Second sound shift
The German or second sound shift (also: High German or Old High German sound shift ) is understood to be a regular sound change in the area of consonantism , through which the later High German dialects developed from the other old Germanic varieties.
Two consonant shifts have historically led from Indo-European to Germanic to German : the first and the second sound shift. By the German or the second sound shift was from the southern West Germanic dialects the Old High German language. The boundary of this sound shift runs from west to east, today more or less on the edge of the low mountain range; it is called the Benrath line .
The beginning of this change was traditionally dated to the early 6th century AD (for example with the help of formerly Latin place names, where the founding of the places can be archaeologically dated). After several newly found inscriptions, such as the rune buckle from Pforzen , it did not begin until around 600 (unless the spelling is conservative and does not yet reproduce the new sounds).
The second sound shift was a long-term and multi-phase process that was not quite complete at the beginning of the tradition of Old High German in the 8th century AD. The reasons for this sound shift have long been discussed controversially in research, but there is still no consensus.
The causes of sound change have been and are controversial. According to Jacob Grimm , the second sound shift was caused by the physiological stress of the migration period. He considered it impossible that “such a violent upheaval by the people would not have aroused his language, at the same time moving it out of the traditional joint and elevating it”. Julius Pokorny claimed that the sound change was caused by climate change . He said that around the middle of the 1st millennium BC there was a sudden fall in the climate in Europe. The people in the mountain ranges of southern Germany and in the Alpine region were therefore forced to articulate with a tight mouth, which increased aspiration. Sigmund Feist , author of the Germanic substratum hypothesis, suspected that the changes in High German were caused by a non-Indo-European substratum, specifically the Rhaetian language - possibly related to Etruscan . In 1949, the German linguist Karl Meisen postulated that the High German dialects only developed on a mainly Celtic basis (i.e. on a substrate) during the migration of the peoples in the formerly Germanic colonial area of southern Germany. Stefan Sonderegger thought it conceivable that the High German sound shift might have developed as a result of Germanic superstrate settlement on Gallo-Roman substrate north of the Alps. Norbert Richard Wolf was of the opinion that an (unspecified) linguistic substrate was most likely.
Affected consonants and phases
Affected by the second sound shift are the unvoiced plosives [ p ] ( bilabial ), [ t ] ( alveolar ) and [ k ] ( velar ) as well as in parts the voiced counterparts [ b ], [ d ] and [ g ]. Is a [ p ] in the initial sound of a word, in the medially by the sonorants [ m ] [ n ] [ l ], [ r ] or it occurs as Geminate on (double consonant), it is added to the affricate [ p f ] shifted, accordingly [ t ] to [ t s ] (<z>) and [ k ] to [ k x ]. Unminated, simple [ p ], [ t ], [ k ] after vowels are shifted to double fricative ([ f f ], [ s s ], [ x x ]). These double fricatives are, however, simplified to [ f ], [ s ], [ x ] in the final, before the consonant and also after the long vowel
The effects of the sound shift are particularly evident when New High German lexemes containing shifted consonants are compared with their counterparts in Low German and modern English, where the second sound shift was not carried out or only partially not in Low German. The following overview table is in relation to the corresponding words of the Indo-European original language (G = Grimm's law ; V = Verner's law ).
|First sound shift
(Indo-European → Germanic)
|phase||Second sound shift
(Germanic → Old High German)
|Examples (New High German)||century||Dialect areas|
|G: / * b / → / * p /||1||/ * p / → / ff / → / f /||
nd. sla p en , engl. slee p → sleep f en ;
nd. Schi pp , engl. shi p → Schi ff
|4th to 5th||Upper and Middle German|
|2||/ * p / → / pf /||nd. P eper , engl. p epper → Pf effer ;
nd. P loog , engl. p lough → Pf lug ;
nd. scher p , engl. shar p → obd., md. sharp pf (German sharp )
|G: / * d / → / * t /||1||/ * t / → / ss / → / s /||nd. da t , wa t , e t en , engl. tha t , wha t , ea t → da s , wa s , e ss en||4th to 5th||Upper and Middle German 1|
|2||/ * t / → / ts /||nd. T ied , Eng. t ide → Z eit ;
nd. t ellen , engl. t ell → z Aehlen ;
nd. T always , engl. t imber → Z always
|5th-6th||Upper and Middle German|
|G: / * g / → / * k /||1||/ * k / → / xx / → / x /||nd., nl. i k , aengl. i c → i ch ;
nd. ma k en , engl. ma k e → ma ch s ;
nd., nl. oo k , wfri. e k → au ch
|4th to 5th||Upper and Middle German 2|
|2||/ * k / → / kx / and → / x /||German K ind → südbair. Kch ind , high and highest grade . Ch ind||7th-8th||South Bavarian, High and High Alemannic|
|G: / * b ʰ / → / * b / V: / * p / → / * b /
||3||/ * b / → / p /||dt. B erg , b is → cimbr. P erg , p is||8th-9th||partly Bavarian and Alemannic|
|G: / * d ʰ / → / * đ / → / * d / V: / * t / → / * đ / → / * d /
||3||/ * d / → / t /||nd. D ag , engl. d ay → T ag ;
nd. Va d er , nfri. FAA d he → Va t he
|G: / * g ʰ / → / * g / V: / * k / → / * g /
||3||/ * g / → / k /||dt. G ott → bair. K ott||8th-9th||partly Bavarian and Alemannic|
|G: / * t / → / þ / [ð]||4th||
/ þ / → / d /
/ ð / → / d /
|engl. th orn , th istle , th rough , bro th er → D orn , D istel , d urch , Bru d er||9-10||entire German dialect continuum|
1 In Ripuarian and Moselle Franconian , some words remain unchanged, these are: dat, wat, it, dit , z. T. allet and the adjective ending of the neuter (e.g. beautiful ).
2 The Uerdinger line and the Benrath line overlap, so there are dialects in which ik is shifted to I , such as Limburg , but which are counted as Lower Franconian.
The core events in detail
The first phase, which had an impact on the entire High German area, can probably be dated back to the 6th or 7th century. The oldest surviving evidence of the tenues shift comes from the time after 650 from the Edictus Rothari . According to research, the pre-Old High German runes (around 600 AD) do not provide any convincing evidence of a tenue shift. In this phase the voiceless plosives became fricative geminates between vowels, or individual fricatives after vowels.
/ p / → / f / [fː ~ f] (written <ff, f>)
/ t / → / s / [sː ~ s] (written <ss, s, ß>)
/ k / → / x / [xː ~ x] (written <ch>)
Note: In Old High German words, z probably often stands for the voiceless alveolar fricative / s /, while s, on the other hand, probably stands for the alveopalatal fricative / ɕ /. In Old High German, the spelling h stands for the spirans / x / and the breath / h /.
asax. Strata (. nd Straat ., nl straat ): ahd. STRAZZA (dt. street )
asax. rīki (nd. riek , nl. rijk ): ahd.rīhhi (dt. rich )
It should be noted that phase 1 had no effect on mined plosives in words such as * appul "apple" or - * katta "cat". The plosives after other consonants were also not affected in words like * scarp "sharp" or * hert "heart", where another consonant occurs between the vowel and the plosive. These words remained unchanged until phase 2.
In the second phase, which was completed in the 8th century, the same sounds became affricates (i.e. a plosive followed by a spirans). This happened in three environments: in the initial sound, in the doubling and after a liquid (/ l / or / r /) or nasal (/ m / or / n /).
/ p / → / pf / (also written <ph> in Old High German)
/ t / → / ts / (written <z> or <tz>)
/ k / → / kx / [kx ~ k] (written in Old High German <k> or <ck>)
asax. appul (nd. Appel ): ahd.aphul (dt. apple )
asax. skarp ( n.sharp ): ahd. scarph (dt. sharp )
asax. catt (nd. Katt ): ahd. kazza (dt. cat )
asax. tam (nd. tamm ): ahd. zam (dt. tame )
dt. licking : ahd.lecchōn (alem. lekche , schlekche , schläkche (/ ∫lεkxә, ∫lækxә /))
asax. ahd. werk (German work ): ahd. (alem., bair.) werch (halem. Werch, Wärch )
The tenue shift did not take place where a spirans had preceded the plosive, i.e. H. in the sound sequences / sp, st, sk, ft, ht /. / t / remained unchanged even in the sound / tr /.
asax. sprā , sprēa , ahd.sparo (nd. Spree , Sprai 'Star', Swiss. Spar 'Sperling')
asax. ahd. mast (nd. dt. mast 'mast boom')
asax. ahd. near (nd. dt. night )
asax. ahd. (gi) triuwi (nd. trü , dt. faithful )
The later change of / sk / → / ∫ /, written sch , took place in early Middle High German and is not part of the tenue shift.
These affricates (especially / pf /) have been simplified to spirants in some dialects. Thus / pf / became / f / in certain cases. In Yiddish and in some East-Central German dialects, this was initially done; B. nd. Peerd , dt. Horse , yidd. ferd . There has been a strong tendency to simplify to / r / and / l /, e.g. B. throw ← ahd. Werpfan , help ← ahd. Helpfan , but some forms with / pf / are retained, e.g. B. Carp .
The affricatization of / t / → / ts / appears in the entire High German area.
The affricatization of / p / → / pf / appears throughout Upper German, but there is a wide variation in Middle German. The more northern the dialect, the fewer West-Central German dialects show consonant shifts.
The affricatization of / k / → / kx / is geographically very limited and only took place in the southernmost Upper German dialects. The Tyrolean ( southern Bavarian dialects from Tyrol ) is the only dialect in which the affrikata / kx / has prevailed in all positions. In High Alemannic, on the other hand, / k / has been converted to / x / in the other positions, for example in 'kitchen cabinet' [chuchechaschte]. However, there is also / kx / initially in modern high Alemannic, which is used for any k in loanwords , e.g. B. Caribbean [kxaˈribikx].
Phase 3 has a more geographically limited radius than phase 2. Here the voiced plosives have become unvoiced.
b → p
d → t
g → k
Only the displacement of the dentals d → t found its way into contemporary German. The other media shifts are limited to high Alemannic in Switzerland and south Bavarian in Austria. This media shift probably began in the 8th or 9th century after Phase 1 and Phase 2 stopped developing. Otherwise, the resulting voiceless plosives would have been shifted further to fricatives and affricates.
It is significant that in those words in which Indo-European unvoiced plosives became voiced according to Verner's Law , the third phase returned the sound to its origin.
(* t → d → t):
Indo-European * meh₂ t ḗr → Frühurgerm. * mā þ ḗr (Grimm's law) → late late night min. * mō đ ēr (Verner's law) → westgerm . * mō d ar → ahd.muo t ar .
asax. dōn (nd. doon ): ahd.tuon (dt. to do )
asax. mōdar (nd. Moder ): ahd. muotar (dt. mother )
asax. rōd (nd. root ): ahd.rōt (dt. red )
asax. biddian (nd. beden ): ahd. ask , pitten (dt. ask , south bair. pitten )
Other changes in detail
Phase 4: þ / ð → d
What occasionally comes across as phase 4, shifted the dental spirants to / d /. It is characteristic of this that it also includes Low German and Dutch. In Germanic, the voiceless and voiced dental spirants þ and ð were allophonic, þ in the initial and ð in the interior of the word. These merged into a single / d /. This shift occurred so late that unshifted forms can be found in the earliest Old High German texts and can therefore be dated to the 9th or 10th century.
early ahd. thaz → classic ahd. daz (engl. that , iceland . það : nd. dat , dt. that )
early think → ahd. think (English think , wfries. tinke : nl. dt. think )
early thegan → ahd. degan ( asächs . thegan , Eng. thane : nd. dt. sword , warrior, hero ')
early thurstag → ahd. durstag (engl. thirsty , saterfries. toarstich : nl. dorstig , dt. thirsty )
early bruothar , bruodhar → ahd.bruodar (engl. brother , iceland . bróðir : nd. broder , dt. brother )
early munth → ahd. mund ( asächs . mūð , English mouth : nl. mond , dt. mouth )
early thū → ahd. dū ( Asächs . anl. thū , English thou : nd. dü , dt. du )
In dialects captured by phase 4 but not by the shifting of the phase 3 dental, Low German, High German and Dutch, two Germanic sounds merged: þ becomes d , but the original d remains unchanged.
|Phonetic change||German||Low German||Dutch||Engl.|
|original / þ / (→ / d / in German, Low German and Dutch)||To d e||Doo d||doo d||dea th|
|original / d / (→ / t / in German)||to t e||doo d e (female)||do d e||dea d|
(For a better comparison, the German forms are given here with - e in order to exclude the effects of the hardening of the final voices . The nominatives are death and dead both pronounced [toːt].) A consequence of this is that the grammatical change in Dental (d / t) not applicable in Middle Dutch.
/ ɣ / → / g /
The West Germanic voiced velar fricative / ɣ / was shifted to / g / in all positions in Old High German. It is believed that this early sound change was completed by the 8th century at the latest. Since the existence of a / g / in the language was a prerequisite for the South German shift from g → k , this must precede phase 3 of the core group of the High German consonant shift . The same change occurred independently in Old English around the 10th century (changing patterns of alliterations make this dating appear permissible), but with the important exception that before a light vowel ( e , i ) the Anglo-Frisian (also North Sea Germanic ) Palatization occurred and a / j / surrendered instead. Dutch has retained the original Germanic / ɣ /, although in Dutch this is represented with the graphic ⟨g⟩. The difference between this (the Dutch) and the English or German consonant is not visible in the written form.
- nl. goed (/ ɣuːt /): dt. good , nd. goot , engl. good , saterfrieze. goud [g]
- nl. gisteren (/ ɣɪstərә (n) /): nd. gistern , dt. yesterday [g]: engl. yesterday , wfries. juster [j]
/ v / → / b /
The West Germanic * ƀ (probably spoken [v]), an allophone of / f /, was used in Old High German between vowels and also after / l / to / b /.
asax. liof (nd. leev ): ahd. liob , liup (dt. love )
asax. haƀoro (nd. Haver ): ahd.habaro (Swiss. bair. Schwäb. Haber 'oats')
asax. half (nd. halv ): ahd. dt. half
mnd. lēvere (nd. Lever ): ahd. lebara (dt. liver )
asax. self (nd. sülv ): ahd. dt. selb
asax. salƀa (nd. salve ): ahd.salba (dt. ointment )
In strong verbs such as the German lift (nd. Heven ) and give (nd. Gäven , geven ) carried the shift helps to eliminate the [v]-forms in German. But an accurate description of these verbs is made difficult by the effects of the grammatical shift in which [v] and / b / alternate with each other within individual, earlier forms of the same verb. In the case of weak verbs such as B. have (nd. Nl. Hebben , engl. Have ) and live (nd. Nl. Leven , engl. Live ), the consonant differences have a different origin; they are the result of the primary contact effect (Germanic spirant rule) and a subsequent process of alignment.
/ s / → / ʃ /
Standard German experienced the initial shift / sp /, / st /, / sk / → / ʃp /, / ʃt /, / ʃ /. The shift from / sk / to / ʃ / also occurred in most of the other West Germanic languages, cf. ahd. scif → nhd. ship , asächs. skip → nd. Schipp , aengl. scip → engl. ship . The English words with sc - are usually (eg lat.. Loanwords from Latin scriptum → English. Script ), French ( anormann. Escren → screen ) or Nordic (anorw. Skræma → scream ; cf. aengl.. Scriccettan → English . shriek "scream, screech" next to arrangement skrækja → engl. screak )
German spinning (/ ʃp /): nd. nl. spinning , engl. spin
dt. street (/ ʃt /): nd. straat , engl. street
German ship : Swedish skepp
Other changes include a general tendency towards hardening of the final voice in German and Dutch and to a much more limited extent in English. In German and Dutch, for example, / b /, / d / and / g / are pronounced at the end of a word as / p /, / t / and / k /.
The originally voiced consonants are commonly used in modern German and Dutch spelling. Probably because associated inflected forms, in which, like the plural days, the word does not end with the plosive sound, have the voiced form. Because of these inflected forms, native speakers are also aware of the basic form of the underlying voiced phonemes and write the word analogously. However, in Middle High German these sounds were written phonetically: singular tac , plural days .
Apart from þ → d, the High German sound shift occurred before the beginnings of the written form of Old High German in the 9th century. A dating of the various phases is therefore only possible approximately.
Different estimates appear occasionally, e.g. B. Waterman, who claimed that the first three phases followed fairly closely and were completed in Alemannic territory around AD 600, but took another two or three centuries to spread north.
Sometimes historical constellations help with dating; z. B. is proven by the fact that Attila is called Etzel in German , that phase 2 after the Huns invasion in the 5th century must have been productive. The fact that many Latin loanwords appear shifted in German (e.g. Latin strata → German street ), while others do not (e.g. Latin poena → German Pein ), allows the phonetic change to be dated before or after the corresponding one Period of borrowing. However, the most useful chronological data sources are German words cited in Latin texts from the late ancient and early medieval periods.
A relative chronology for phases 2, 3 and 4 can be determined quite simply by the fact that t → tz preceded the shift from d → t and this must have preceded it þ → d. Otherwise, all words with an original þ would have had to go through all three shifts and end as tz. Since the form kepan is used for “to give” in Old Bavarian, it shows that / ɣ / → / g / → / k / and / v / → / b / → / p / has been shifted. It can be concluded from this that / ɣ / → / g / and / v / → / b / took place before phase 3.
Overall, it can be said that phase 1 was effective in what was later to be the Upper and Central German-speaking area, but phases 2 and 3 only affected the later Upper German-speaking area (including Switzerland, Austria, South Tyrol) and phase 4 affected the entire German and Dutch-speaking region . The generally accepted border between Central and Lower Germany, the maken -machen-Line , is called the Benrath Line , as it crosses the Rhine near the Düsseldorf suburb of Benrath . In contrast, the main border between Central and Upper Germany is called the Speyer Line . This isogloss crosses the Rhine near the city of Speyer and is thus about 200 km further south than the Benrath line. Sometimes this line is also called the apple-apple line .
However, a precise description of the geographical distribution of change is much more complex. In the Rhineland and Palatinate there is no sharp dividing line between an area with displaced sounds and an area without displaced sounds. Rather, the validity of the potentially possible shifts depends on the respective sound (p, t, k) and sometimes even only on its position in the word; in certain cases only single words are affected. For example, the ik-ich line is further north than the maken -machen line in western Germany, coincides with it in central Germany and is further south at its eastern end, although both indicate the same displacement / k / → / x /. These isoglosses, which are particularly clearly fanned out in the west, between Low German or Lower Franconian sounds and High German sounds are called the Rhenish fan .
Dialects and isoglosses of the Rhenish fan
(descending from north to south: dialects in the fields highlighted in gray, isoglosses in the white fields)
|Lower Franconian, West Lower Franconian (Dutch, Lower Rhine)|
|Uerdingen Line ( Uerdingen )||ik||I|
|East Lower Franconian (Limburgish)|
(border: Lower Franconian - Central German)
|Ripuarian ( Kölsch , Bönnsch , Öcher Platt )|
Bad Honnefer Line
(state border NRW - RP ) ( Eifel barrier )
|West Moselle Franconian (Eifler dialect, Luxembourgish, Trierian)|
|Linz Line ( Linz am Rhein )||tëschen, tëscht||zwëschen, zwëscht 'between'|
|Bad Hönninger line||op||of 'on'|
|East Moselle Franconian (Koblenzer Platt)|
|Boppard Line ( Boppard )||Korf||basket|
Sankt Goarer line ( Sankt Goar )
( Hunsrück barrier )
|Rhine Franconian (Hessian, Palatinate)|
Speyer Line (River Main )
(border: Central German - Upper German)
Some of the consonant shifts resulting from phases 2 and 3 can also be observed in Langobardic . The early medieval Germanic language of northern Italy is only attested by rune fragments and individual names and words in Latin texts from the late 6th and 7th centuries. Therefore, the Lombard sources do not allow sufficient evidence. Therefore, it is uncertain whether this language exhibited the complete shift or only sporadic reflexes of the shift. But the shift b → p, known from the neighboring Old Bavarian, is clearly recognizable. This could indicate that the shift started in Italy or that it has spread equally south and north. Ernst Schwarz and others are of the opinion that the shift in Old High German resulted from language contact with Langobard. If there really is a connection, evidence in Langobard would suggest that phase 3 must have started in the late 6th century, much earlier than previously thought. However, this does not necessarily mean that it was already spreading in today's Germany.
If, as some scholars assume, Langobard was an East Germanic language and not part of the German-speaking dialect area, it is possible that parallel shifts have taken place independently in German and Langobard. The words of Langobard that still exist, however, show clear similarities to Bavarian. This is why Werner Benz and others are of the opinion that Langobard is an Old High German dialect. There were close ties between the Lombards and the Proto-Bavarians: The Lombards were settled in the " Tullnerfeld " until 568 (about 50 km west of Vienna); some graves of the Longobards were dug after 568; apparently not all Lombards moved to Italy in 568. Those who remained seem to have become part of the newly forming group of Bavarians .
When Columban (missionary of the Lombards) came to the Alemanni on Lake Constance shortly after 600, he had barrels broken, which were called cupa . (English cup ; German skid). This is what Jonas von Bobbio reports (before 650) in Lombardy. This shows that in Columban's time the shift from p to f had not taken place in either Alemannic or Langobard. The Edictus Rothari (643; surviving manuscript after 650; see above), however, documents the forms grabworf ('throwing a body out of the grave', German throw and grave), marhworf ('a horse, ahd. Marh , throws the rider off' ) and many other shift examples.
Accordingly, it is most likely to see the consonant shift as a common Longobard-Bavarian-Alemannic shift in the years 620–640, when the three tribes were in close contact with one another.
As an example of the consequences of the shift, one can compare the following texts from the late Middle Ages. The left side shows a Middle Low German excerpt from the Sachsenspiegel (1220) without sound shift, the right side shows the text from the Middle High German Deutschenspiegel (1274) in which the shifted consonants can be recognized. Both are common legal texts of this period.
|Saxon mirror (II, 45.3)||Deutschenspiegel (Landrecht 283)|
|De man is ok guardian sines wives,
to hant alse eme gotruwet is.
Dat wif is ok the man notinne
to hant alse se in sin bedde trit,
na man dode is se only van the man's rights.
|The one is also vormunt sînes wîbes
zehant as si is triuwet.
Daz wîp is also the man's
zehant as si an sîn bette trit
after the man's rights.
Unshifted forms in standard German
The High German consonant shift is an example of a sound change that does not allow any exceptions and is therefore often cited as such by young grammarians. However, modern Standard German, although based on Middle German, draws its vocabulary from all German dialects. If an original German word (as opposed to a loan word) contains consonants that are not affected by the shift, they are usually declared as Low German forms.
Either the displaced form fell out of use, as in:
- Hafen 'Anchor and mooring place for ships', Middle High German there was the shifted form got (ne), but the Low German form replaced it in modern times. A similar case is the Niederdt. Oats, the vocal form Haber , was displaced in the early modern period and is now only used in southern German dialects (Swiss, Swabian, Austrian-Bavarian).
or the two forms existed side by side, as in:
- Lippe (opposite obd. Lefze, especially Martin Luther's translation of the Bible here ensured the spread of the Low German form); Level; Pocke (early hand-md. Poche, obd. Pfoche ), snap (obd. To snap ). A more complex case is baking (UG. Bachen ) where former articulation probably an already existing vordeutsch geminiertes Intensivum * bakk- back and not like the latter on vordeutsch bakan * .
However, another group of words with the initial p must be taken into account, which do not come from Low German, but from Upper German or retain a writing convention of the Upper German writing language (this is also the reason why many place and personal names in Bavaria and Austria have initial p , e.g. Pichler, Pointner, Kreuzpaintner, Puchheim, Penning, Ruhpolding ):
- Mushroom ( frühnhd. Bülz or bilz, ultimately lat out. Boletus ), glory (frühnhd. Introduced ), cushion (see. OHG. Bolstar ), connecting rod (see. Bleuen , beat ') paw (from late Latin. Branca , Paw' ), peck (next to peck ), pimple (in the sense of pickaxe , next to bicke (l), mhd. bicke )
However, the vast majority of words in contemporary German that contain certain patterns of consonants that were eliminated in the shift are borrowed from Latin, Romance languages, English or Slavic languages:
- Pair of medium latin Pār;
- Whip, from Old Sorbian * bič , scourge '(cf. Upper Sorbian bič, Lower Sorbian bic, also' flail, flail ')
- Fausto Cercignani : The Consonants of German: Synchrony and Diachrony , Milano, Cisalpino, 1979, § 2, especially pp. 26-48.
- Kurt Gustav Goblirsch: Sound shifts in the Germanic languages. Winter, Heidelberg 2005.
- Werner König: dtv atlas of the German language. dtv, Munich 1978 (with numerous new editions).
- Wilhelm Schmidt, Helmut Langner: History of the German language. A textbook for studying German. 10th edition, Stuttgart 2007, ISBN 978-3-7776-1432-8 .
- Judith Schwerdt: The 2nd sound shift. Ways of exploring them. Winter, Heidelberg 2000, ISBN 3-8253-1018-3 .
- Judith Schwerdt (Hrsg.): The controversy about the 2nd sound shift. Peter Lang, Frankfurt / M., Berlin, Bern, Bruxelles, New York, Oxford, Vienna, 2002, ISBN 978-3-631-38264-6 .
- Stefan Sonderegger : Basics of German language history. Diachrony of the language system. Volume 1: Introduction, Genealogy, Constants. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin / New York 1979, ISBN 3-11-003570-7 , especially pp. 124–140.
- Johan C. Waterman: A History of the German Language. Rev. ed. Waveland Press. Long Grove, IL 1976, ISBN 0-88133-590-8 .
- Astrid Stedje: German language yesterday and today. Introduction to language history and linguistics. Fink, Munich 1989, ISBN 3-7705-2514-0 , pp. 41, 59.
- Johannes Venema: On the status of the second sound shift in the Rhineland: diatopic, diachronic and diastratic examinations using the example of the dental Tenuis. Franz Steiner, Stuttgart 1997, p. 9.
- Heinz Stolte: Short German grammar. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 2017, p. 13.
- Wilhelm Braune, Hans Eggers: Old High German Grammar, Volume I. De Gruyter, Berlin 1987.
- Jacob Grimm: History of the German language. Leipzig 1848, p. 306.
- Julius Pokorny: Substrate theory and original home of the Indo-Europeans. Self-published by the Anthropological Society, Vienna 1936, pp. 69 ff., 86 f.
- Mother tongue, Vol. 90–91, ed. by the Society for the German Language, 1980, p. 273.
- Siegmund Feist: The Germanic and High German sound shift. In: Neophilologus 2, 1917, p. 20.
- Karl Meisen: Old German Grammar, Volume I: Lautlehre. Springer, ### 1949 (2017), p. 5.
- Stefan Sonderegger: Fundamentals of German language history. Diachrony of the language system. Volume 1: Introduction, Genealogy, Constants. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 1979, p. 199.
- Norbert Richard Wolf: Old High German - Middle High German (= Hans Moser, Hans Wellmann, Norbert Richard Wolf: History of the German Language, Volume 1, also: Uni Pocket Books. Volume 1139). Heidelberg 1981, ISBN 3-494-02133-3 , p. 38 f. ( PDF ).
- See Braune, Wilhelm (2004 15 ): Old High German Grammar. Tübingen: Niemeyer. P. 84.
- Entry "Zimmer" , in the German dictionary by Jacob Grimm and Wilhelm Grimm , vol. 31, col. 1285 ff.
- Hermann Niebaum, Jürgen Macha: Introduction to the dialectology of German. Second, revised edition, Tübingen 2006, p. 222.
- Werner König: dtv-Atlas German language. 12th edition, Deutscher Taschenbuchverlag, Munich 1998, p. 63.
- Werner König: DTV Atlas for the German Language. 1st edition. Munich 1978, ISBN 3-423-03025-9 , p. 64.
- translated from the English version by: Rheinischer Fächer .
- Etymological dictionary of German. Developed at the Central Institute for Linguistics, Berlin, under the direction of Wolfgang Pfeifer. dtv, Munich 1995, p. 86.
- Albert L. Lloyd, Otto Springer, Rosemarie Lühr: Etymological Dictionary of Old High German . tape 2 . Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1998, ISBN 3-525-20768-9 , pp. 19 ( google.com - keyword -bicken ).