Influence of humanism on the University of Cologne

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The influence of humanism on the University of Cologne represents an important turning point in the development history of the early University of Cologne in the early modern period. It was instrumental in the reform of the educational system there and led to extensive controversies with those practiced at the arch- conservative Cologne University Method of scholasticism and its proponents.

The early humanists in Cologne

Traveling magisters and traveling poets were considered the first Cologne humanists in the early modern period . Among these are the Italians Jakobus Publicius, who came to Cologne in 1468, and Stephanus Surigonus, who stayed in the city for a year in 1471. One of the most important and interesting wandering poets was Flavius ​​Ramundus Mithridates. Between 1484 and 1485 he was a professor of Artes and theology at the university, teaching Hebrew , Arabic , Greek and Latin, among other things . In 1485 he had the “dicta septem sapientium Graeciae” printed in Cologne, which he dedicated to the mayor Peter Rinck , who was interested in humanism .

The Rinck family

The Rinck family well reflects the enthusiasm of politically influential and wealthy people for the acceptance of humanists and humanism itself in Cologne. It is important for the Rinck family's sympathy for the humanists that z. B. Peter Rinck studied together with Mithridates in Pavia , Italy , where he obtained a doctorate in law . Like him, many other sons of wealthy patrician families studied in Italy , which was already influenced by humanism , which is certainly a factor in the transfer of the early enthusiasm for humanism in Cologne. Peter Rinck himself taught both rights at Cologne University between 1459 and 1501. Peter and Johann Rinck , his second cousin , acted as cartridges for Mithridates during his stay in Cologne. Johann Rinck, who later became a friend of the humanist Petrus von Ravenna , served as mayor in 1513 after a successful career as a merchant . His sons, Hermann and Johann Junior, who both studied at the University of Cologne, were friends with Ortwin Gratius and Hermann von dem Busche and were on his side in the dispute between Peter von Ravenna and the theologians of the faculty . Both Johann Junior and Johann von Reidt by marriage, who was also mayor and will still play an important role in the establishment of the Jesuit schools in the 1550s, maintained a friendly correspondence with Erasmus von Rotterdam . Furthermore, von Reidt, who had learned at the Montanerburse , was in close relationship with the humanists Johannes Caesarius and Sobbius. This shows the great interest in humanism, but also the direct relationship of the Rinck family to important humanists, which due to the predominantly conservative streak of Cologne at that time should not be overestimated. The initial enthusiasm was increasingly followed by a general interest in humanistic ideas in relation to education , to which the university responded by bringing humanistic teachers to Cologne and allowing humanistic subjects .

The "studia humanitatis"

In general, the term “studia humanitatis” abstractly describes the totality of humanistic studies of the “ars humanitatis”, the art of being truly human, which should lead to the attainment of a holistic education in the sense of humanism. Mainly poetry , rhetoric and history were taught at the university in the subject “ars humanitatis” . However, these courses were not part of the regular scholastic curriculum and, compared to today, had at most the importance of courses that were free to choose . It should be noted that the introduction of this subject did not meet with any resistance from the theological faculty, which can presumably be justified by the following theses : On the one hand, the theologians who represent the scholastic education system seem to have underestimated this new subject, on the other hand, the financial one is quite noticeable Bonus for the university in taking up this subject, which is in high demand, played a role that should not be despised. The question of the maintenance of the teachers teaching this subject is also relevant, since the university must have had an interest in keeping them. There were two different funding options for the teachers. Jakob Sobbius, for example, was one of the few humanists to be paid directly by the city ​​council , which, however, also obliged him to perform various services in the city ​​administration . This aspect illustrates the presence of members of the city council who sympathize with humanism and actively support it, without whom the humanists concerned would not have received such funding. A more typical and mainly occurring possibility was for the teachers to hold lectures as “magister artium” in the “ars humanitatis” and for them to be exempted from the fees for attending other lectures , which is what the Cologne register of 1485 for Samuel Karoch and 1491 remarked to Johannes Stammeler von Augsburg .

Peter of Ravenna

Another well-known humanist hired by Cologne University as a university teacher is Petrus von Ravenna . In 1506 she tried to win over the lawyer staying in Cologne by suspending an albeit modest salary for lectures in both rights, which he had already taught as a respected teacher at various Italian universities and also at the zu Wittenberg . Within a very short time, Ravenna's legal lectures, in which he also contributed his humanistic ideas, enjoyed great popularity. His relatively short stay from 1506 to 1508 can be explained by the consequences of his sensational statements against the German princes , who refused to allow those executed to be buried in church. This illustrates the humanistic views of Ravenna, which he thus made public. The Dominican inquisitor and theology professor Jakob van Hoogstraten , who had other powerful theology professors such as Arnold von Tongern , chief regent of the Laurentian courses, on his side, turned against these statements . Presumably his personal jealousy of the successful Ravenna, but also their aversion to his humanistic tendencies, played an important role in his resignation from the university. In the summer of 1508, for example, he began teaching at the University of Mainz . The example of Peter von Ravenna shows how humanism and its embedding in teaching at the university increased in influence, which can also be seen in the increasing number of students at this time.

Humanism in the university at the beginning of the 16th century

The conservative, scholastic theologians at the university reacted to this with censorship , as described below . The fact that the reaction to humanism only took place after its increased influence is evidence of the thesis that theologians had initially underestimated humanism at the university.

The censorship of humanism in the university

The Archbishop of Cologne transferred the right of censorship to Cologne theologians and canonists in 1487 , after the University of Cologne was the first to receive unlimited censorship rights from Pope Sixtus IV in 1479 . In cooperation with the city administration, the university theologians began to censor humanism indirectly by banning humanistic publications and content from the university that would threaten the political and religious stability of the city. It must be noted that Cologne University actually had a long, successful scholastic tradition and was one of the leading ones in this. From this position a certain arrogance developed, especially among theology professors. Because of their conservative attitude, they saw no reason to replace their old, tried and tested scholastic principles and doctrinal attitudes with new humanistic ones. In 1508 theologians censored the study of pagan poets by only finding and allowing Virgil and earlier Christian poets to be safe for the Cologne students. In 1513 the theologians prevented Johannes Aesticampianus from giving lectures on Pliny and Augustine 'de doctrina christiana. This is accompanied by the censorship of the printing works , among which the Quentell printing works should be emphasized, which, as the largest and most important publicist of humanistic works, had a large share in the depicted influence of humanism. Another variant of the censorship is shown in the revocation of the doctorate of the humanist Johannes Frissemius in the theological faculty. In the Montanerburse he also gave lectures on Erasmus, Rudolf Agricola and Cicero and gave an introduction to the Greek language. As a result of this censorship of humanism at Cologne University, it largely disappeared from it.

John Caesarius

In spite of all this, humanism lived on in the bursa and in private courses, which will now be explained using the example of Johannes Caesarius. Caesarius is considered to be one of the most important teachers who, after the censorship of humanism at the university, privately introduced the Greek and Latin languages. At this point it should be noted that these languages ​​were essential for interpreting and dealing with ancient authors such as Cicero in general . Between 1510 and 1519 Caesarius taught Greek in Cologne, including Count Hermann von Neuenahr, whom he had accompanied to Italy in 1508. Furthermore, his environment included students from the most important patrician and trading families as well as the humanists Glarean , Mosellanus and Heinrich Bullinger , who was later taught by Frissemius around 1520. He also maintained close contact with the Rinck family. Ortwin Gratius praised him as “the first to bring Greek writings from Italy to Cologne”. It is noteworthy that as a master's degree “in private” he was more successful than the scholar Richard Croke, who briefly taught the Greek language at the university around 1515 . Thus, the humanistic (language) teaching seems to have been more popular than the scholastic. The interest in this can be seen especially among the students of the Thomistic Montaner and Cornelian courses. Although the censorship managed to drive most of the humanism out of the university for the time being, it did not succeed by far in completely ousting it from the image of Cologne university.

The Reuchlin dispute and the "letters to dark men"

A controversy about Johannes Reuchlin that began at the time of the censorship shaped the contrast between humanism and scholasticism with its effects to be explained, the “ dark man's letters ”.

The Jew Johannes Pfefferkorn , who came from Nuremberg and converted in 1504, demanded in his " Judenspiegel " published in Cologne in 1508 that all Jewish writings be confiscated and burned, as they would stand in the way of their conversion to Christianity . In the following two years he published further writings against the Jews, which were brought out again in Cologne. At Pfefferkorn's request, Emperor Maximilian I (HRR) ordered the Jews to deliver all anti-Christian books to the Jews in 1509, but afterwards he commissioned the Archbishop of Mainz to examine the case, which in 1510 resulted in the reports of several universities (Cologne, Mainz, Heidelberg and Erfurt ) and caught up with scholars. Among them was Hoogstraten, who was the inquisitor of the ecclesiastical provinces of Mainz, Cologne and Trier , and a converted Jew Viktor Karben, as well as Johannes Reuchlin, the well-known humanist and founder of Christian Hebrew studies, who was well known for his knowledge of Hebrew and Jewish literature .

In his confidential report delivered in 1510 , he was the only one in the spirit of science and humanity to advise against Pfefferkorn's demands. Emperor Maximilian followed him, whereupon Pfefferkorn, personally affected by his decision in 1511 , railed against Jews and Talmudic writings in his “hand mirror” .

Reuchlin responded against this with his "ophthalmoscope", which at the same time contained violent statements against the Cologne report. As a result, the Frankfurt city pastor Peter Meyer, who had Reuchlin's writing confiscated, turned to the theologians at Cologne University in support of Pfefferkorn. The well-known Albertist theology professor Arnold von Tongern , one of the most important rulers of the Laurentian courses, published 44 articles against Johannes Reuchlin. The theological faculty declared the “ophthalmoscope” heretical in 1513 and had it publicly burned the next year.

Hoogstraten, who was one of the leading doctors in Cologne, initiated a church trial against Reuchlin as an inquisitor. However, due to an appeal to Pope Leo X, the defendant was referred back to the Bishop of Speyer , who forbade Hoogstraten to further persecute Reuchlin, whereupon he in turn appealed to Rome , where he then tried for several years to be successful. The extent of the Reuchlin dispute can also be seen in the sympathy of the Paris University, which condemned the "eye mirror", the Dutch heir Karl von Habsburg (later emperor) and King Francis I , who recommended that the Pope destroy the "eye mirror". In contrast, Emperor Maximilian stood up for Reuchlin with Leo X. Whether he did this out of a dedication to humanism, a purely theological motivation or a personal cause, cannot be clearly clarified.

Although the theologian controversy in retrospect had nothing to do with the contrast between scholasticism and humanism at the beginning, it then grew into a literary controversy about scholasticism and humanism, with humanists being represented among both parties. Apart from Hoogstraten, the Cologne theologians no longer spoke up. On Hoogstraten's side stood the Cologne city poet Andreas Canter, who translated Pfefferkorn's writings into Latin, while the theologians were also supported by the renowned younger humanist Ortwin Gratius. In a poem he glorified the articuli of Arnold von Tongern against Reuchlin and attacked him himself. In 1514 he published his own work Contra Speculum oculare Ioannis Reuchlin Phorcensis , although it is also unclear whether he was prompted to do so by his close personal relationships with theologians or only by his interest in the theological problem and in faith. The authors of the "dark man's letters" attacked him in the most violent manner. In general, they used the most abusive forms against their opponents, which is shown by the example of Ortwin Gratius in the insult of his wife:

“[…] She has a wart on her forehead, long and red thighs, clumsy and black hands and her mouth smells bad because of her bad teeth; At the same time, however, she has a firm bottom, according to the well-known saying: Margareten's art field, a network that often pulls. But you are blinded by that satanic love that you do not see its faults. She eats and drinks a lot, and recently she farted twice while sitting next to me at table; then she said it came from the bank. [...] "

Not only the Cologne scholastics, but the entire clergy were mocked in the "dark man's letters", as the example of an Augustinian brother from Kolmar shows:

"[...] He [Father Richard Kalberstadt] came back to her immediately in the choir shirt and dalmatic , played her in the most amiable way between both breasts and even politely in her lap, so that he did not suspect any malice from her. Then the sexton rang the bell in the choir, and he ran away in his shirt and pants to attend the service. [...] "

Although Reuchlin was still right in Rome in 1520, a judgment in favor of Hoogstraten was finally reached under the impression of the beginning Reformation , and Reuchlin's "ophthalmoscope" was declared heretical. This can be seen as a result of the fact that on the orthodox side, humanism and "Lutheranism" were repeatedly brought into connection with one another in partly well-considered calculations, even if in reality they were not necessarily welcomed.

In summary, a controversy that had nothing to do with the contrast between humanism and scholasticism developed into one that had a decisive influence on it. Although the theologians under Hoogstraten's leadership had won the Reuchlin dispute, their position was weakened by the "dark man's letters" that were widespread among the people.

The decline in students as a result of censorship

As already described, despite the censorship at the university, humanism lived on in the bursa and in private lessons. Nevertheless, it should be noted that he was unable to build on the presence and strength that he had with teaching at the university before the censorship. However, this limited presence of humanistic teaching was not able to meet the demand of the students, which, along with other factors (war events, epidemics, etc.) played a major role in the massive decline in students at Cologne University. The matriculation list for 1498 shows 2260 students, while the matriculation list from 1526 only shows 433. The decline in students, which in 1524 also led to the entrance to the Cornelianerburse, as already described, worried the Cologne city administration under the five-time mayor Johann von Reidt, which prompted Cologne University to take reform measures in 1523.

The university's reform measures in 1523

The fact that the artist faculty was ready to give in to the general humanistic trend is shown by the reformed faculty statutes of 1523 commissioned by it, although it is not clear to what extent they arose under external influence. However, it can be assumed that the city administration was involved in the reform and exerted a certain amount of pressure. The reformed faculty statutes of 1523 are so highly compromised that the intention to gradually transform scholastic teaching is hardly to be doubted. At the time, two prominent humanists were deans of the artist faculty, of which Johannes Frissemius presented the statutes to the rector of the university at the beginning of the year and Johannes Volsius endeavored to have them recognized. The new statutes explicitly advocated the study of Cicero, Virgil and the Italian humanist Filelfo . They also name the works of the Carmelite Mantuanus, whose "calamitates" Ortwin Gratius had edited in 1510, which was considered the prototype of Christian humanism and was highly regarded by German humanists. The professors in the theological faculty saw these reform approaches as a threat to their authority and reputation within the university and as a possible undermining of the traditional benefice system . Another reason why theologians were so vehemently opposed to the reforms may be the ongoing offense caused by the "dark man's letters". Since, as already mentioned, the theological faculty was the largest and most dominant at the university, even the influential Count von Neuenahr, who became university chancellor in 1524, was unable to convince the city council to implement the reforms.

The university's reform measures in 1525

In view of the fact that the number of students continued to decrease sharply after 1523, the humanist reforms seem to have not yet been adequately implemented. Among them, the proportion of students studying under the reforms of 1523 complained and in 1525 asked the city council to enforce an even more extensive one from the then rector, the long-known scholastic Arnold von Tongern , from Quirin von Wylich , a former Laurentian and then Cologne auxiliary bishop, reform worked out by the scholastic and multiple dean Matthias Aquensis as well as by the university chancellor and humanist supporter Count Hermann von Neuenahr , which was approved in September 1525. The example of Arnold von Tongern and Quirin von Wylich can now also be seen as the necessary, if perhaps only slight, willingness of the scholastics and theologians at the university to turn towards humanistic reforms. In the course of the reforms of 1525 there were extensive additions, but also the exchange of already known subjects and teaching contents. This addition was made both through new humanistic teaching literature and through the increased consideration of teaching content from a humanistic aspect. The addition of already known subjects in the statutes of 1525, in contrast to 1523, is evident in the handling of Aristotle translations . The translations of Boethius were retained, but apart from that, modern translators such as Faber, Johannes Argyropulos and Leonardus Aretinus should find special comments. Characteristic of the basic humanistic tendency was z. For example, in addition to the cultivation of rhetoric, the greater consideration of economics and politics introduced in 1525 with the help of moral-philosophical writings of Aristotle, whereas in 1523 only ethics was illuminated with the help of these . Above all, however, the "doctrinale" of Alexander de Villa Die, which the humanists fought and ridiculed, was finally abolished in 1525 and exchanged for that of Despauterius. Although this was based on Alexander and worked a lot with memory verses, the main difference can be seen in the different objectives. For Alexander, grammar is a means to the end of logical disputes , while Despauterius uses it as an end in itself to learn the language, but not to make it usable for dialectics . This teaching methodology had long been questioned by the scholastics because of the lack of examination options. The application of this same methodology must be an indication that such a possibility has been found. Overall, the scholastic educational canon was not eliminated, but rather supplemented and modernized in a humanist manner. In this way, the humanistically refurbished scholasticism and the humanist philology gradually came to terms with one another. The general education of the early modern period is thus characterized by a compromise in which Aristotle and the "beautiful" litterae such as B. rhetoric equally had its place. Gradually, through this reform process, the Cologne University got out of its crisis, since the students' desire for humanism was apparently satisfied, so that the Cologne University already had 790 enrollments in 1550 and thus more than twice as many matriculations as in its largest Could report a time of crisis.

Summary

All in all, the influence of humanism in Cologne in the early modern period can be divided into three phases:

  • During the late 15th century there was first a period of enthusiasm for humanism when wealthy people of political influence welcomed and supported wandering poets and humanistic teachers in Cologne.
  • This was followed at the beginning of the 16th century by a period in which there was a lot of humanistic activity in Cologne, a time marked by controversies between humanists and scholastics, in which humanism was censored and weakened, which harmed the university.
  • Ultimately, in the middle of the 16th century, humanism was incorporated into the university, which strengthened the university again and had a significant impact on the entire educational system.

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  1. ^ "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 9
  2. ^ "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 7
  3. ^ "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 8 f.
  4. ^ "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 207 f.
  5. ↑ "Ways and Changes of Humanism", Michael Seidlmayer , 1965, p. 174
  6. ↑ a b "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 11
  7. ^ "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 207
  8. ^ "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 206 f.
  9. ↑ "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 212 f.
  10. ^ "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 213
  11. ^ "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 77
  12. ^ "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 15 ff
  13. ↑ "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 44
  14. ↑ a b "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 15
  15. ^ "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 20
  16. ^ "The bursa of the Cologne artist faculty up to the middle of the 16th century", Tewes, 1993, p. 708
  17. ^ "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 17
  18. ↑ a b "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 17 f
  19. ^ "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 18
  20. ↑ Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1 , E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 218
  21. ↑ a b c Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1 , E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 219
  22. ↑ "The Burses of the Cologne Artist Faculty up to the Middle of the 16th Century", Tewes, 1993, p. 65
  23. ↑ Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1 , E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 219 ff.
  24. ↑ Epistulae obscurorum virorum XXXIV.
  25. ↑ Epistulae obscurorum virorum XLIX.
  26. ↑ a b c Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1 , E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 225
  27. ↑ a b c "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 78
  28. ^ "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 227
  29. ^ "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 21
  30. ↑ a b "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 229
  31. ↑ a b "Humanism in Cologne", James Mehl, 1991, p. 22
  32. ^ "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 231
  33. ^ "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 232
  34. ↑ "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 233 f.
  35. ^ "Kölner Universitätsgeschichte 1", E. Meuthen, 1988, p. 235