Left fascism

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Left fascism (also left or red fascism or red fascism ) is a political battle term without a uniform meaning. Mostly he should rate real socialist states , left-wing politics or ideology as " fascism ", and more rarely also anti-capitalism of states or groups called fascist as "left". The political science uses the term, unlike fascism term, not to describe an ideology or social order.

Italian democrats have called Stalinism since 1926 as a dictatorship comparable to the Italian fascism of that time . Representatives of the SPD have called the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) since around 1929 "fascists with red paint"; conversely, communists categorized social democracy as “red fascism” or “ social fascism ”.

In 1967 the philosopher and sociologist Jürgen Habermas warned against a “left fascism” of the APO , which could promote and justify an escalation of violence. Although he later withdrew this judgment, the term was mostly used in the Federal Republic of Germany to defame left-wing groups and parties. He is supposed to attack and delegitimize the policies they represent, which are often legitimized as anti-fascism , for their part as fascist, i.e. anti-democratic and violence-oriented. In the process, it has developed into a stereotype used at will . Similar to the terms anarchism and left-wing extremism, the word is often associated with chaos, violence, terror and crime by politicians, authorities and the media . “Left-wing fascists” are portrayed as a threat to internal security and so defamed.

Italy

After Benito Mussolini came to power in Italy , the liberal Giovanni Amendola first described the Italian fascists and then the Stalinists as "totalitarian" ( totalitario ) in 1925 : Fascism and communism are a "totalitarian reaction to liberalism and democracy ". The leadership of the Fascist Party used this term, which was meant as a reproach, for its ideology and politics in early 1926. Now the entire conservative-liberal opposition in Italy adopted the thesis that the two dictatorships were structurally similar. In this context, the leader of the Partito Popolare Italiano - a forerunner of the later “ Democrazia Cristiana ” -, Father Don Luigi Sturzo, wrote in 1926:

"Altogether there is only one difference to be found between Russia and Italy, namely that Bolshevism is a communist dictatorship or left-wing fascism and fascism is a conservative dictatorship or right-wing Bolshevism ."

Like “ totalitarianism ”, the term is originally a polemical battle term that parallelizes two political systems and their ideologies and rejects them as dictatorships.

The philosopher Hannah Arendt gave the concept of totalitarianism in her main work Elements and Origins of Total Rule (English original from 1951) a theoretical foundation and described similarities between National Socialism , Stalinism and, to some extent, Maoism . She referred to their regime not as fascism, but as "totalitarian", and differentiated Mussolini's dictatorship, Franquism and the governments of the Eastern Bloc states after Josef Stalin's death.

Weimar Republic

In 1929 the KPD adopted Stalin's thesis of social fascism : According to this, the reformists of the failed Second International , that is, the Western European, above all the German social democracy, were regarded as the “stirrup holders” of the emerging fascism. This ideological classification had the power-political sense of strengthening the member parties of the Moscow-controlled Comintern against their competitors and at the same time underpinning the CPSU's pan-European claim to leadership in the labor movement .

In response, the SPD increased its anti-communist stance. Its later chairman Kurt Schumacher declared in 1930 before the Reichsbanner Württemberg:

“The path of the unfortunately quite numerous proletarian swastika activists goes via the communists, who in reality are only red-lacquered double editions of the National Socialists. Both have in common a hatred of democracy and a preference for violence. "

After 1945 this was shortened to the oft-quoted dictum of the red-painted fascists .

The anti-militarist communist Otto Rühle wrote an essay titled Brown and Red Fascism in exile in Mexico in 1939 as a reaction to the Hitler-Stalin Pact . In it he compared the developments in Germany and Russia since 1914 and found in the dictatorships of Adolf Hitler and Stalin, both of which he described as “totalitarian”, an “amazing agreement in the basic systems of the systems - in the doctrine of power, the principle of authority, the dictatorship apparatus, he found the economic reason for this in the “ultra-imperialist monopoly pushing for the system of state capitalism .” He explained the failure of the November Revolution from the fact that the German Social Democrats had entered into a “war alliance with the bourgeoisie ” after the war against the revolutionaries. This alliance brought them "back to their true essence. It had always only appeared to be a socialist movement. [...] It was and remained a petty-bourgeois reform party of the disappointed, those who had fallen short of, and who were prevented from advancing capitalistically. ”That is why the SPD leadership first weakened the socialization demands of the council movement and then turned them into the opposite. In this way she prevented the possible revolutionary break with capitalism and thus first made possible the murders of the main representatives of the Spartakusbund , then the rise of National Socialism. In Russia, Lenin had turned the revolutionary slogan “All power to the councils” in a feudal-agrarian society into a bureaucratic, centralist, top-down, one-party dictatorship and thus paved the way for Stalin. Rühle thus represented an idiosyncratic, council-communist totalitarian theory that was forgotten after 1945 and only rediscovered by the student movement of the 1960s.

Federal Republic of Germany

Jürgen Habermas (1967)

Since the spring of 1967, charges and comparisons of fascism have surfaced in conflicts between university teachers and activists of the West German student movement. They attacked the self-image of the respective addressees as anti-fascists and therefore acted as a stigma . University directors described sit-ins as "fascist methods" (April 19) or saw them as "fascist traits". Students described an America-friendly lecture by Max Horkheimer as "Apology of Fascism" (May 12). Horkheimer then described in a letter his "fear of the relationship between what today calls itself communist and fascist terror". Margherita von Brentano stated on June 7th that “fascism” had become the key word in the current conflicts in recent months. Radical democratic students would have called individual traits in opposing behavior as well as the overall situation "fascist". On the same day, the philosopher Jakob Taubes spoke of the “ghost of fascism” because this word had been used in public discourse.

The student Benno Ohnesorg was shot dead during the demonstration in West Berlin on June 2, 1967 . He was buried in Hanover on June 9th . At the subsequent congress of the Socialist German Student Union , the student leader Rudi Dutschke called for action centers to be established at West German universities in order to cope rationally with the situation. Jürgen Habermas, sociologist and philosopher of the Frankfurt School , then declared his solidarity with the protesting students and described the police actions in West Berlin as "terror" to deter future protests, which threatened to significantly limit democracy. However, as a priority, students should thoroughly analyze society. In order to change their complex structures, direct action is not very promising. Indifference to threatened civil rights is just as dangerous as aimless actionism. The world is obsessed with violence: "But the satisfaction in transforming sublime violence into manifest violence through a challenge is masochistic , so no satisfaction, but submission to precisely that violence."

Hans-Jürgen Krahl replied: Habermas had argued that the provocation of violence was fascist. Doesn't the overpoweringly armed state apparatus force the defenseless students to provoke, for example with tomatoes, because it doesn't give them any other option? He therefore advocates “ritualized forms of provocation” in order to show the public the non-violence of the students. Habermas reacted: "Systematically operated provocation of students" is a "game with terror (with fascist implications)". The audience initially understood this as a criticism of state violence, not of student forms of action.

To this Dutschke replied as the last official speaker: Because the developed productive forces of capitalism have materially made the abolition of hunger, war and domination possible at present, “everything depends on the conscious will of people to finally make them aware of the history they have always made to control, to submit to them, that is, Professor Habermas, your conceptless objectivism kills the emancipating subject. ”The students should consciously break the“ established rules of the game of this unreasonable democracy ”and show with passive sit-in strikes that they are not provoking, but themselves also did not want to be "fooled off in an organized manner". For, contrary to what Karl Marx expected, the current economic development does not tend towards an emancipation process of its own accord, so that the individual activities of individuals are given a completely different weight.

When Dutschke had left the room, Habermas returned to the lectern. To his astonishment, Dutschke only proposed sit-in strikes, ie “a demonstration using non-violent means”, but also “developed a voluntaristic ideology that was called utopian socialism in 1848 and that under today's circumstances - at least, I believe, has reasons to propose this terminology - must call 'left fascism'. Unless Mr. Dutschke wants to draw practically no conclusions from what he has developed in the superstructure here. ”According to contemporary sources, he also said:“ I would have liked to clarify whether he has now deliberately challenged the manifest violence after the calculated mechanisms built into this violence in such a way that it deliberately includes or does not include the risk of human harm, to put it mildly. "

Habermas took up the reproach that Krahl had put in his mouth with reservations in order to clarify which actions Dutschke's theoretical concept implied and to isolate the subversive action in the SDS. He did not equate centers of action and sit-in strikes with fascism, but referred to their theoretical justification, which expected social change only from the conscious will of the revolutionaries. Marx had also criticized utopian socialism for not taking into account the economic development of society. Habermas therefore shared Dutschke's assumption that Ohnesorg's shooting and the previous state reactions to it had shown violent structures in social conditions. He asked, however, whether further victims should be accepted through conscious provocation of such violence. He feared that the deliberate provocation of the bourgeois state with illegal actions could only create the fascism that was inherent in the social structures without the forces willing to change having a chance of a successful revolution. Behind it stood the Marxist fascism theory of " Critical Theory ", which had described fascism as a consequence and latent threat to apparently liberal capitalism.

Dutschke heard this answer the following day on a tape and then wrote in his diary:

“The accusation was reduced to the fact that I, who through actions force sublime violence to become manifest, deliberately wanted to 'burn off' students ... H [abermas] does not want to understand that only careful actions can kill dead, both for Being able to 'avoid' [ie] the present and even more for the [ie] future. Organized counter-violence on our part is the greatest protection, not 'organized balancing-out' à la H [abermas]. The accusation of 'voluntaristic ideology' honors me. "

Like many students, he saw the state separation of powers as inoperable after Ohnesorg's shooting: the victims would be labeled as the perpetrators, the actual perpetrator remained in freedom, the politically responsible remained in their offices. After years of experience with registered demonstrations, he wanted to expose the structural violence of the Federal Republican society through "organized irregularity". The reactions of the state to unregistered and novel forms of action should make the population aware of the prevailing mechanisms of oppression of which it was convinced.

The social psychologist Peter Brückner contradicted Habermas at the congress. His thesis that provocative forms of protest only create the “possibility of inhumanity” is wrong: the brutality of the state organs is fully developed under a very thin blanket of social peace. Many so-called provocations are merely a means of punctually piercing this ceiling and pulling something away in order to recognize the reality underneath.

Habermas withdrew his accusation in an essay entitled “University Reform and Protest Movement” and then in a letter to Erich Fried dated July 26, 1967:

"In Hanover I spoke of 'left fascism' in a clearly hypothetical context."

In a letter of May 13, 1968 to C. Grossner he also wrote:

“First of all, I didn't see at the time that the new forms of provocation are a sensible, legitimate and even necessary means of forcing discussions where they are denied.
Second, I was afraid at the time of the irrationalist implications of a procedure that was introduced under the topos of 'breaking the rules of the game'. I still have these fears today, so the intention of my comment at the time has not changed. Of course, I would […] today […] avoid the label of left fascism, not only because this label caused the gross misunderstanding of an identification of the SDS with the right-wing students at the beginning of the thirties, but because I have become insecure in the meantime am whether what is really new about the current revolts can be met by parallels in the history of ideas.
Third, I still do not consider the use of force to be an acceptable means of political struggle in the current situation. In a situation, on the other hand, […] of which the intolerance of which has by no means entered the general consciousness, […] the acting subjects […] must allow themselves to be morally imputed to the inhumane consequences of their actions. "

In an essay published on June 5, 1968, Habermas no longer placed the feared consequences in the foreground, but instead affirmed the partly newly invented, partly adopted forms of demonstration by West German students and pupils from other countries as a suitable means of educating the population about current conditions capitalist social system. With the “virtual character of a game” and the “ironic duplication” they provoked defensive reactions and could thus generate a “healing shock” and “astonished reflection”.

In 1977, under the impression of media reports and statements by politicians against “ sympathizers ” of the RAF terrorists, Habermas defended critical intellectuals from the accusation of “left-wing fascism”. His statement of June 9, 1967, was an overreaction typical of the German left because of their particular sensitivity to the unintentional violent effects of ideas.

Reception in the APO

Habermas' accusation of fascism was met with strong opposition in the New Left , especially since the student movement was often exposed to such accusations and comparisons at the time. The then director of Frankfurt University, Walter Rüegg , publicly described a planned student go-in in November 1967 as "practicing fascist terrorist methods". To mark the occasion, students and academic staff at the university wrote in an open letter distributed as a leaflet:

“A ghost is haunting Germany - the ghost of left-wing fascism. We resolutely protest against the unreflective use of such terms, against the defamation of uncomfortable minorities. A former Federal Chancellor bluntly speaks of "degeneracy" in National Socialist jargon; its magnificence of fascist terror there, where critical students provoke their teachers to rational discussion. "

Oskar Negt wrote in the course book from June 1968:

"[...] the accusation of left-wing fascism is an expression of a decay of the bourgeois-liberal consciousness, which is affected by the tangible fragility of institutions and rules and yet can only discover the end of all security and freedom in the socialist alternatives [...]. Left fascism is the projection of the systemic fascization tendencies onto easily discriminatory fringe groups [...]. Whoever leaves the security of freedom to the state [...] is the victim of a fatal illusion: he believes in the viability of a democracy without democrats. "

Wolfgang Abendroth and Oskar Negt published various answers to Habermas's allegation in 1968 as a book. Various authors reacted to this.

APO supporters also took up the allegation in an ironic form. Because Theodor W. Adorno did not want to discuss Ohnesorg's death in a lecture on Goethe in July 1967 , those present unrolled a banner with the sentence “Berlin's left-wing fascists greet Teddy the classicists”. On January 31, 1969, Adorno had his doctoral student Hans-Jürgen Krahl and other students who had been looking for a room to discuss in the Institute for Social Research arrested by the police and filed a criminal complaint against Krahl, as a result of which he was convicted of trespassing. Herbert Marcuse therefore canceled a visit to the institute and defended the students in a letter to Adorno against the accusation of “left fascism”, which he described as contradictio in adiecto (“contradiction in itself”). Adorno, on the other hand, defended the term. After his death on August 6, 1969, Krahl wrote in his obituary: Like other critical intellectuals, Adorno had projected that “the socialist action from the left unleashes the potential of the fascist terror from the right that it is fighting. But that means that every practice is denounced a priori as blindly actionist. "

In an interview in 2001, Daniel Cohn-Bendit from 68 said that left-wing students had shown a “lack of democratic sensitivity” at the time, the appearance of which was similar to “fascist behavior”. The fact that Joschka Fischer and three other "street fighters" beat up a police officer with stones in their hands at that time was "left-wing macho" . “Our self-righteousness, our inability to have open discussions [...] is a real sore point. [...] I should have gone to the policeman much earlier, who was seriously injured by a Molotov cocktail at the Meinhof demonstration in May 1976. "This was Jürgen Weber .

Other reception

In the heated situation after Ohnesorg's shooting in 1967, many media commentators took up the catchphrase, used it to defame the student movement and interpreted Dutschke's concept as an invitation and acceptance of illegitimate violence against people. On June 3, 1967 , the Bild newspaper called demonstrating left-wing students the “red SA ”. Editor-in-chief Peter Boenisch often called them “left-wing fascists”.

Politicians also used the catchphrase or analogous comparisons against the student movement at the time: for example Franz Josef Strauss (CSU), Rainer Barzel (CDU), Herbert Wehner (SPD) and Heinz Kühn (SPD). Horst Ehmke (SPD), for example, said at an SPD party conference in 1968:

"To the extent that it breaks [the anti-liberal action directe ] discussions, disrupts lectures, burns newspapers and smashes windows, it definitely deserves to be called 'pseudo-left fascism'. This kind of protest will not change the existing shortcomings of our society in the least. Rather, it will strengthen the reaction in this country, not 'luring out' fascism, but helping to produce it. "

The CDU was for the federal election campaign in 1969 published a "Guide for dealing with the APO," in which he said the word "fascist":

“In the opinion of the left, our society is fascistoid, because it uses 'fascist' methods. […] Fascism, however, is a political system that is based on violence and is particularly directed against democracy. In this respect, the violence used by the SDS [...] is clear evidence of left fascism. "

This view is interpreted as a reaction to allegations of fascism by the 1968 generation to the parents' generation who had experienced the Nazi era:

“The 'establishment' was only too happy to accept Jürgen Habermas' misleadingly formulated and later corrected accusation of 'left-wing fascism', which seemed to perfectly pinpoint its own anti-totalitarian reservations. The ubiquity and arbitrariness of the fascism charge were the result. While the adjective 'fascistoid' advanced to the buzzword of the late sixties, the opponents were in no way inferior to each other in terms of grotesque historical analogies. "

After terrorist attacks by the RAF , the journalist Gerhard Löwenthal said in the ZDF magazine on January 12, 1972 : "The sympathizers of left-wing fascism, the Bölls and Brückners and all the other so-called intellectuals, are not a bit better than the intellectual pacemakers of the Nazis." The statement attacked the poet Heinrich Böll , the social psychologist Peter Brückner and others who had warned of hysteria and the dismantling of rule-of-law principles in the course of the state's anti-terrorist measures, and sparked an ongoing scandal. A namesake of Heinrich Böll received many threatening letters and threatening phone calls after the broadcast, which made him sick.

In March 1976 Joachim Fest accused the playwright Rainer Werner Fassbinder of his not yet performed play Der Müll, die Stadt und der Tod as an anti-Semitic expression of left-wing fascism. Fest was then sharply criticized: He had equated the political left with fascism and this with anti-Semitism in order to give the previously empty accusation of left- wing fascism a (false) content. This is a deliberate self and reader deception.

Klaus Farin stated in 1997 that mutual allegations of fascism between skinheads and autonomists are a common pattern of communication:

“Recurring, especially in direct disputes on the street, is the return coach with the same content: the (left) fascism accusation. On both sides the term is used in an inflationary way synonymous with undemocratic, extortionate, etc. This sharpest of all accusations escalates the conflicts, endless discussions and short-circuit actions are the result. "

Right-wing extremists, such as members of the NPD , and representatives of the New Right have been using the term since the 1960s, especially since the reunification of Germany in 1990, to defame political opponents, including members of democratic parties. For example, Klaus Hornung wrote in 2000:

“The (extreme) left has always been a master in occupying concepts and thus heads - starting with Marx and Lenin. The red-green bloc in Germany and its willing helpers in the media have successfully continued this tradition for years. They managed to pass their own political standpoint and will as the only "democratic" one and to cover their opponents with the conceptual clubs "fascism", "racism", "xenophobia" etc. and thus exclude them a priori from the political discourse . [...] Left-wing fascism marches in the guise of anti-fascist democracy. "

After a discussion about his book, Germany abolishes itself, Thilo Sarrazin called opponents, according to the Bild newspaper from January 2011, “left-wing fascists” who prevented free expression of opinion , and compared them with National Socialist students in this regard. The Technical University of Berlin, as the organizer, publicly rejected this.

Term for real socialism (Peter Sloterdijk)

The German philosopher Peter Sloterdijk pleaded in 1999, for example in the Elmau speech , using terms such as “human breeding ” and “anthropotechnology” for germline therapy and prenatal diagnostics, including the selection of “defective” embryos, to be made the norm by law. Habermas then described Sloterdijk's speech in a private letter as “genuinely fascist”. Sloterdijk replied that Habermas was trying “to move an entire nation with his left-fascist agitations”. The critical theory is "dead". The philosophy was to finally become a " Copernican confess mobilization" and a " Ptolemaic make disarmament". He meant the abandonment of Marxist-influenced ideologies that were outdated from his point of view, especially in the field of social sciences.

In an interview in 2005, Peter Sloterdijk said:

“The fact that left fascism chose to present itself as communism was a trap for moralists. Mao Tse-tung was never anything other than a left-fascist Chinese nationalist who initially used the jargon of the Moscow International. Held against Mao's cheerful exterminism, Hitler appears like a vicious postman. But they still shy away from comparing the monsters. The most massive ideological maneuver of the century consisted in the fact that left fascism loudly accused the right after 1945 in order to be regarded as its opponent. In truth, it was always about self amnesty. The more the unforgivability of the crimes of the right was exposed, the more those of the left disappeared from the line of sight. "

Sloterdijk described “left fascism” in 2006 in his work “Zorn und Zeit” as the “predominant language game” in anti-fascism of the post-war period, Stalinism and the New Left. He related the term to the entire real socialism under Lenin , Stalin and Mao. He listed features that make their systems comparable to National Socialism for him, including a leader principle , militarism , centralism , collectivism , anti-democracy, distrust of individualism and pluralism , monopoly of public space and the media through party propaganda, the lifting of the modern ban on killing in the Service of the cause declared good and others.

Term for "National Socialism"

Some historians and political scientists have referred to socialist and anti-capitalist program items and ideological components of fascist groups as "left fascism", thus using the term historically and analytically for a national socialism, for example. Peter von Oertzen saw the ethnic-anti-capitalist component as a basic feature of fascism in general, which distinguished it from the right-wing radicalism of bourgeois and reactionary parties of the Weimar period.

Johannes Agnoli classified the anti-capitalist wing of the NSDAP around Otto and Gregor Strasser as left- wing fascism. Adolf Hitler had disempowered these representatives in 1926 and had them and other internal party opponents murdered in the alleged Röhm putsch in 1934 .

Otto-Ernst Schüddekopf used the term for fascist movements in Europe after 1945 which, according to him, seriously strived for socialism:

“The French fascists Marcel Déat , Eugene Deloncle, Jacques Doriot and Valois came from socialism and endeavored to realize it in a national form. Even in Mosley's fascism , the socialist component was to be taken seriously. He developed his Keynesian- oriented economic and political views in the Labor Party and even in the left-wing Independent Labor Party. His main concern was overcoming unemployment and creating healthy economic conditions. "

The program of the Rassemblement National Populaire (RNP) in France and Peronism in Argentina were classified as left-wing fascism.

United States

Before the 1946 mid-term elections, Republican officials cursed the Democratic Party as red fascists . This expressed their rejection of the anti-Hitler coalition with the Soviet Union and the previous policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt in the emerging Cold War . The blackmailing (public denunciations with lists of names) of unpopular people, many of blacks, artists and intellectuals, as red fascists spread in 1947 in TV companies in the United States. 1948 red fascists in McCarthyism already become a common term for all suspected communists and their supporters in all social areas of the United States, such as trade unions, universities and the media. After McCarthy was ousted in 1954, J. Edgar Hoover , the founder and longtime head of the FBI , continued to use the terms red fascists or communazis to refer to anyone he considered communists, including many German anti-fascists who came to the United States during the Nazi era had fled.

The American sociologist Lewis Samuel Feuer interpreted the New Left as left wing fascism and explained it as a generation conflict. Also, Irving Louis Horowitz characterized the student movement of the 1960s in 1970 as a new, left-wing fascism. In 1981 Horowitz described current left-wing fascism as "infantile disorder". He was referring to left-wing terrorism, which he interpreted as the result of the ideas of the Frankfurt School . The left has learned a lot from right-wing fascism, but is urban and elitist. It expresses class antagonism in industrial society.

In a speech on the occasion of the upcoming Independence Day , which he delivered on July 3, 2020 at Mount Rushmore National Memorial , the American President Donald Trump denounced the anti-racist Black Lives Matter movement as “far-left fascism”, who threatens to defame American history, erase American values ​​and indoctrinate children.

See also

literature

  • Julius H. Schoeps , Christopher Dannemann: The rebellious students. The elite of democracy or the vanguard of left-wing fascism? Bechtle, 1968.
  • Oskar Negt: Student protest, liberalism, 'left-wing fascism'. Kursbuch 13, 1968, pp. 179-189. In: Oskar Negt: Politics as Protest. Speeches and essays on the anti-authoritarian movement. Frankfurt am Main 1971
  • Oskar Negt, Wolfgang Abendroth (eds.): The left answers Jürgen Habermas. European Publishing House, 1969
  • Johannes Agnoli: On the fascism discussion: a contribution to determining the relationship between politics and economy and the function of today's bourgeois state. Verlag O, 1973, p. 43 ff.
  • Ernst Nolte : Student Movement and "Left Fascism". In: Ernst Nolte: Marxism, Fascism, Cold War. Lectures and essays 1964–1976. (1977) Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Berlin 1985, ISBN 3-421-01824-3 , pp. 237-252.
  • Wolfgang Fritz Haug : "Left Fascism". In: Wolfgang Fritz Haug: From helpless anti-fascism to the grace of late birth. Argument, Berlin 1987, ISBN 3-88619-309-8
  • Wolfgang Kraushaar : Determination: Decisionism as a figure of thought. In: The RAF and left-wing terrorism. Two volumes, Hamburger Edition , Hamburg 2006, ISBN 3-936096-65-1 , pp. 140–156.
  • Heidrun Kämper: Aspects of the democratic discourse of the late 1960s: constellations - contexts - concepts. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-11-026342-8 , chapter 4.2.2 (stigmatization: "The Ghost of Fascism", pp. 84-104 )
  • Heidrun Kämper: Dictionary on Democracy Discourse 1967/68. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 2013, ISBN 3-05-006511-7 (keyword fascism , pp. 409-413 and more often)

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Carola Stern , Thilo Vogelsang , Erhard Klöss, Albert Graff (eds.): Dtv-Lexicon for history and politics in the 20th century. Volume 2 (H-N). Deutscher Taschenbuch-Verlag, Munich 1974, ISBN 3-423-03127-1 , p. 483.
  2. ↑ Wolfgang Fritz Haug: From helpless anti-fascism to the grace of late birth. Argument-Verlag, 1987, ISBN 3-88619-309-8 , pp. 145 ff.
  3. ^ Gerhard Strauss, Ulrike Haß, Gisela Harras: explosive words from agitation to zeitgeist. A lexicon for public usage. Walter de Gruyter, 1989, ISBN 3-11-012078-X , p. 66.
  4. ^ Luigi Sturzo: Bolshevik Russia and Fascist Italy. P. 225: quoted in: Gamal Morsi: America is always somewhere else. The reception of the American Dream in Italy. Tectum Verlag, 2001, ISBN 3-8288-8325-7 , p. 86.
  5. ^ Jeannette Michelmann: Activists from the very beginning. The Antifa in the Soviet zone of occupation. Böhlau, Vienna 2002, ISBN 3-412-04602-7 , p. 29 f.
  6. ↑ quoted from Heinrich Potthoff: Kurt Schumacher - Social Democrats and Communists (presentation at the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, September 1999)
  7. ↑ Mike Schmeitzner : Critique of totalitarianism from the left: German discourses in the 20th century. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2007, ISBN 978-3-525-36910-4 , p. 255 .
  8. ↑ Alfons Söllner, Ralf Walkenhaus, Karin Wieland: Totalitarismus, a history of ideas of the 20th century. Oldenbourg, Munich 1997, ISBN 3-05-003122-0 , p. 108 .
  9. ↑ Otto Rühle: Brown and Red Fascism. ( Memento of November 20, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) 1939.
  10. ↑ Mike Schmeitzner: Critique of totalitarianism from the left: German discourses in the 20th century. Göttingen 2007, p. 205 .
  11. ↑ Heidrun Kämper: Aspects of the Democracy Discourse of the late 1960s , Berlin 2012, p. 84 f.
  12. ↑ Aribert Reimann: Dieter Kunzelmann: Avant-gardist, protester, radical. Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2009, ISBN 3525370105 , p. 165
  13. ↑ Gretchen Dutschke-Klotz: Rudi Dutschke. A biography. 4th edition, Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1996, p. 135 f.
  14. ↑ Eberhard Windaus, Frank Wolff (Ed.): Student Movement 1967–69: Protocols u. Materials. Roter Stern, 1977, p. 76; Ulrich Enzensberger: Years of the Commune 1. Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 2004, ISBN 3-462-03413-8 , p. 166; Gretchen Dutschke-Klotz: Rudi Dutschke. A biography. 4th edition 1996, p. 137.
  15. ↑ Aribert Reimann: Dieter Kunzelmann: Avant-gardist, protester, radical. Göttingen 2009, p. 167
  16. ↑ Rudi Dutschke: Everyone has to live their whole life. The diaries 1963–1979. btb, Cologne 2005, ISBN 3-442-73202-6 , p. 45.
  17. ↑ Rudi Dutschke, Hans-Jürgen Krahl: Organization lecture at the XXII. Conference of delegates of the Socialist German Student Union. 5th September 1967.
  18. ^ Bernhard Vesper: Conditions and organization of the resistance. The congress in Hanover. Minutes, leaflets, resolutions. Voltaire, Berlin-West 1967, p. 74 f.
  19. ↑ a b quoted from Gerhard Bauß: The student movement of the sixties. P. 64.
  20. ↑ Jürgen Habermas: The sham revolution and their children. Six theses about tactics, goals and situation analyzes of the opposition youth. (Frankfurter Rundschau from June 5, 1968) In: Wolfgang Abendroth, Oskar Negt: Die Linke answers Jürgen Habermas. European Publishing House, pp. 5–15.
  21. ↑ Jürgen Habermas: Trial for People's Justice. On the charges against the intellectuals. In: Der Spiegel. October 10, 1977.
  22. ↑ Helge Buttkereit: Krahl letters. Also quoted in Wolfgang Kraushaar: Frankfurt School and Student Movement. Volume 1: From the message in a bottle to the Molotov cocktail 1946–1995. Rogner & Bernhard in Zweiausendeins, 1998, ISBN 3-8077-0348-9 , p. 281.
  23. ^ Oskar Negt: Student protest - Liberalism - "Left fascism". In: Hans Magnus Enzensberger (Ed.): Kursbuch 13 / Juni 1968, Suhrkamp Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1968, pp. 179ff.
  24. ↑ Wolfgang Abendroth, Oskar Negt (ed.): Die Linke answers Jürgen Habermas. European Publishing House, 1968.
  25. ↑ Hans-Joachim Winkler (Ed.): The establishment answers the APO. Documentation. Leske, 1968.
  26. ^ Emil Walter Busch: History of the Frankfurt School. Wilhelm Fink, 2010, ISBN 3770549430 , p. 220
  27. ^ Hans-Jürgen Krahl: Constitution and class struggle: on the historical dialectic of bourgeois emancipation and proletarian revolution. Writings, speeches and drafts from the years 1966-1970. New Critique, 2008, ISBN 3801503801 , pp. 291f. On the Jutta Ditfurth process: Through invisible walls. How is one like that left? Rotbuch, Berlin 2011, ISBN 978-3-86789-138-7 , pp. 145-147.
  28. ↑ Der Spiegel, January 29, 2001: Stefan Aust, Gunther Latsch, Georg Mascolo and Gerhard Spörl in conversation with Daniel Cohn-Bendit.
  29. ↑ Michael Schmidtke: The awakening of the young intelligentsia: The 68er years in the Federal Republic and the USA. Campus Verlag, 2003, ISBN 3-593-37253-3 , p. 148.
  30. ↑ Peter Pragal: A man of conviction. On the death of the legendary "Bild" editor-in-chief Peter Boenisch. In: Berliner Zeitung. July 9, 2005.
  31. ^ Reinhard Kühnl: The NPD: Structure, program and ideology of a neo-fascist party. Voltaire Verlag, 1967, p. 297, note 11; Mario Keßler : Ossip K. Flechtheim: Political scientist and future thinker (1909–1998). Böhlau, Vienna 2007, p. 151.
  32. ↑ Horst Ehmke: The democratic constitutional state as an ongoing task. Presentation at the party congress of the Social Democratic Party of Germany from March 17 to 21, 1968 in Nuremberg, quoted in: Hanno Beth: Right-wing radicalism, left-wing radicalism, left-wing fascism - comments on common keywords (PDF, p. 1; 103 kB)
  33. ↑ CDU Federal Office (Ed.): Between Anarchy and Marxism. Guidelines for dealing with the APO. Bonn 1969, p. 56; quoted from: Oliver Kohns, Martin Roussel: cuts - identity in modernity. Königshausen & Neumann, 2007, ISBN 978-3-8260-3644-6 , p. 98 ( Memento of the original from September 21, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.books.google.de
  34. ↑ Oliver Kohns, Martin Roussel: cuts - identity in modernity. 2007, p. 98 ( Memento of the original from September 21, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.books.google.de
  35. ↑ quoted from Wolfram Wessels (editor), SWR2 Feature, September 6, 2007: 30 years of German Autumn ( RTF ; 1.8 MB)
  36. ^ Hans Mathias Kepplinger: Journalistic conflicts and scandals. Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-16900-2 , p. 34ff.
  37. ↑ Horst Hensel: Teaching units on democratic literature: a publication of the "Werkkreis Literatur der Arbeitswelt". Päd. Extra Buchverlag, 1977, ISBN 3-921450-08-X , p. 36.
  38. ^ Rich Jew from the left. ( Memento of the original from December 15, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. In: FAZ. March 19, 1976 (facsimile) @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.kokhavivpublications.com
  39. ↑ Werner Bergmann: Anti-Semitism in Public Conflicts: Collective Learning in the Political Culture of the Federal Republic 1949–1989. Campus Verlag, 1997, ISBN 3-593-35765-8 , p. 318 ( Memento of the original from March 12, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link has been inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. ; Benjamin Henrichs: Fassbinder, a left-wing fascist? In: The time. March 26, 1976. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.books.google.de
  40. ↑ Klaus Farin: The Skins. Myth and Reality. Christoph Links Verlag, 1997, ISBN 3-86153-136-4 , p. 184  ( page no longer available , search in web archives )  Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. .@1@ 2Template: Dead Link / www.books.google.de  
  41. ↑ Stephan Braun, Alexander Geisler, Martin Gerster: Strategies of the extreme right: Backgrounds - Analyzes - Answers. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2009, ISBN 978-3-531-15911-9 , p. 606 ; Klaus Schroeder (Bavarian State Center for Political Education): Right-wing extremism and youth violence in Germany: an East-West comparison. F. Schöningh, 2004, ISBN 3-506-71751-0 , p. 42.
  42. ^ Klaus Hornung: Column: Conceptual sovereignty. In: Young Freedom. 42/00, October 13, 2000.
  43. ↑ TU Berlin, January 24, 2011: Statement on the statements of Dr. Thilo Sarrazin
  44. ↑ The critical theory is dead. Peter Sloterdijk writes to Assheuer and Habermas. In: The time. September 9, 1999.
  45. ↑ Heinz-Ulrich Nennen : Philosophy in real time. The Sloterdijk Debate: Chronicle of a Production: About Metaphor Impact Assessment, the Art of the Spectator and the Pathology of Discourses. Königshausen & Neumann, 2003, ISBN 3-8260-2642-X , p. 145 ; see also 1999 Rudolf Öller, Welt der Wissenschaft 1999: The human breeders are coming ( Memento of the original from July 4, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.scientific.at
  46. ↑ Michael Klonowsky: The release of all things. Interview with Peter Sloterdijk. In: Focus. 31/2005.
  47. ↑ Peter Sloterdijk: Zorn und Zeit: political-psychological attempt. Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 2006, ISBN 3-518-41840-8 , pp. 258 and 313.
  48. ↑ Peter von Oertzen: What actually is left fascism? In: Süddeutsche Zeitung. 13./14. January 1968.
  49. ^ Johannes Agnoli: Fascism without revision. (= Works. Volume 4). Ça ira, 1997, ISBN 3-924627-47-9 , p. 35.
  50. ↑ Otto Ernst Schüddekopf: Until everything falls into pieces - The history of fascism. (1973) Bertelsmann 1991, ISBN 3-570-04555-2 , p. 21.
  51. ↑ Werner Rings: Life with the enemy. R. Laffont, 1979, ISBN 3-463-00756-8 , p. 155.
  52. ↑ Peter Waldmann: The Peronism 1943–1955. Hoffmann and Campe, 1974, ISBN 3-455-09107-5 , p. 17, footnote 1
  53. ^ Gary A. Donaldson: Truman Defeats Dewey. University Press of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky 1999, p. 8.
  54. ↑ James Gavin: Stormy Weather. The Life of Lena Horne. Simon & Schuster, 2009, ISBN 978-1-4391-6425-9 , p. 220 .
  55. ↑ Example: Investigation of Communism in New York City Distributive Trades: Hearings Before a Special Subcommittee of the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, Eightieth Congress, Second Session, Pursuant to H. Res. 111, United States Congress. United States Government Printing Office , 1948, p. 726.
  56. ^ Andrew Roberts: A History of the English-Speaking Peoples Since 1900. Harper Perennial, 2008, ISBN 978-0-06-087599-2 , p. 519 .
  57. ^ Lewis Samuel Feuer: The Conflict of Generations: The Character and Signification of Student Movements. Basic books, Incorporated, 1969, p. 262 and more
  58. ^ Irving Louis Horowitz: The Struggle is the Message. Berkeley, Glendessary 1970, p. 101.
  59. ^ Irving Louis Horowitz: Winners and Losers: Social and Political Polarities in America. Duke University Press, 1984, ISBN 0-8223-0602-6 , pp. 209-219 .
  60. ↑ David Smith: US under siege from 'far-left fascism', says Trump in Mount Rushmore speech . in: theguardian.com , July 4, 2020, accessed July 9, 2020.