Genie took pleasure in dropping or destroying small objects and found amusement in other people doing the same with objects she had played with. Kent wrote that she was repeating a certain series of actions over and over to seemingly relieve tension , and suggested that she did so to gain control over her traumatic childhood experiences. She was also inspired by classical piano music, which the researchers attributed to the fact that Genie could already hear a little piano music in her childhood. She did not have the same reaction when someone played non-classical music on recordings, and then wanted to swap the sheet of music for a book that contained pieces she liked.

By December 1970, Genie was viewed by Kent and other hospital staff working with Genie as a potential subject of study for a case study. That month, David Rigler received a small grant from the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) to conduct preliminary studies on Genie, so he began organizing a research team to apply for additional grants. In January 1971, the team carried out so-called Gesell Developmental Schedules , which had been developed by Arnold Gesell and his colleagues to determine the stage of development and thus the age of development. They found that Genie was the developmental age of a 1 to 3 year old child, although it already showed significant developmental differences. The following month, Genie was examined by psychologists Jeanne Block and her husband Jack Block, and the resulting credit points ranged from developmental status below a 2 to 3 year old to, based on some specific aspects, a 12 to 13 year old. Around the same time, doctors noticed that Genie took an interest in other people when they were talking, and she tried to mimic the noises made when they spoke.

In April and May 1971, Genie's credit points on the International Performance Scale (an intelligence test ) had risen sharply with an overall developmental status of a typical 4-year-old and 9-month-old child, but with regard to individual aspects it showed a wide variation . She made rapid linguistic progress, and doctors noticed that she had quite an advanced categorization of objects and situations with a focus on object properties that is to some extent uncommon in children. When Los Angeles was hit by a small earthquake around the same time, she ran into the kitchen and verbalized something to the chefs in the hospital, marking the first time that she wanted to find comfort in other people and that she was even ready to to verbalize something. However, she still found it difficult to move into large crowds. She was so scared at her birthday party that David Rigler had to take her out to calm her down.

During Genie's later hospital stay, she participated in physical activities with adults and enjoyed hugging others and being hugged herself. She continued to show frustration and outbursts of anger, but only in response to situations that would have triggered a similar response in other younger children. She could sulk for a long time as well, even though she had already been given an item she liked. In April 1971, Genie attacked another girl because she felt the girl was wearing her hospital gown, showing for the first time that she had developed a sense of ownership over things she believed were her own, even if she really didn't care. It was also the first time she had turned her anger outward without stopping to hurt herself when she was angry.

Brain exams

The Salk Institute for Biological Studies in California, where the data from Genie's first brain examination was evaluated.

Starting in January 1971, scientists carried out a series of neurolinguistic tests on Genie to determine and observe the course and extent of their intellectual development, making Genie the first child without language acquisition to undergo a detailed brain examination. Genie's entire brain was physically intact, and Shurley's sleep studies found that her sleep patterns were typical of a person with a dominant left hemisphere , which led the scientists to suspect that she was right-handed. In the years that followed, several tests were able to confirm the conclusion regarding their handedness , as had already been observed in everyday situations. Based on early tests, doctors at the time suspected that her right brain was dominant.

In early March 1971, neuroscientists Ursula Bellugi and Edward Klima from the Salk Institute for Biological Studies arrived to conduct their own series of brain tests on Genie. Audiometric tests confirmed that Genie had normal hearing in both ears, and in a series of dichotic hearing tests , Genie was able to detect speech sounds with 100% accuracy in her left ear, but in her right ear detected the sounds at a statistically insignificant level (i.e. , she probably replied by chance). Such severe functional asymmetries , which the test results showed, only had patients with a split brain or those who underwent a hemispherectomy in adulthood . In monaural tests (one ear only) for speech and other sounds, Genie was able to hear what was normal in both ears with 100% accuracy. In dichotic hearing tests for other sounds, she tended to use her left ear for detection, which is typical of a right-handed person, so the researchers were able to rule out the possibility that the dominant hemisphere was reversed only for speech sounds, as it was for other sounds too was true.

Based on the results, Bellugi and Klima believed that Genie initially evolved into a typical right-handed woman until her father began isolating her. They explained the functional asymmetries of their hemispheres by saying that as a child, sensory integration took place exclusively on the basis of visual and tactile sensory impressions, with right-handed people mainly integrating in the right hemisphere. Although these stimuli were minimal, they were still sufficient to cause lateralization to the right hemisphere. Therefore, they suspected that Genie never had any lateralization of language production due to the lack of dealing with language during childhood . Ever since Genie was able to accurately distinguish speech sounds with their right hemisphere, they concluded that the lateralization of speech production occurred in the right hemisphere.

Increasing research interest

Victor of Aveyron, circa 1800.

At the time of Genie's admission to Children's Hospital Los Angeles, there was widespread discussion among lay and academic circles about the hypothesis of Noam Chomsky , now Professor Emeritus of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), who believed that language is innate in humans and thus humans are different from animals, and on the hypothesis of Eric Heinz Lenneberg , a former US neurologist and linguist born in Germany who hypothesized in 1967 that humans have a critical period for Have language acquisition and end the critical period at the onset of puberty. Lenneberg also gives a starting point of two years. According to Lenneberg, the time between the second year of life and the beginning of puberty coincides with the process of lateralization of the brain, with which the specialization of the dominant hemisphere of the brain in relation to linguistic functions takes place. Thus, a given whole (latent language structure) can be differentiated through transformations, whereby the child does not learn individual sounds , but global patterns and structures, which are then further differentiated.

While there was interest in testing these hypotheses, there was no way to test them prior to Genie's discovery. There are ancient and medieval texts on language deprivation experiments, but these are not carried out today for ethical reasons. Coincidentally, the film was The Wild Child of François Truffaut , the life of Victor of Aveyron in the years immediately after its discovery and the efforts of the doctor Jean Itard is to teach him a first language and to integrate him into society, a week after genius rescue premiered in the United States. The film was a huge hit and increased public interest in children exposed to extreme abuse or isolation.

Due to the increasing interest in research, David Rigler led a team of scientists who applied for and subsequently received a three-year grant from the NIMH in May 1971. At the suggestion of Jean Butler, who was working as a special educator for genius at the hospital, they watched the film The Wolf Boy when they first met, and the scientists later said the film had an immediate and profound effect on them. The large number of suggestions for working with Genie made it difficult to give the suggestions a unified direction. To the surprise of some scholars who attended the funding meetings, David Rigler decided that the primary focus should be on examining Chomsky and Lenneberg's hypotheses and chose Victoria Fromkin, a former US professor of linguistics at UCLA, to lead the language Rating by genius. The research team planned to continue to conduct regular assessments of Genie's psychological development in various aspects of life. Since her admission to Children's Hospital, researchers had tried to hide genius' identity, and it was around this time that she was given the pseudonym "genius" due to the jinn ( anglicized to genius ) coming out of an oil lamp without having a childhood and due to their sudden appearance in society after their rescue.

Beginning research

Shortly after the NIMH had accepted the grant proposal, Susan Curtiss began as a PhD student in late May 1971 her dissertation to write about the case genius psycholinguistic perspective under Victoria Fromkin and met for the rest of the stay of genius in the hospital almost every day with her. Curtiss quickly recognized Genie's advanced nonverbal skills and wrote that complete strangers often bought her something because they sensed that she wanted something and these gifts were always the objects that she found most joyful in. Curtiss concluded that Genie had learned a considerable amount of language, but it was not yet at a usable level. So she decided to get to know Genie better for the next few months and to win their friendship. By the following month, she and Genie had developed a bond with each other.

Around the same time Curtiss began her work, Genie was again assessed with the Head of the International Performance Scale and the Stanford-Binet test (verbal intelligence test), according to which her mental development status between a 5 and 8 year old was rated as strong Scatter with regard to individual aspects. Researchers hypothesized that Genie used her gestalt perception to count the number of objects in a group, so at the beginning of the case study she could identify the correct number of up to seven objects using her gestalt perception. Child psychologist David Elkind, who took part in the funding meeting, assessed genius in May 1971 and stated that it was already in the stage of concrete operational intelligence according to Piaget's developmental model and that it possessed skills such as object permanence and delayed imitation (according to Piaget). Genie's physical health and stamina had also improved. In contrast, their social behavior continued to be that of an unsocialized person, and doctors were concerned that Genie rarely interacted with their peers. However, the evaluations of their test results showed an optimistic prognosis.

First nursing home

In June 1971, Jean Butler, a special educator, was allowed to take Genie on day trips to her home in Country Club Park , Los Angeles. After one of these trips, Butler informed the Children's Hospital at the end of the month that she (Butler) might have had rubella and thus infected Genie. So she demanded that she be given custody of Genie, but hospital staff questioned the truth of her story and were reluctant to put custody in her hands. Hospital staff suspected that Butler, with her supposedly made-up story, wanted to take over the guardianship of Genie and thus become her primary caregiver. On Butler's advice that if she were to become ill, staying in a special isolation unit could potentially harm Genie's social and psychological development, the Butler staff ultimately agreed that Genie's home should be quarantined . Jean Butler, who was childless, unmarried and single at the time, then applied for custody of Genie and, despite objections from Children's Hospital, the authorities extended Genie's stay with Butler while they were still on the case.

Butler's observations

After Genie moved in with Butler, Butler noticed the first signs of Genie entering puberty and a drastic improvement in her physical health. It was also proof that their language acquisition continued after the critical period for language acquisition proposed by Lenneberg. Butler observed and documented that Genie collected dozen of liquid containers and kept them in her room. Also, Butler couldn't explain why Genie was so scared of cats and dogs after seeing it on a date with a University of Southern California psychology professor emeritus. To overcome Genie's fears, she watched the television series Lassie (1954–1973) with her and gave her a battery-powered toy dog. Butler wrote that she eventually got along with fenced dogs, but made no progress with cats.

Butler noted in her diary that Genie no longer attacked herself during fits of anger and had learned to direct her anger outward, either verbally or by hitting objects. Soon after Genie moved in with Butler, she became significantly more talkative and made greater progress in language acquisition. In a letter to Jay Shurley in early August 1971, Butler wrote that the psychology professor emeritus she was dating also confirmed that geniuses had improved language skills. After a while, Genie's incontinence improved too, until it was almost entirely continent by the end of her stay .

Custody battle

By the time Genie moved in with Butler, her mother had cataract surgery that restored most of her eyesight so she could visit Genie more often. By moving in during Genie's stay with Butler, the retired psychology professor who Butler had dated many times, she believed that it could make her pending care request more attractive by offering a two-parent home. The research team investigating Genie also began visiting her at Butler's house, something Butler increasingly loathed, believing they were overwhelming Genie and pejoratively referred to the team as "Team Genie," which continued for a long time. Butler appeared to have an aversion to James Kent and Susan Curtiss, which prevented the two from visiting Genie in the final months of their stay with Butler. Butler also seemed to have arguments with David Rigler, but after Rigler these were never as personal and heated as Butler portrayed them.

Researchers suspect Butler had good intentions but criticized her unwillingness to collaborate with the research team, which could potentially have negatively impacted Genie's mentoring and the case study. The research team vehemently denied Butler's claims, asserting that Genie never felt overwhelmed and that she always had the opportunity to take breaks. Curtiss and Kent also protested and denied Butler's allegations. The research team increasingly distanced themselves from Butler on the grounds that they had the reputation of a belligerent person among their co-workers and superiors. Curtiss and Howard Hansen and other scientists also clashed with the alleged statement made by Butler that genius would make them famous and Curtiss in particular remembered that Butler wanted to be the next Anne Sullivan , a former teacher of blind children.

In mid-August, California authorities informed Butler that they had denied her application for custody of Genie. What influence, and whether at all, the Children's Hospital had on the decision of the California authorities is unclear, since according to David Rigler, despite previous objections from the scientists, the Children's Hospital had not done anything beforehand and the decision of the authorities surprised him. After Nova - documentation about genius, the Children's Hospital had that Butler inappropriately care affect the rejection of Butler's request, as several people were in the hospital management, including Hansen, the view is genius and was one of the hospital policy that hospital staff not Could become foster parents for patients. Butler felt the hospital had acted in favor of the scientists, so further research on Genie should be done in a more convenient location. She wrote that when she was informed of the decision, Genie was extremely upset and said, "No, no, no."

Second nursing home

In early August, Hansen Rigler had proposed that Genie be taken into custody if the authorities reject Butler's request. Rigler initially turned down the idea, but then decided to talk to his wife Marilyn about it. Marilyn had completed training as a social worker and recently a degree in human development (Engl. Human development ) completed. She had previously worked in kindergartens and head-start programs. The Riglers had three teenage children, which later led Jay Shurley to say that the Riglers were better suited to caring for genius than butlers. They eventually decided that if no one else did, they would be willing to take care of Genie temporarily until another suitable nursing home became available. Rigler acknowledged that the proposed arrangement would put him in multiple roles as a therapist and a genius as a client ( dual relationship ), but the Children's Hospital and the authorities ultimately decided, in the absence of other reasonable options, that the Riglers were given temporary custody of Genie.

The same day Genie returned to Children's Hospital, the Riglers had the girl taken to their Los Feliz home . David Rigler said that he and his wife originally intended to enter into an agreement to stay Genius for a maximum of three months. Ultimately, Genie stayed with them for almost four years. When Genie moved in with the Riglers, Marilyn became their teacher. David Rigler decided to take on the role of James Kent of the primary therapist and the research team immediately resumed the observations and evaluations. The Riglers remained Genie's foster parents during this time, and in 1972, with the approval of Genie's mother and her psychologist, the authorities selected John Miner as a further legal guardian without reimbursement for Genie.

Relationship with her mother

While Genie lived with the Riglers, her mother usually met her once a week in a park or restaurant and their relationship grew closer. Although the Riglers never disliked Genie's mother, their efforts to be polite to her seemed inadvertently condescending, and years later Marilyn Rigler said she was uncomfortable as Genie's foster mother in her house with Genie's biological Mother having to be together. With the exception of Jay Shurley, who later said he felt the other scientists were not treating her as equals, Genie's mother did not have a good relationship with the scientists, some of whom in turn disliked her due to her apathy in Genie's childhood . Scientists speculated that Genie's mother was largely aloof from them, reminding her of her inaction to stand by her young child, and David Rigler continued to suspect that she was denying Genie's condition and complicity in it to herself. Curtiss wrote that Genie's mother often made contradicting statements about her married life and Genie's childhood, apparently saying what people wanted to hear, leading the research team to speculate that she was not telling the truth for fear of judgment or exclusion.

Jean Butler, who, shortly after Genie left her house, used her married name “Ruch” as a surname, stayed in contact with Genie's mother. Although Genie's mother later recalled that most of their conversations had been superficial during this time, they continued to get along very well. During Genie's stay with the Riglers, Ruch persistently accused the researchers of running harmful tests, deliberately pushing her mother out of her life, and abusing the available grant, which the research team consistently and emphatically denied. More and more, Genie's mother began to obey Ruch's instructions and eventually got the feeling that the research team was marginalizing her .

Tests and observations

behavior

For no apparent reason, Genie's incontinence reappeared immediately and was especially severe in the first few weeks after moving in with the Riglers, but then remained at a lower level for several months. Contrary to Butler's notes, the Riglers observed that Genie was still focusing her anger on herself, and found that certain situations, such as spilling liquid from containers, made her feel tantrum, which the doctors suspected she was for such Mishaps had been punished. The Riglers also wrote that Genie was very afraid of her dog and, when she first saw him, immediately ran away and hid. The research team also found that Genie's speech was much more halting and hesitant than Ruch had described, and noted that Genie spoke very rarely and almost always used one-word utterances for the first three months of their stay , unless she saw something that startled her. Both her speech and behavior exhibited a large lag for no clear reason, often delayed for several minutes, and she still showed no response to temperatures. She continued to find it very difficult to control her impulses and she was frequently involved in highly antisocial and destructive behaviors.

Shortly after Genie moved in, Marilyn Rigler taught her to vent her frustrations by generally having "a fit of anger." Because Genie wanted compliments on how she looked, Marilyn started painting Genie's fingernails, telling her that scratching herself doesn't look good. Whenever situations arose that particularly annoyed Genie, Marilyn tried to verbally reassure her. Genie gradually gained more control over her responses and was able to verbally express her frustration when prompted, although she never completely stopped having tantrums or harming herself. Occasionally she could even point out the level of her anger. Depending on whether she was very angry or just frustrated, she either shook a finger vigorously or gently waved her hand away.

Although the reason for Genie's fear of cats and dogs was not yet known, the Riglers used their puppy for fear management and after about two weeks she completely overcame her fear of her puppy, but was still very afraid of unknown cats and dogs. Marilyn Rigler worked with Genie to overcome her persistent chewing and swallowing difficulties, which took about four months. She also tried to help Genie better adjust to her body's sensations, and in late 1973 Curtiss documented the first case of Genie exhibiting sensitivity to temperature. Although Curtiss and the Riglers thought Genie consciously only did the least, their physical health improved significantly throughout their stay.

At first, Genie usually didn't listen to anyone unless someone spoke directly to her or Curtiss played classical music on the piano. And even when someone spoke to her, she almost never took notice of the other person and usually left after a while. To get Genie to listen to other people, Curtiss began reading children's stories to her and at first she didn't seem interested, but one day in mid-October 1971 Curtiss saw that Genie was listening to her clearly and responding to her. After that, she paid attention to people, even if they weren't talking to or about them directly. She got a little more sociable with people and reacted a little quicker, although often she still didn't show any obvious signs that she was listening to someone. Her responses to most stimuli became quicker, but even at the end of her stay it sometimes took a few minutes before she gave someone an answer.

After living with the Riglers for several months, Genie's behavior and social skills improved to the point where she was able to attend kindergarten and then a public school for mentally retarded children her age. The Riglers also taught her some basic everyday skills, including simple tasks like ironing, using a sewing machine, and preparing simple meals. She made significant strides in her self-control both at home and in public, and while it was extremely difficult to prevent her socially inappropriate masturbation, by the end of her stay with the Riglers she had almost completely ceased to do so. In February 1973, Curtiss first documented that Genie shared something with her, and while she continued to take things away from other people, her responses made it clear that she knew she shouldn't.

During Genie's stay with the Riglers, everyone who worked with her reported that her mood improved significantly and that she was clearly satisfied with her life. As late as June 1975, David Rigler wrote that Genie continued to make significant progress in all areas studied, and Curtiss' reports expressed optimism about Genie's social development. Even so, most social interactions with herself remained of abnormal quality in mid-1975. The researchers wrote that while their general behavior and interactions with others improved significantly, many aspects of their behavior remained characteristic of an unsocialized person.

language

Curtiss began researching their language skills in October 1971, following their decision with Fromkin that geniuses would have sufficient language skills to produce useful results. Linguists developed tests to measure both Genie's vocabulary and their acquisition of various grammatical skills, including syntax , phonology, and morphology . They continued to observe Genie in everyday conversations to determine what pragmatic language skills she had acquired. The research team considered their social integration as the main goal of the research project, and language acquisition was essential for this. Although the team wanted to investigate the extent to which Genie could learn certain words and grammar on their own, sometimes out of a sense of duty they stepped in to assist them.

During the linguistic research, Genie's vocabulary size and the speed at which she expanded it continued to exceed expectations. By mid-1975 she was able to name most of the objects she encountered and clearly knew more words than she used regularly. In contrast, Genie had far greater difficulty learning and using basic grammar. She had a clear command of certain grammar principles and her passive understanding consistently stayed well ahead of her language production, but the speed of her grammar acquisition was far slower than normal and resulted in an unusually large inequality between her vocabulary and her grammar. In everyday conversations, Genie usually spoke only in brief utterances and used the grammar inconsistently, although their use of the grammar in imitation remained significantly better and their ability to communicate improved significantly during their stay, but remained very weak. The scientists found this unsurprisingly and saw this as evidence that the ability to enter into a conversation is fundamentally different from the ability to understand a language.

In many cases, scientists used Genie's language development to assess their overall psychological condition. For example, Genie kept confusing the pronouns you and me (pronomial inversion) and often said "Mama love you" while pointing at herself, which Curtiss attributed to a sign of Genie's inability to distinguish who she was from who someone else was . In particular, the researchers found that she often understood conceptual information even when she lacked the grammar to express it. They wrote that during congruent phases of language acquisition, she had better cognitive skills than most children. In some cases, learning a new language skill played a direct role in encouraging their development. At the time Genie was learning to say "May I have" as a ritual phrase, she was also learning how to handle money, and Curtiss wrote that this phrase gave Genie the opportunity to ask for payment and theirs Desire to make money increased. As a result, Genie now took a more active role in performing activities that would result in reward.

At the beginning of the test, Genie's voice was still extremely high and soft, which linguists believed was part of their abnormal expressive language, and the scientists were working to make it suitable for everyday use. Her voice gradually got deeper and louder, although it remained unusually high and quiet at times. She started to articulate words better. Nonetheless, it constantly deleted its tones ( phoneme deletion ) or the tones were replaced ( phoneme substitution ), which is why they could hardly be understood. Scientists believed that Genie was often unaware of her pronunciation, occasionally generating haplologies that were clearly intentional, and only spoke more clearly when specifically asked to do so. Curtiss explained the latter by saying that Genie wanted to say as little as possible and still be understood. Finally convinced Curtiss and Marilyn Rigler genius lay their Haplologien, yet they continue to put out sounds whenever this was possible, which meant that linguists them as "the Great abbreviator" (in German the big Abkürzer designated).

Concurrent with the case study, various papers showed that Genie learned new vocabulary and grammar skills throughout their stay with the Riglers, and that the researchers were differently optimistic about their potential. Even so, in mid-1975 there were still many language skills that she had not acquired. Although she could understand and produce longer utterances, she still spoke mainly in short sentences like “Ball belong hospital”. Despite the significant increase in Genie's conversational skills, the scientists wrote that their proficiency remained very low compared to normal people. Curtiss and Fromkin finally concluded that since Genie had not learned a mother tongue before the critical phase was over, she could not acquire a full language.

Memory of past events

Sometime between early and mid-1972 the Riglers heard Genie say to himself, “Father hit big stick. Father is angry. ”Which showed that she could talk about her life before she started learning a language. Until the end of her stay with the Riglers, she kept saying "Father hit" to herself and before Genie understood the concept of death through the Riglers, she kept asking where her father was for fear that he would bring her back. Although she didn't talk to others about her childhood often, she gave valuable information to the researchers and they tried to get Genie to tell them as much as possible. As she progressed in language learning, she gradually began to talk in more detail about her father and how he treated her.

“Father hit arm. Big wood. Genie cry […]. Not spit. Father. Hit face — spit. Father hit big stick. Father is angry. Father hit Genie big stick. Father take piece wood hit. Cry. Father make me cry. Father is dead. "

Nonverbal communication

In contrast to her language skills, Genie's non-verbal communication was largely more advanced. She invented her own system of gestures and mimicked certain words as she said them. She used gestures to express events that she could not express in language. At first she only drew pictures when someone asked her to, but during her stay with the Riglers she started drawing to communicate when she couldn't explain something in words. In addition to her own drawings, she often used images from magazines to relate to everyday experiences. In particular, she started drawing after encountering things that frightened her for some reason. The scientists have never been able to determine the reason for this. Sometime in mid-1972, Marilyn noticed a magazine picture of a wolf terrified Genie, and the Rigler's Geniuses asked mother if she knew a possible reason for the reaction. She then informed them that her husband had acted like a dog to intimidate Genius, and this made it clear to scientists for the first time the reason for their fear.

During Genie's stay, the scientists saw how often and effectively she used her non-verbal skills, but they could never determine which actions Genie took to elicit strong reactions in other people. David Rigler vividly recalled one situation when he and Genie passed a father and boy who were not talking to each other. The boy who was carrying a toy fire engine suddenly turned around and gave this vehicle to Genie. Curtiss also remembered a situation when she and Genie had stopped at an intersection and suddenly heard someone emptying his purse. She turned to see a woman pull up at the intersection and get out of her car to give Genie a plastic handbag, although Genie hadn't said anything. In order to take full advantage of Genie's non-verbal communication skills, the Riglers arranged for her to learn some form of sign language in 1974.

Brain exams continued

Language tests

From the fall of 1971, linguists led by Curtiss, Victoria Fromkin and Stephen Krashen , who was also one of Fromkins' PhD students at the time, regularly conducted dichotic hearing tests on Genie until 1973. Their results consistently confirmed the initial results of Ursula Bellugi and Edward Klima. The researchers therefore concluded that Genie acquired language in the right hemisphere and definitely ruled out the possibility that Genie's language lateralization was just flipped. Due to the lack of physiological problems with left hemisphere geniuses, they believed that abnormal neurological activity in their left hemisphere - which they speculated this abnormal activity was from their stunted speech center - blocked all speech reception in their right ear, but non-speech sounds not blocked.

Linguists also performed several brain exams specifically designed to measure Genie's understanding of speech. On such a test, she had no difficulty giving the correct meaning of sentences with familiar homophones , which showed that her passive understanding was significantly better than her expressive language. Genie was also very good at identifying rhymes, both tasks that split-brain patients and left hemispherectomy patients had previously performed well in adulthood. During these tests, an electroencephalogram consistently recorded more activity from the two electrodes over the right hemisphere than from those over the normal areas of Broca's area and Wernicke's center, and found particularly high activity in the anterior cingulate cortex (anterior part of the cingulate gyrus ), which supported the researchers' conclusion that Genie was using her right hemisphere to learn language.

Additional tests

Curtiss, Fromkin, and Krashen continued to measure Genie's mental age by a variety of methods, and Genie's results consistently showed an extremely high degree of variation. Their mental age was measured significantly higher in tests that did not require language, such as the Head of the International Performance Scale , than in tests with language components such as the verbal part of the Hamburg-Wechsler intelligence test for children and the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test . During Genie's stay with the Riglers, they also tested a variety of their brain functions and their performance in various tasks. For these they mainly used tachistoscopic tests, and in 1974 and 1975 they also did a series of evoked potential tests .

As early as 1972, Genie achieved a result for all tasks in the right hemisphere that corresponds to an age between an 8-year-old and an adult, which was a clear improvement on the previous test. Her ability to compose objects using only tactile information was exceptionally good, and her performance scores on spatial awareness tests were reported to be the highest ever recorded. Similarly, in May 1975, the Mooney Face Test had the highest score ever documented in the medical literature at the time, and on a separate gestalt perception test, her extrapolated adult score was in the 95th percentile. On further tests that claimed her right hemisphere, her results were significantly better than those of other people who were in the same phase of mental development. In 1977, the scientists measured their ability to stereognosis (ability simply by palpation to detect objects) that was approximately at the level of a typical 10-year-olds and thus significantly higher than was estimated her mental age. Scientists also found in 1974 that Genie seemed to recognize the place it was and was good at getting from one place to another, which is a skill that primarily affects the right hemisphere.

Genie's performance on these tests led the scientists to believe that their brain had lateralized and that their right hemisphere had specialized. Since Genie's performance was fairly high on a wide variety of tasks involving primarily the right brain, they concluded that her extraordinary abilities extended to typical right brain functions and were not specific to a single task. They attributed their extreme right hemisphere dominance to the fact that the very little cognitive stimulation they experienced in their childhood was almost entirely visual and tactile. Although even this was extremely slight, it was sufficient that there was lateralization in her right hemisphere, and the severe imbalance in stimulation caused her right hemisphere to develop extraordinarily.

In contrast, Genie performed significantly below average and had much slower progress on all tests that predominantly performed tasks from the left hemisphere. Stephen Krashen wrote that two years after Genie's first study, its results for tasks that occupied the left hemisphere were consistently the same as a 2.5 to 3 year old and only showed an improvement of 1.5 years. In sequential order tests, she consistently scored well below average compared to people with a completely intact brain, although she did slightly better on visual tests than on auditory tests. Specifically, the scientists found that she didn't start counting until late 1972, and did so in an extremely tedious manner. In January 1972, her state of development after Raven's matrix test was in the 50th percentile for 8.5- to 9-year-olds, although they found it to be outside the age range of the test design. When the scientists ran Knox Cube Imitation Tests in 1973 and 1975 , Genie's score, which was equivalent to a 6-year-old, improved to a score equivalent to a 7.5-year-old, which was faster than their progress with the language but significantly slower than the progress was with tasks that occupied the right hemisphere.

However, there were some tasks that were predominantly controlled by the right hemisphere that Genie did not perform well on. In October 1975, she reached the limit level in the Memory for Designs test , although she did not make the mistakes typical of patients with brain damage. In addition, Genie's scores on the Benton test and a related facial recognition test were far lower than the average scores for people without brain damage. Although these were in contrast to observations made by Genie in everyday situations, the researchers wrote that they expected these results. Curtiss' explanation was that these tasks likely required the use of both hemispheres and, therefore, that these would be very difficult for Genie, since she only used her right hemisphere.

Early adulthood

During the course of the case study, the NIMH raised concerns on several occasions about the lack of scientific data obtained by researchers from the case study and the disorganized state of the project records. Outside of the linguistic aspect of the research, David Rigler had not clearly defined the scope of the study, and both the extremely large size and incoherence of the research team's data did not allow the scientists to draw any conclusions from the information they had gathered. After the first grant and a one-year extension, Rigler proposed an additional three-year extension. The NIMH Grants Committee acknowledged that the study had clearly benefited Genie, but concluded that the research team had failed to adequately address the NIMH's concerns. In a unanimous decision, the committee rejected the application for extension and stopped further funding.

In 1975, when Genie turned 18, her mother declared that she wanted to take care of her, and in mid-1975 the Riglers decided to end foster parenting and agreed to let Genie move back in with their mother in their parents' home. John Miner remained Genie's legal guardian and the Riglers offered to continue providing Genius. Despite the termination of the NIMH grant, Curtiss continued to conduct regular tests and observations. While they lived together, Genie's mother found many of Genie's behaviors, particularly her lack of self-control, very distressing, and after a few months her mother felt overwhelmed by the task of caring for Genie. She then contacted the California Department of Health to find care for Genie, which David Rigler said she had done without his or Marilyn's knowledge, and in late 1975 the authorities turned Genie into the first of a series of nursing homes.

The environment in Genie's new home was extremely rigid, giving her far less access to her favorite objects and activities. Her carers rarely allowed her mother to visit her. Shortly after she moved in, she was subjected to extreme physical and emotional abuse, causing both incontinence and constipation to re-emerge and revert to her defense mechanisms so that she remained still and expressionless. The incident with one of Genie's greatest influences came when the carers hit Genie violently for vomiting, telling her that if she did that she would never see her mother again, thereby fearing vomiting and further punishment Mouth no longer opened. As a result, she was very afraid to eat and speak, withdrew more and more into herself and now relied almost exclusively on sign language for communication. During this time, Curtiss was the only person who continued to have regular contact with Genie. She continued to hold weekly meetings to continue her testing, and noted Genie's extreme deterioration in health. She immediately filed a motion that Genie could no longer stay in this home, but Curtiss said both she and social services had difficulty contacting John Miner, which was only possible after a few months. In late April 1977, Miner got Genie out of the nursing home with the help of David Rigler.

Based on Genie's previous treatment, Miner and David Rigler arranged for her to stay at Children's Hospital for two weeks, where her condition improved moderately. Authorities then moved Genie to another nursing home where she was doing pretty well, but in mid-December 1977 the arrangement suddenly ended. Genie lived in temporary accommodation from late December to early January, after which time authorities moved her to another nursing home. During this time Curtiss wrote to Miner that Genie did not understand the reasons for her move and believed it was her fault for not being a good person. Curtiss also noted that the frequency with which genius' circumstances changed continued to traumatize them, causing continued regression in their development.

Legal proceedings

In 1976 Curtiss completed her PhD thesis entitled Genius: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" and published it the following year by Academic Press . Prior to that time, Genie's mother allegedly viewed Genie and Curtiss as friends, but in early 1978 she wrote that she was very offended by the title and some of the content of Curtiss' dissertation. She decided to sue Children's Hospital, her therapists, her superiors, and some of the researchers, including Curtiss, Rigler, James Kent, and Howard Hansen. Privately, she denied some of the details in Curtiss' dissertation about how her family treated Genie during her childhood. There was no official complaint, instead she announced a breach of patient confidentiality on the part of the research team and accused the team that the investigations allegedly had priority over Genie's well-being, that their privacy had been violated and that Genie had been overwhelmed.

Regional media immediately reported the lawsuit and members of the research team were shocked to learn about it. All of the scientists named in the lawsuit firmly believed that they had never forced Genie to do anything, claimed that Genie's mother and her lawyers had grossly exaggerated the length and nature of their tests, and denied any breach of confidentiality. While David Rigler his sworn testimony (Engl. Deposition ) gave, he noted that Jean Butler Ruch geniuses have encouraged mother to an action, and a few years later confirmed the lawyers who had worked for geniuses mother in an interview that Ruch strongly influenced the attitude of Genie's mother in the course of the lawsuit. According to author Russ Rymer, the lawsuit was resolved in 1984. In 1993 David Rigler wrote:

"[T] he case never came to trial. It was dismissed by the Superior Court of the State of California 'with prejudice', meaning that because it was without substance it can never be refiled again. "

“The case never came up for trial. It has been 'legally rejected' by the California Supreme Court, which means that because it was devoid of substance it can never be re-submitted. "

1978 until today

In late December 1977, Susan Curtiss had been asked if she could be Genie's legal guardian, but after meeting with Genie's January 3, 1978, Genie's mother suddenly stopped allowing her and the rest of the research team to see Genie and stopped immediately all tests and examinations. In early 1978, authorities determined that after Genie was 18 years old, John Miner did not update his legal guardian status from the underage Genie to her parent's status as an adult unable to care for herself would have. Without consulting Miner, the authorities officially transferred the guardianship of Genie to her mother on March 30, 1978, who subsequently prohibited all scientists except Jay Shurley from seeing her or Genie. Jean Butler Ruch stayed in touch with Genie's mother and continued to spread rumors about Genie's condition and that Curtiss was responsible. In 1986, Ruch suffered a stroke and now suffered from aphasia . Ruch died in 1988 after another stroke.

From January 1978 through the early 1990s, Genie was placed in at least four other nursing homes and facilities, some of which have exposed her to extreme physical abuse and harassment. Shurley saw her on her 27th birthday in 1984, and again two years later. He later stated in an interview that Genie had hardly spoken and that he appeared depressed and withdrawn. When Rymer published a two-part article on genius in The New Yorker magazine in April of that year , he wrote that she lived in an institution and only saw her mother one weekend a month, as he did in the first issue of his 1993 Book entitled Genius: A Scientific Tragedy . The epilogue to the 1994 edition of Rymer's book on Genie, published in November 1993, contained detailed conversations with Genie's mother, who had since gone blind from glaucoma , shortly before and after his magazine articles were published. At the time, she told him that Genie had recently moved to a better nursing home that allowed regular visits and said that Genie was happy and, although difficult to understand, significantly more talkative.

Several people who worked with genius, including Curtiss and James Kent, harshly criticized Rmer's works. A late April 1993 New York Times review of Rmer's book by science journalist Natalie Angier, which the research team found extremely negative, led David Rigler to write a letter to the New York Times . In that letter, published in mid-June 1993, he made his first public account of his involvement in Genie's case, stating that Genie's doing well and living in a small, private facility where her mother would visit her regularly. He also stated that he and his wife, Marilyn, had contacted Genie's mother and recently contacted Genie again. He wrote that Genie was happy and that she immediately greeted him and Marilyn by name on their first visit, stating that he and his wife had resumed their (now rare) visits to Genie and her mother.

Genie, who lives in an undisclosed location in Los Angeles, is currently under the ward of the state of California . In two articles published in May 2008 reported ABC News , that someone who spoke on condition of anonymity with them and hired a private investigator, did genius in 2000 identified. According to the investigator, she lives a simple lifestyle in a small, private facility for mentally underdeveloped adults and appeared to be happy. Genie supposedly only spoke a few words, but could still communicate quite well in sign language. The news also said that Genie's mother died of natural causes in 2003, aged 87. The report also contained the only public interview with Genie's brother, who was then living in Ohio and told about his and Genie's life. He told reporters that since leaving Los Angeles in 1982, he had only visited Genie and their mother once and refused to see or read anything about Genie's life until shortly before the interview. He recently heard that Genie is fine. A July 2016 story by journalist Rory Carroll in The Guardian newspaper reported that Genie was still in state custody. Her brother died in 2011 and Susan Curtiss was unable to re-establish contact with Genie despite repeated efforts.

meaning

Genie's case study is one of the best-known case studies of language acquisition in a child with delayed language development, aside from studies in deaf children. Susan Curtiss argued that even if humans have the innate ability to learn a language, the Genie case study demonstrates the need for early speech stimulation in the left brain to foster that ability. Since Genie never fully mastered grammar, Curtiss stated that Genie provided evidence for a weaker variant of the critical period hypothesis. Genie's non-verbal skills were exceptionally good, showing that even non-verbal communication was fundamentally different from language. Because Genie's right-brain language acquisition took place, the course of language acquisition also helped linguists refine existing hypotheses about the ability to acquire language in the right hemisphere in people after the critical phase.

Since Curtiss' results were published, her arguments have prevailed in the field of linguistics. Many linguistics books have used Genie's case study as an example to illustrate principles of language acquisition, and frequently cite the study in support of Chomsky's hypothesis that language is innate in humans and a modified version of Lenneberg's critical period hypothesis. Curtiss' work with Genie sparked further case studies. In addition, the wide differences between Curtiss' analyzes of Genie's language before and after 1977 sparked a debate among linguists about what grammar skills Genie had acquired and whether she could have acquired more. To date, no one directly involved in Genie's case has responded to this controversy.

Studying Genie's brain helped scientists refine several existing hypotheses about brain lateralization, particularly its effects on language development. In particular, the inequality between Genius' linguistic abilities and their competence in other aspects of human development strongly suggested a separation of cognition and language acquisition, which was a new concept at the time. Their ability to perform certain tasks with the right hemisphere dominant gave scientists valuable information about how certain brain functions develop and how lateralization affects a person's ability to use those brain functions. Genie's difficulties with certain tasks, which are also predominantly dominated by the right hemisphere, also gave neuroscientists more insight into the processes that control these task management functions.

Compared to other cases

The study by Jean Marc Gaspard Itard about Victor of Aveyron had influence on genius research and testing. Likewise, Genie's development had also influenced the perception of Victor and his case study. Historical reports about language deprivation experiments, including reports of language deprivation experiment of Psammetichus I , King James IV. Of Scotland and the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire , Frederick II. , Were also set in comparison to geniuses case. Two ABC News reports on Genie compared their case to the Josef Fritzl case, specifically pointing to similarities between Genie's father and Josef Fritzl and the mental state of Genie and Fritzl's three grandchildren when they entered society. The research team and outside scientists also contrasted Genie with a case from the 1930s in which a girl named Isabelle first came into contact with someone besides her deaf, non-speaking mother at the age of 6, then succeeded in language could acquire and develop completely normal social skills within a year.

Controversy

Scientific controversy

Early reports on Genie expressed mixed opinions about their language acquisition. Curtiss argued in her dissertation that Genie's language still differs significantly from that of most people, but that their language performance often does not reflect their underlying language skills. A 2006 independent review of the Genie case showed that Curtiss' dissertation was overly positive about linguistic progress and prognoses, and that Genie's linguistic abilities had declined by the time the dissertation was completed due to her treatment in the nursing homes. All of Curtiss's reports on Genie's language development that followed after her dissertation confirmed that Genie's vocabulary had grown steadily and that she had mastered basic grammar rules. However, their reports also contained more negative reviews of Genie's language. From these reports Curtiss concluded that despite a basic mastery of the grammar rules, these were not sufficient to enable social integration. In later interviews, Curtiss said that Genie could also convey messages to others without pronouncing full sentences. Russ Rymer wrote, based on conversations with Curtiss and their documents, that as of the summer of 1972, Genie's language skills remained at the same level.

Independent analysis by Peter E. Jones, professor of linguistics at Sheffield Hallam University , showed that Curtiss' earlier reports on language development geniuses, including her dissertation, were more accurate than the later reports made after 1977. He claimed that Curtiss did not provide sufficient evidence in their later reports to support their later conclusions. She neither examined Genie's cited statements in sufficient detail, nor did she interpret them in sufficient detail for later investigations. In some cases, the data obtained from their studies would have contradicted their conclusions. Jones wrote that in none of her works has she suggested or denied reassessing her previous conclusions. Also, Jones wrote that Curtiss did not publish enough information on Genie's language development after mid-1975 to determine which, or if at all, Genie had lost certain grammatical skills. Furthermore, the lack of data after January 1978 contributed to the fact that the extent of the language decline could not be determined by Genie.

Jones pointed out that the relatively small number of utterances that Genie produced made it impossible to draw definitive conclusions. In 1995, he described in a paper that Curtiss' reports on the language development geniuses published after 1977 were hardly based on re-evaluation or reinterpretation of the data, but rather on highly selective and misleading representations of earlier findings. This, in turn, created contradictions between Curtiss' reports published before and after 1977. A definitive assessment of the characteristics and extent of genius' linguistic development is therefore still not possible and requires clarification on the part of Curtiss. Jones maintained his arguments in 2014 and no further external analyzes of the language development genius and Curtiss' works had been published by then. Other works on the Genie case cited Jones's arguments and have similarly challenged Curtiss' later analyzes of Genie's grammar acquisition. Until then, neither Curtiss nor any of the other scientists involved in the Genie case had replied to Jones' arguments.

Ethical controversy

During the funding meetings in May 1971, some scholars, including Jay Shurley and David Elkind, expressed concern that the prevailing research methods used to conduct scientific studies were at the expense of Genie's well-being and could result in Genie's only receiving love and attention as she progressed made in their language development, so it was not unconditional. Shurley said there was strong disagreement during the initial funding meetings and the atmosphere became increasingly tense and bitter, particularly that the later meetings excluded many people who had worked most closely with Genie. After these conversations in May 1971, Elkind declined to continue the study, despite having known the Riglers personally for several years, and years later, in an interview, expressed concern that he did not want to be involved in a case that he believed according to scientific research, priority was given to care rather than geniuses. Realizing that the scientists were in a completely unprecedented situation, Shurley also decided to reduce his involvement in the case study, believing that by the time the study was completed, all scientists, including himself, were responsible for making them genius used as an object to varying degrees and placed their own goals above the good of Genie and her mother.

Kent, Howard Hansen, the Riglers, and Curtiss readily admitted that it was extremely difficult to determine the course of the study, but claimed that any disputes during the sessions were impersonal and typical of scientific discourse. Upon completing the case study, David Rigler said that despite disagreements with Shurley, Shurley's recommendations at the beginning of the case study had been useful in his dealings with Genie and that he had tried to follow them as much as possible. The Riglers and Curtiss went on to state that everyone involved in Genie's life, with the exception of Jean Butler Ruch, had together done their best to facilitate Genie's integration into society. They would never have argued with each other and independently contradicted the allegations that there should have been internal disputes. Ruch never gave a motive for her actions, but members of the research team believed this was due to her anger over the denial of custody as well as her perception that hospital staff influenced the decision. The role of scientists in Genie's case has become a matter of debate within the scientific community.

Some people have also emphasized the lack of distinction between genius caregivers and their therapists. Shurley believed that Ruch was the best caregiver for Genie, and suggested that the Riglers also looked after her appropriately, but viewed her primarily as a test subject. Russ Rymer claimed that the roles of everyone involved in Genie's life became increasingly clear as the case study progressed - with the appointment of John Miner as legal advisor to Genie's mother as a starting point - and that personal friendships prevented those involved from making them Recognize roles. He argued that this compromised Genie's best possible care, as well as her objectivity to the case study, which in turn contributed to the lack of coherence in the case study. Both Rymer and US psychologist Harlan Lane stressed that the appointment of David Rigler as a foster parent hastened the breakdown. Several independent reviews of the Genie case accused the Riglers and the fellow scientists of leaving Genie after the case study was completed.

On several occasions, the Riglers claimed that her home was Genie's best possible option at the time, saying that both she and everyone who worked with her assumed she was fine. They asserted that they loved Genius and had always looked after her in the best possible way, pointing out that she had made significant progress in every aspect of her development throughout her life with the research team. Both the Riglers and Curtiss claimed that Genie's mother prevented them from working with Genie on their own terms. When John Miner represented the Riglers in court in 1977 and 1978, he recognized their willingness to have them foster parents for four years, and when Curtiss spoke to Rymer in the early 1990s, she praised the Riglers' work with Genie and their willingness to take Genie into their home, although Curtiss also felt that the Riglers hadn't done enough when telling them about Genie's abuse in the nursing homes. Justin Leiber argued that the abuse of genius in the nursing homes was largely beyond the control of the scientists and that this was primarily the result of legal and institutional processes related to their placement in the nursing homes.

Literature and film adaptation

Several books on wolf children or abused children contain chapters on genius. In addition, many books on linguistics and psychology cover the genius case in detail. In 1994, the US television show Nova released a documentary about genius entitled Secret of the Wild Child , based on Russ Rymer's book and narrated by Stacy Keach . The film won several Emmy Awards . The scientist footage that Nova used from the case study archives had deteriorated significantly and had to be restored for use in the documentation. In 2002, an episode of the British television series Body Shock about wolf children entitled Wild Child contained a clip about genius. In addition to Rymer's magazine articles and his book on genius, he said that his 2013 novel Paris Twilight was inspired by the life of genius.

The award-winning independent film Mockingbird Don't Sing , released in 2001, is about Genie's fall, primarily from the perspective of Susan Curtiss. For legal reasons, all names in the film have been changed.

literature

• Adriana Sylvia Benzaquén: Encounters with Wild Children: Temptation and Disappointment in the Study of Human Nature. McGill-Queen's University Press, Montreal (Quebec) 2006, ISBN 978-0-7735-2972-4 .
• Derek Bickerton : Language and Species. University of Chicago Press, Chicago (Illinois) 1990, ISBN 978-0-226-04610-5 .
• Lisa J. Brown, Peter E. Jones: Bringing Back the Child: Language Development after Extreme Deprivation. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne 2014, ISBN 978-1-4438-5972-1 .
• Susan Curtiss: Genius: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child". Academic Press, Boston (Massachusetts) 1977, ISBN 978-0-12-196350-7 .
• Susan Curtiss, Victoria A. Fromkin, David Rigler, Marilyn Rigler, Stephen D. Krashen : An update on the linguistic development of Genie. Georgetown University Press, Washington, DC 1975, ISBN 978-0-87840-110-9 .
• Annette MB de Groot: Language and Cognition in Bilinguals and Multilinguals: An Introduction. Psychology Press, New York 2011, ISBN 978-0-203-84122-8 .
• Michael Newton : Savage Girls and Wild Boys. Macmillan Publishers, New York City 2002, ISBN 978-0-312-42335-3 .
• Steven Pinker : The Language Instinct: How The Mind Creates Language. HarperCollins, New York City 2007, ISBN 978-0-06-095833-6 .
• Cecil R. Reynolds, Elaine Fletcher-Janzen: Concise Encyclopedia of Special Education: A Reference for the Education of the Handicapped and Other Exceptional Children and Adults. John Wiley & Sons, Hoboken (New Jersey) 2004, ISBN 978-0-471-65251-9 .
• Russ Rymer: Genius. An Abused Child's Flight from Silence . 1993, ISBN 978-0-06-016910-7
• Russ Rymer: Genius: A Scientific Tragedy. Harper Perennial, New York City 1994, ISBN 978-0-06-016910-7 .
• Russ Rymer: Genius. Escape from a Silent Childhood . 1994, ISBN 978-0-14-017489-2
• Geoffrey Sampson: The 'Language Instinct' Debate: Revised Edition. Continuum Publishing, London 2005, ISBN 978-1-4411-0764-0 .
• Dieter E. Zimmer : Experiments in Life. Haffmans Verlag, Zurich 1989, ISBN 978-3-251-00139-2 , pp. 21-47 ( PDF; 198 kB ).

Web links

• Wolf Children: The Kaspar Hauser Complex . In: Der Spiegel , December 25, 2007.

Individual evidence

1. ^ ^{A b c} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 11-14.
2. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p} Susan Donaldson James: Raised by a Tyrant, Suffering a Sibling's Abuse. In: ABC News. May 28, 2008, accessed February 24, 2020 . 
3. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j} Wiley Family's Past. (No longer available online.) Archived from the original on October 13, 2012 ; accessed on April 6, 2020 . 
4. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 11-16.
5. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys . Macmillan, Ney York City 2002, ISBN 978-0-312-42335-3 , pp. 305 .
6. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 11-15.
7. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 2-4.
8. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k} Jonah Weston: Wild child: the story of feral children , 2002, OCLC 437863794
9. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child," 1977, pp. 3-7.
10. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 3.
11. ↑ ^{a b} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 3-4.
12. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 13-14.
13. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 14.
14. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, p. 306.
15. ^ ^{A b c d} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 4-5.
16. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad} Victoria Fromkin, Stephen Krashen, Susan Curtiss, David Rigler, Marilyn Rigler: The development of language in genius: a case of language acquisition beyond the “critical period”. In: Brain and Language. 1, 1974, pp. 81-107, doi: 10.1016 / 0093-934X (74) 90027-3 (PDF, linguistics.ucla.edu ).
17. ^ ^{A b c} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 4.
18. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 4-5, 11.
19. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 14-16.
20. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s} Victoria A. Fromkin, Stephen Krashen, Susan Curtiss: Language development in the mature (minor) right hemisphere . In: Brain and Language . tape 1 , 1974, p. 23–27 ( ucla.edu [PDF; accessed April 6, 2020]).
21. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 14-17.
22. ^ ^{A b c} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 5.
23. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 12-16.
24. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 14-15.
25. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 16-17.
26. ↑ ^{a b c} Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, p. 211.
27. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 131-134.
28. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 185-186.
29. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g} Sleep EEG Patterns in a Fourteen-Year-Old Girl with Severe Developmental Retardation. (No longer available online.) Archived from the original on October 15, 2010 ; accessed on April 6, 2020 . 
30. ^ ^{A b c d} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 5-6.
31. ^ ^{A b} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 5-6, 25.
32. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 96-97, 130.
33. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 95-98.
34. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, pp. 209-210, 215.
35. ^ ^{A b} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 6-7.
36. ↑ ^{a b c d} Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, p. 215.
37. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k l} Susan Donaldson James: Wild child 'genie': A tortured life. In: ABC News. May 8, 2008, accessed February 24, 2020 . 
38. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 185-186, 209-210.
39. ↑ ^{a b c d e} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 7.
40. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 11-12.
41. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 6.
42. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 9, 15, 20.
43. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, pp. 212-215.
44. ↑ ^{a b c d e} Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, p. 214.
45. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 39-41.
46. ^ ^{A b c} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 24-25.
47. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 96-98.
48. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at} "SECRET OF THE WILD CHILD ". In: NOVA. March 4, 1997, accessed February 24, 2020 . 
49. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genius: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" . Ed .: Harry A. Whitaker. Academic Press, Boston (Massachusetts) 1977, ISBN 978-0-12-196350-7 , pp. 1–6 ( limited preview in Google Book Search).
50. ↑ ^{a b c} Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, pp. 212-213.
51. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 7-9, 21, 38.
52. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 20-21.
53. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 20-21, 133-134.
54. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 21, 132-134.
55. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, pp. 212-214.
56. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 21, 133-134.
57. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 9.
58. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 9.
59. ^ ^{A b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 9-10, 45.
60. ^ ^{A b} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 9, 12.
61. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child," 1977, pp. 9-14.
62. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 9-10, 40, 45, 63.
63. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 10-14.
64. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 40.
65. ↑ ^{a b c d} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 25.
66. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 9-10, 41, 63, 101.
67. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 9-13, 34-36, 185-186.
68. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 39-41.
69. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 41.
70. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 9-10, 20, 25.
71. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 9-10, 40-41, 48-49, 63, 101.
72. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 9, 20.
73. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 42, 132.
74. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 9-13, 268-269.
75. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 40, 51, 132.
76. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 97-99.
77. ^ ^{A b c} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 9-13.
78. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 9-10, 39-41.
79. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 9-13, 267-269.
80. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 9-10.
81. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 9-10, 40, 48-49.
82. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 267-269.
83. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 9-10.
84. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x} Susan Curtiss, Victoria Fromkin, Stephen Krashen, David Rigler, Marilyn Rigler: The linguistic development of Genie . In: Linguistic Society of America (Ed.): Language . tape 50 , no. 3 , September 1974, ISSN  0097-8507 , OCLC 4910013345 , p. 528–554 , doi : 10.2307 / 412222 , JSTOR : 412222 ( ucla.edu [PDF; accessed February 27, 2020]).
85. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 10-13.
86. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 46-47, 198, 210.
87. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 42-47.
88. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 46-49.
89. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, pp. 214-216, 220.
90. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 126-127.
91. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 40-49.
92. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 39, 47-48, 151.
93. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 40-44.
94. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 39, 45-51, 140.
95. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 47, 49.
96. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 7, 267-269.
97. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 91.
98. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 9-10, 42-47.
99. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 9-15, 267-270.
100. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 92-94.
101. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g} Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, p. 225.
102. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 49-51, 55-60.
103. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 268-269.
104. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 132-133.
105. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 48-49, 55, 57.
106. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 267.
107. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 47-49, 55, 57, 60, 103-105, 116.
108. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 39, 51, 140.
109. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 14-15, 200.
110. ^ ^{A b} Susan Curtiss, Victoria A. Fromkin, David Rigler, Marilyn Rigler, Stephen D. Krashen: An update on the linguistic development of Genie . In: Daniel P. Dato (Ed.): Georgetown University Round Table on Languages ​​and Linguistics . Georgetown University Press, Washington, DC 1975, ISBN 978-0-87840-110-9 , pp. 145–153 ( ucla.edu [PDF; accessed February 28, 2020]).
111. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 12.
112. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 51.
113. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 200.
114. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 50, 132-133.
115. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 51, 56-59, 140, 187.
116. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 268-270.
117. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 269-271.
118. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 51, 56-59.
119. ^ ^{A b c d} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 214-218.
120. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j} Stephen D. Krashen: Lateralization, Language Learning, and the Critical Period: Some New Evidence . In: Language Learning: A Journal of Research in Language Studies . tape 23 , no. 1 June 1973, ISSN  0023-8333 , OCLC 4651814274 , p. 63-74 , doi : 10.1111 / j.1467-1770.1973.tb00097.x .
121. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 217.
122. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 216.
123. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 26-38.
124. ↑ Hannah Habbig: The critical period in language acquisition and in acquiring perfect hearing . diplom.de, 2009, ISBN 978-3-8366-3818-0 , p. 5–6 ( limited preview in Google Book search).
125. ↑ Günter Wirth: Speech disorders, speech disorders, children's hearing disorders: textbook for doctors, speech therapists and speech therapists . Ed .: Martin Ptok. 5th edition. Deutscher Ärzteverlag, Cologne 2000, ISBN 978-3-7691-1137-8 , p. 123 ( limited preview in Google Book search).
126. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 3-7.
127. ↑ ^{a b} Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, pp. 216-217.
128. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 52-53.
129. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 56-58.
130. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, pp. 216-217, 225-226.
131. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 52-61, 121.
132. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, p. 217.
133. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 17.
134. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 19.
135. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 23, 38, 86.
136. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j} Peter E. Jones: Contradictions and unanswered questions in the Genie case: a fresh look at the linguistic evidence . In: Language & Communication . tape 15 , no. 3 July 1995, ISSN  0271-5309 , OCLC 427070647 , pp. 261–280 , doi : 10.1016 / 0271-5309 (95) 00007-D ( archive.org [PDF; accessed February 28, 2020]).
137. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 15, 24-28, 93-110.
138. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 38-39, 86, 90.
139. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 222.
140. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 15.
141. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 89-94, 101.
142. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 14, 23.
143. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 60.
144. ↑ ^{a b c d} Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, p. 222.
145. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 96.
146. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 50, 95-96, 98-99.
147. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 97-98.
148. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 100-101.
149. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 100-103.
150. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 100-101, 151.
151. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 96-97, 101, 104-106, 136-137, 211.
152. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 96-99.
153. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 96-100.
154. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q} David Rigler: Rigler, Letter to the Editor. In: The New York Times. Archived from the original on May 26, 2015 ; accessed on April 6, 2020 . 
155. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 187-188, 193, 199.
156. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 96-103.
157. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 96-97.
158. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 96-106.
159. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 105-106.
160. ^ ^{A b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 99, 104-106.
161. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 107-108, 208-213.
162. ^ ^{A b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 107-108.
163. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, p. 226.
164. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 112, 116-117, 133-134.
165. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, p. 326.
166. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 133-134.
167. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 135-139.
168. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 43, 131, 135-140.
169. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 138-140.
170. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 45.
171. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 139-140.
172. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 138-142.
173. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 107, 138-142.
174. ^ ^{A b} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 36, 42.
175. ↑ ^{a b c d} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 112-117.
176. ^ ^{A b} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 23-27, 33-36.
177. ^ ^{A b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 117-118.
178. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 40.
179. ^ ^{A b c} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 230-233.
180. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 113, 117-119, 151.
181. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 25, 28, 40.
182. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 113, 117-119.
183. ↑ Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, p. 140.
184. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 151.
185. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 27-28, 33, 232-233.
186. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 112-116.
187. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 27-28, 232-233.
188. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 112-115.
189. ↑ ^{a b} Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, p. 146.
190. ^ ^{A b} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 30.
191. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 127.
192. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 35-44, 230-233.
193. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 122-126, 149.
194. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 117-118, 151-156.
195. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 122-126.
196. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 27-28, 35-44, 230-233.
197. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 115-117.
198. ↑ ^{a b} Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, pp. 145-151.
199. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 182, 185-186.
200. ↑ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k} Susan Goldin-Meadow: A Study in Human Capacities . In: Science . tape 200 , no. 4342 , May 1978, ISSN  0036-8075 , OCLC 4633223637 , p. 649–651 , doi : 10.1126 / science.200.4342.649 , PMID 17812701 ( archive.org [PDF; accessed March 2, 2020]).
201. ↑ Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, pp. 150-153.
202. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 30, 162, 231-234.
203. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 30, 162, 121-122.
204. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 124.
205. ↑ Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, p. 149.
206. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 127-130.
207. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 52, 62, 83-87.
208. ↑ ^{a b} Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, p. 150.
209. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 29, 67, 180, 230-234.
210. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 29, 52, 62, 83-87.
211. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 115-116.
212. ↑ ^{a b c d e f} Susan Curtiss: Dissociations Between Language and Cognition: Cases and Implications . In: Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders . tape 11 , no. 1 , 1981, ISSN  0162-3257 , OCLC 114861365 , pp. 15–30 , doi : 10.1007 / BF01531338 , PMID 6927695 ( ucla.edu [PDF; accessed on March 2, 2020]).
213. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 208-209, 230-234.
214. ↑ ^{a b} Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, p. 223.
215. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp 124-125, 127-130.
216. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 186.
217. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 34, 37-38, 61.
218. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 117, 124-125.
219. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 6, 37-38, 267, 272.
220. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 128.
221. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 124, 128.
222. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 128, 130.
223. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 92-94, 117, 125.
224. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 37-38, 51, 171.
225. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 117, 125, 128-130
226. ↑ Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, pp. 152-154.
227. ↑ Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, pp. 151-154.
228. ↑ ^{a b} Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, pp. 152-155.
229. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 217-218.
230. ↑ Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, pp. 149-152.
231. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 56, 212, 220-221.
232. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child," 1977, pp. 218-221.
233. ↑ ^{a b c} Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, pp. 151-155.
234. ↑ Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, p. 153.
235. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 220.
236. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 214, 220-228.
237. ↑ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 222-224.
238. ↑ ^{a b} Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, pp. 154-155.
239. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 220-224.
240. ^ ^{A b c d e} Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 214, 227-228.
241. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 230.
242. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 214, 225-228.
243. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 126.
244. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 140-141.
245. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 144-145, 149-150.
246. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 144-150.
247. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 144-145, 155.
248. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 149-155.
249. ↑ ^{a b c} Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, pp. 226-227.
250. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 150-155.
251. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 153-155.
252. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 154.
253. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 155-159.
254. ^ ^{A b} Susan Curtiss: Genius: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" . Ed .: Harry A. Whitaker. Academic Press, Boston (Massachusetts) 1977, ISBN 978-0-12-196350-7 .
255. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 184-187, 190-191.
256. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 184-186.
257. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 184-191, 199.
258. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 187-189.
259. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 188-194.
260. ↑ ^{a b} Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp 192-194.
261. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 185-194, 208-210.
262. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 191, 200-202.
263. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 191, 208-213.
264. ↑ Russ Rymer: II-A Silent Childhood . In: The New Yorker . April 20, 1992, p. 43–77 ( archive.org [PDF; accessed March 3, 2020]).
265. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 219.
266. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 228-231.
267. ↑ Natalie Angier: 'Stopit!' She said. 'Nomore!' In: The New York Times. April 25, 1993, Retrieved March 3, 2020 . 
268. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, p. 232.
269. ↑ ^{a b} Rory Carroll: Starved, tortured, forgotten: Genie, the feral child who left a mark on researchers. In: The Guardian. July 14, 2016, accessed February 24, 2020 . 
270. ^ ^{A b} M. Waltz: Autism: A Social and Medical History . Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke (Hampshire) 2013, ISBN 978-0-230-52750-8 .
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272. ↑ ^{a b c d e} Justin Leiber: Nature's Experiments, Society's Closures. In: Journal for the Theory of Social Behavior. 27, 1997, pp. 325-343, doi: 10.1111 / 1468-5914.00041 .
273. ↑ Susan Curtiss et al. : Genie: An update on the linguistic development of Genie , 1975, p. 154.
274. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 208-209, 234.
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278. ^ Derek Bickerton: Language and Species . University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Illinois 1990, ISBN 978-0-226-04610-5 , pp. 115–118 ( limited preview in Google Book search).
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280. ^ Geoffrey Sampson: The 'Language Instinct' Debate: Revised Edition . Continuum Publishing, London 2005, ISBN 978-1-4411-0764-0 .
281. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, pp. 11-13.
282. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, pp. 221-226.
283. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 209-215.
284. ↑ Isabelle: The Story of a Child Kept in Extreme Isolation. In: Edublox Online Tutor. Retrieved April 6, 2020 . 
285. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: A Psycholinguistic Study of a Modern-Day "Wild Child" , 1977, p. 203.
286. ↑ Adriana Sylvia Benzaquen: Encounters with Wild Children: Temptation and Disappointment in the Study of Human Nature . McGill-Queen's University Press, Montreal, Quebec 2006, ISBN 978-0-7735-2972-4 , pp. 249 .
287. ^ Susan Curtiss: Abnormal language acquisition and the modularity of language . In: Frederick J. Newmeyer (Ed.): Linguistics: The Cambridge Survey: Volume 2, Linguistic Theory: Extensions and Implications . tape 2 . Cambridge University Press, New York 1988, ISBN 978-0-511-62105-5 , pp. 98 , doi : 10.1016 / 0013-4694 (86) 90177-X ( ucla.edu [PDF; accessed on March 27, 2020]).
288. ^ Susan Curtiss: Developmental dissociations of language and cognition . In: Loraine K. Obler, Lise Menn (Eds.): Exceptional Language and Linguistics (Perspectives in Neurolinguistics, Neuropsychology, and Psycholinguistics) . Academic Press, New York 1982, ISBN 978-0-12-523680-5 , pp. 285–312 , doi : 10.1017 / S0022226700010197 ( ucla.edu [PDF; accessed March 27, 2020]).
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292. ^ Susan Curtiss: Genie: language and cognition . In: UCLA Working Papers in Cognitive Linguistics . tape 1 , 1979, OCLC 48750479 , pp. 15-62 .
293. ^ Lisa J. Brown, Peter E. Jones: Bringing Back the Child: Language Development after Extreme Deprivation . Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne 2014, ISBN 978-1-4438-5972-1 , pp. 11–12 ( limited preview in Google Book search).
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296. ↑ Adriana Sylvia Benzaquen: Encounters with Wild Children: Temptation and Disappointment in the Study of Human Nature . McGill-Queen's University Press, Montreal, Quebec 2006, ISBN 978-0-7735-2972-4 , pp. 340–341 ( limited preview in Google Book search).
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304. ↑ Russ Rymer: Genie: A Scientific Tragedy , 1994, pp. 133-137, 199-200.
305. ↑ Michael Newton: Savage Girls and Wild Boys , 2002, pp. 225-226.
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311. ↑ Derek Bickerton: Language and Species , 1990, pp. 115-130.
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Remarks

1. ↑ In Susan Curtiss' dissertation she alluded to further details in Genie's childhood, which she did not elaborate on.
2. ↑ The psychologist and autism expert Mitzi Waltz wrote in 2013 that - although the psychologist Ole Ivar Lovaas at the time when genius was being studied at UCLA ( University of California, Los Angeles ) had researched on autism - no one had researched him involved in the case of Genie or asked his opinion on whether or not Genie was autistic. Years after the Genie case ended, a person asked Susan Curtiss why they didn't do this. Curtiss claimed that she and other scientists believed that Lovaas' methods of aversion therapy limited the freedom of genius and lost the caring environment that she and other scientists built for genius.
3. ↑ The Gesell Developmental Schedules no longer meet today's requirements for psychometric tests and are therefore used less and less, see Psychological Testing: Principles, Applications, & Issues by Robert M. Kaplan.
4. ↑ Lenneberg stated that he was not interested in investigating Genie and declined to participate in the research group, claiming that due to the unrecognized extent of the trauma in Genie's childhood, no definitive conclusions could be drawn.
5. ↑ Since Genie gave all the wrong answers to the Mooney Face Test on pictures of masks or caricatures of faces, Curtiss believed that she may not have understood that she should only select the realistic-looking faces and therefore possibly could have done even better.
6. ↑ Because she did very well in some individual areas of the test, and previous results showed evidence of the use of both hemispheres, Curtiss believed that Genie could have used her Gestalt perception for certain test areas and was forced to use her analytical skills on others.
7. ↑ In the UK, the TV series entitled Genie: A Deprived Child aired.
8. ↑ In the United States, the television series entitled Wild Child: The Story of Feral Children aired.