ʿAwārif al-maʿārif

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Title page of the Paris manuscript by ʿAwārif al-maʿārif , Ms. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Arabe No. 1332, with various ownership notes. The first part of the manuscript probably dates from the 13th century.

ʿAwārif al-maʿārif ( Arabic عوارف المعارف 'Gaben der Wissens') is a comprehensive handbook on Sufik and at the same time the most important work of the Shafiite legal scholar and Sufi Shihāb ad-Dīn Abū Hafs ʿUmar as-Suhrawardī (1145–1234). As-Suhrawardī wrote the work before 1208 and from then on used it as a textbook among his students. Although the author makes extensive use of earlier Sufi texts, ʿAwārif al-maʿārif is an original work that defines and systematizes its subject in an unprecedented way. According to Richard Gramlich , who translated the work into German, it is "the end point and at the same time the climax of the classic orthodox Sufi manual literature". ʿAwārif al-maʿarif was conveyed to India and Persia through students, where he was commented on several times and translated into Persian. In the Sufi orders of the Suhrawardīya and the Tschishīya it remained the most important Sufi textbook until the beginning of the 16th century. The work has also been translated into Ottoman-Turkish several times. To this day it enjoys great popularity in Sufi circles around the world and is considered the standard manual for all questions concerning the Sufi rules of conduct and duties of sheikhs and their disciples.

Text witnesses

Manuscripts

Manuscripts of the text are preserved in Berlin, Vienna, Paris, London, Manchester, Algiers, Fes, Tunis, Cairo, Istanbul, Bursa, Peshawar , Patna , Rampur and Aligarh and in many other places. In Istanbul libraries alone there are 37 manuscripts of the work from the 13th to the 17th century, which shows the extraordinary popularity of the work. Six of these manuscripts date from the 13th century. The following two manuscripts are particularly important:

  • Ms. Istanbul, Lala Ismail 180 with 233 sheets. According to the listener 's note at the end of the Ribāt al-Ma'mūnīya in Baghdad, this code was read out in front of the author by ʿAbd al-Karīm ibn Mansūr al-Mausilī asch-Schāfiʿī in the middle of Muharram 624 (= early 1227) and is the oldest manuscript of the work.
  • Ms. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Arabe No. 1332 with 197 sheets ( digitized ). The older main part of the codex is not dated, but probably dates from the 13th century. The second part, beginning with sheet 162, was created in 1381 by Muhammad ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Mahmūd al-Hawāfī. In the older part there are many variants and comments in the margin.

Print editions

The work was first published in print in 1872 by Muhammad ʿAbd al-Latīf al-Chatīb on the fringes of the Bulaq edition by al-Ghazālīs Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm ad-dīn . In this form it appeared again in 1877, 1879, 1886, 1888, 1895, 1908 and 1910. In the later editions, which appeared in Cairo and Beirut from 1939, the work was no longer printed in the margin of the Iḥyāʾ , but in its appendix as fifth volume. Although this uncritical text edition of al-Khatīb contains many errors and is unreliable in many places, it is still very widespread in the Arab world. In 1984 an edition reformatted by Maḥmūd Saʿīd Mamdūḥ was published by Dār al-Maʿrifa in Beirut.

In the late 1960s, ʿAbd al-Halīm Mahmūd and Mahmūd ibn al-Sharīf endeavored to produce a critical edition of the text. The first volume of this edition with 352 pages, which only contains chapters 1 to 21, was published in 1971 in Cairo by Dār al-kutub al-hadītha. As can be seen from the preface by ʿAbd al-Halīm Mahmūd, the edition is based on three manuscripts from the Egyptian National Library and the Library of the Azhar : (1) a manuscript by al-Hādj Yūsuf ibn al-Husain ar-Rūmī from 832 dH (1428 AD), (2) one from ʿIwaḍ Efendī from 1100 dH (= 1688 AD) and (3) one from as-Saiyid Sulaimān al-ʿAzīzī asch-Schāfiʿī from 1112 dH (= 1700 AD). Chr.). Otherwise Mahmūd does not provide any further information about these manuscripts. The second volume of the edition, which contains the remaining 41 chapters of the book, was not published until 2000. It is based on a considerably older manuscript that is dated to 1216. ʿAbd al-Halīm Mahmūd had received them from Muhammad Yūsuf al-Banūrī. Unfortunately, he does not provide any further information about this manuscript either.

Even if the old Būlāq edition and the edition by ʿAbd al-Halīm Mahmūd / Mahmūd ibn asch-Sharīf are two different editions, there is still no reliable textual basis that takes into account all text variants.

Completion time

It is not known exactly when as-Suhrawardī wrote the work. According to an anecdote cited by ʿAfīf ad-Dīn al-Yāfiʿī (d. 1367) and Jāmi (d. 1492), it was written in Mecca , during which as-Suhrawardī performed the tawāf around the Kaaba several times for God's help with the solution of problems in writing. However, this is probably a confusion with as-Suhrawardī's work Aʿlām at-tuqā , in which the author actually reports in the preface that he proceeded in this way when drafting it.

According to Erik Ohlander, the work must have been written before 605 dH (1208/09 AD), because a listener's note at the beginning of the manuscript Lala Ismail 180 states that the ʿAwārif al-maʿārif in the Ribāt al- Marzubānīya in Baghdad, along with two other works, was performed by as-Suhrawardī to a group of companions, which is confirmed in a note from as-Suhrawardī's own hand. This is the term ad quem for the creation of the work.

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As-Suhrawardī has incorporated all older Sufi literature into his work, including the Tafsīr of Sahl at-Tustarī (d. 896), the Ḥaqāʾiq at-tafsīr and the Risālat al-Malāmatīya of Abū ʿAbd ar-Rahmān as-Sulamī ( d. 1021), and the Sufi manuals of Abū Nasr as-Sarrādsch (d. 988), Abū Tālib al-Makkī (d. 996), al-Kalābādhī (d. 990 or later) and al-Quschairī (d. 1074). In many places, as-Suhrawardī also quotes statements by his uncle and Sufi teacher Abū n-Najīb as-Suhrawardī .

In order to underline the authority of his words in the ideas he puts forward, as-Suhrawardī cites Quranic verses and hadiths in numerous passages . With this method too, as-Suhrawardī follows the model of earlier Sufi manuals.

The Egyptian scholar Qāsim ibn Qutlubughā (d. 1474) tried to identify the hadiths contained in the ʿAwārif and wrote a Tachrīdj work on this , which does not seem to have survived . The Moroccan Sufi scholar Ahmad ibn Siddīq al-Ghumārī (1901-1960) created two other Tachrīdsch works. One has the title ʿAwāṭif al-laṭāʾif min aḥādīṯ ʿAwārif al-maʿārif , the other Ġunyat al-ʿAwārif . They were both edited in Mecca in 2001.

Structure and content

Chapter overview in the Paris manuscript (Ms. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Arabe No. 1332) of the
ʿAwārif al-maʿārif . The Arabic word باب bāb ("chapter") is drawn across the entire page.

The ʿAwārif al-maʿārif consist of a short preface and 63 chapters. The incipit reads: al-Ḥamdu li-Llāhi l-ʿaẓīmi šaʾna-hū . As the author explains in the preface, the work addresses some of the Sciences of the Sufis, their "states" (aḥwāl) and stands , their good manners (adab) , personality traits (aḫlāq) and unusual emotional experiences, the realities of their knowledge (ma'rifa) and their unity , their subtle references (išārāt) and subtle technical terms (iṣṭilāḥāt) . The sciences of the Sufis are all the expression of a feeling (wiǧdān) and the reference back to a knowing (ʿirfān) and tasting (ḏauq) , which are realized with the truthfulness of the mystical state and whose core the clear language is unable to grasp.

The Sufi Sciences (Chapters 1-3)

In Chapter 1, which deals with the origin of the Sufi sciences, the author quotes a hadith in which the Prophet compares the guidance (hudā) and the knowledge (ʿilm) with which God sent him to a rich rain part of which falls on fertile soil, which absorbs the water and then turns green, another part flows into cisterns that help people, and a third part falls on dead soil that does not produce any yield. He explains that it is the same with people, some of whom absorb knowledge and make it fruitful, while others do not. This thought is deepened in Chapter 2, which shows that the Sufis are distinguished by good listening (ḥusn al-istimāʿ) and can thus best grasp the meanings of Revelation and Hadith.

Chapter 3 deals with the merit of the Sufi sciences. As-Suhrawardī explains that the Sufi sciences are taste sciences (ʿulūm ḏauqīya) , to which the mind can hardly access other than through taste (ḏauq) and being touched (wiǧdān) . It is like knowing about the sweetness of sugar, which does not result from the description. Rather, it only knows who has tasted it. The Qur'anic saying "God is feared only by the learned among his servants" ( Sura 35:28 ) is an indication for the scholars of the hereafter that the way to knowledge is closed when renunciation and fear of God are absent. The Sufi sciences, the author explains, are inherited sciences (ʿulūm al-wirāṯa) , of which it is believed that they are derived from the learned sciences (ʿulūm ad-dirāsa) . The learned sciences are like pure milk, the inherited sciences like the cream obtained from them. If there were no milk, there would be no cream either. But the cream is the fat property that one looks for in milk, while the water property is a body in which the spirit of the fat property persists. So the insistence rests on the water quality.

Sufism itself (Chapters 4-6)

Chapter 4 deals with the state of the Sufis, Chapter 5 different definitions of Sufism (taṣauwuf) . The author quotes al-Junaid with the statement that the Sufis did not gain Sufism from long talking back and forth, but from starvation, from rejecting this world and from cutting off familiar and pleasant things. When asked about the nature of Sufism, he is said to have answered: "That you are with God without attachment (sc. To the world)." According to another definition of al-Junaid, Sufism is "that God makes you die to you and let you live through him." The author explains that poverty (faqr) is included in the essence of Sufism and forms its basis and support. Regarding the question of what poverty means, he refers to the statement of the Sufi Abū Bakr al-Shiblī: "That one has enough with nothing but God." In order to illustrate the great importance of poverty, he refers to the hadith, according to which the poor among Muslims should enter Paradise 500 years earlier than the rich. According to another definition that the author quotes, Sufism is remembrance with togetherness, ecstasy with hearing, and action with following.

Chapter 6 deals with the question of "naming the Sufis by this name". As-Suhrawardī quotes the hadith narrated by Anas ibn Mālik , according to which the Messenger of God was so humble that he used to accept an invitation from a servant to ride a donkey and clothe himself in wool. This is based on the view that the Sufis are called Sufis (ṣūfīya) with regard to their outer clothing because they wore wool (ṣūf) . According to another view, the Sufis were named after the shadow arbor (ṣuffa) , which was erected for the poor in the time of the prophet. This linguistic derivation, the author explains, is not true, but is correct in terms of its meaning, since the state of the Sufis is similar to that of the Ahl as-Suffa . As-Suhrawardī refers to a group of ascetics in Khorasan who lived in caves and stayed away from the villages and towns; in Khorasan these were called Schikaftīya (from Pers. šikaft = cave). In Syria these people are called hunger (ǧūʿīya) . God also mentioned these pious people by different names in the Koran. The name Sufi , which did not exist at the time of the Messenger of God, encompasses all of these different groups. When the time of the mission (of Muhammad) was far behind and the epoch of prophecy was far away, when the views diverged, the schools of thought multiplied, everyone stuck to his own opinion, a group had shifted to pious works and high statuses alone. They renounced this world, chose seclusion and solitude and took sorrow (zawāyā) . They then called themselves Sufis.

The difference between the Sufi, the Sufic and the imitator (chap. 7)

Chapter 7 deals with the difference between the Sufi (ṣūfī) , the Sufic (mutaṣauwif) and the imitator (mutašabbih) . As-Suhrawardī explains that the beginning of the Sufi path is belief , then comes knowledge (ʿilm) , then experience (ḏauq) . Belief is inherent in the imitator, knowledge in the Sufic and experience in the Sufi. The honest Sufic has a share in the state of the Sufi and the imitator has a share in the state of the Sufic. But all of them are people of prosperity and success that the circle of election includes. As-Suhrawardī takes this from Quran verse 35:32 , which, in his view, refers to the three groups: "Then we have given the Scriptures to those of our servants whom we have chosen as an inheritance. Some of them subjugate their souls, others strike a middle ground, others go ahead with the good. "

According to as-Suhrawardīs view, the imitator should accompany the Sufis, because "closeness to them is the prerequisite for all good" (al-qurb min-hum muqaddima li-kull ḫair) . As-Suhrawardī quotes the Sufi Ahmad al-Ghazālī with the statement that one should also clothe the imitator with the chirqa, because this brings him to their meetings and gatherings, and thus he achieves something of their blessings and their conditions. He also quotes al-Junaid as instructing people who are just beginning to turn to Sufik not with knowledge but with mildness.

Malāmatīya and Qalandarīya (Chapters 8 and 9)

Cape. 8 deals with the malāmatī and its condition. As-Suhrawardī here first refers to the statement that a Malāmatī is someone who shows nothing good and does not hide anything bad. He explains that the Malāmatī realizes sincerity (iḫlāṣ) and honesty (ṣidq) and therefore does not like people to know about his condition and his actions. From as-Sulamī he quotes the statement that the Malāmatīs have four kinds of dhikr : remembering with the tongue, remembering with the heart, remembering with the mystery, and remembering with the mind.

In chap. 9, which is dedicated to those "who count themselves among the Sufis but do not belong to them," as-Suhrawardī deals with the difference between the Malāmatī and the Qalandar . While he describes the Malāmatīs as an honorable group that seeks to hide their spiritual achievements, he denies the Qalandarīya membership of the Sufik because they are ruled by the "drunkenness of the pleasure of their hearts", the naturalized customs (ʿādāt) spoil, throw off the bond with social manners and limit oneself to the acts of worship only to the obligatory acts and do not care about indulging in worldly pleasures if this is permitted due to a ruchsa . As-Suhrawardī explains, certain seduced people call themselves Malāmātīs and wear the Sufi costume to be counted among the Sufis. They had nothing in common with the Sufis, but lived in delusion and error, disguised themselves in the clothes of the Sufis, sometimes out of caution, sometimes out of presumption, and followed the path of the libertinists (ahl al-ibāḥa) . They claimed that their innermost being came to God. Submitting to the formalities of the Sharia , on the other hand, is the level of ordinary believers and of those who have little understanding and limit themselves to Taqlīd . As-Suhrawardī rejects this view as a mistake.

The Sheikh and the Servant (Chapters 10-11)

Chapter 10 deals with the rank of the sheikdom . As-Suhrawardī explains here that there are four types of those who are pious and walkers on the mystical path: 1. the simple stride (sālik) , 2. the simple drawn-in (maǧḏūb) , 3. the stride reached by being drawn (sālik mutadārak bi- l-ǧaḏba) and 4. the attracted by walking reached (maǧḏūb mutadārak bi-s-sulūk) . In his opinion, the simple stride and the simple drawn are not qualified for sheikdom. The most perfect place to stand in the sheikdom (al-maqām al-akmal fī l-mašyaḫa) can only be achieved by those drawn towards them by walking.

As-Suhrawardī distinguishes two types of sheikhs. The sheikh on the way of lovers is free from the slavery of the soul, but sometimes remains under the slavery of the heart. However, the sheikh on the way of the beloved is free from both the slavery of the soul and the slavery of the heart. The soul is a dark, earthly veil, the heart a light-like, heavenly veil. The one who has freed himself from both belongs to his Lord, not to his heart, he serves God in truth and believe in him in honesty.

Chapter 11 deals with the position of the servant (ḫādim) who stands below the sheikh. He relieves those who turn to God from the daily business and does it for God with pious intentions. Since servants usually make expenditures for the poor , there is occasional confusion between servants and sheikhs, about which as-Suhrawardī warns the Sufis. According to as-Suhrawardī, the one who serves not because of the approval of God but because of human approval is not a servant, but only someone who pretends to serve (mutadādim) .

The Sufi patchwork skirt (chap. 12)

Chapter 12 is about the patched skirt ( chirqa ) of the Sufis. The author explains that putting on the patched skirt creates a bond between the sheikh and the murid, and the latter makes the sheikh the arbiter over himself. The basis for this ritual in the Sunnah is the hadith, according to which Mohammed once put a small black robe on the Abyssinian slave girl Umm Chālid. However, in his opinion there is another model for the patched skirt, namely the shirt made of paradisiacal silk that the Archangel Gabriel Abraham put on when he was thrown naked into the fire. When he died, Isaac is said to have inherited it, and after him Jacob , after all, Joseph is said to have put it on when he was thrown into the cistern.

The author explains that there are two types of patchwork skirts , the novitiate skirt (ḫirqat al-irāda) and the blessing skirt (ḫirqat at-tabarruk) . The Noviziatsrock was for the Murid thought the blessing skirt for the imitators. The wearer of the blessing skirt is required to adhere to the regulations of the religious law and to seek contact with the Sufi community in order to qualify for the novitiate skirt in this way. An anecdote quoted by the author makes it clear that Sufis are not to be blamed for wearing dirty clothes because they have no free time to wash because of the worship exercises. At the end of the chapter, the author makes it clear that the sheikh was free to bestow the chirqa or not, since there was a generation of pious ancestors (as-salaf aṣ-ṣāliḥ) who did not know this symbol.

Life in Ribāt (Chapters 13-15)

Chapters 13–15 are about life in Ribāt . As-Suhrawardī explains that Ribāt actually means the place where the horses are tied up (yurbaṭu) . Hence, for any front line whose occupation the inhabitants of the hinterland are defending, say Ribāt . The fighter posted in the Ribāt defends those who are further back. And through the one stationed in the Ribāt in obedience to God, and through his supplication , the disaster may be kept away from the land and the people. The Ribāt also serves the jihad against the soul. As-Suhrawardī refers here to the ascetic ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Mubārak , who had defined jihad as "jihad against the soul and lust". As-Suhrawardī comments, this is the true jihad, namely the great jihad, according to what is narrated by the Messenger of God, namely that when he returned from a military campaign he said: "We have returned from the minor jihad to the great jihad."

The author describes that in Ribāt there are young men, old men, servants and those who live in seclusion (ḫalwa) . Given the needs of the nafs (sleeping, resting, etc.), the ancients are more suitable for the cells (zawāyā) . For the young man, on the other hand, it is better to sit in the common room (bait al-ǧamāʿa) because that way he is better kept in check and educated. If, however, senseless chatter and noise occur among the young people, then the old man should rather leave his cell to the young man so that he can separate himself from the others. Those who have just entered the Ribāt should devote themselves to service and regard it as worship . If residents of the Ribāts clashed, the sheikh or the servant should rebuke them and subject them to sharp questioning (niqār) because they had both stepped out of the circle of community (dāʾirat al-ǧamʿīya) . The author explains that Sufi sheikhs should always assign services to young men in order to save them from idleness.

Traveling (Chapters 16-18)

Chapter 16 is about traveling and living at home. As-Suhrawardī explains that the Sufi Sheikhs behave differently: some of them traveled at the beginning and chose a permanent residence in the end, others of them stayed at the beginning and traveled in the end, still others stayed at home and did not travel at all, and after all, there are those who are constantly on the move and don't want to stay. Playing with the etymological associations of the word safar ("travel"), the author explains that travel is called safar because it reveals character traits (yusfiru) .

In Chapter 17, the author provides several lists of items that must be included on a trip. The Sufi Ibrāhīm al-Chauwās is said to have never been without four things: pot, string, needle with thread and scissors. Mohammed is said to have always carried five things with him when he traveled: mirror, cool box , hairpin, siwak and comb or scissors.

Livelihood, marriage and celibacy (chapters 19-21)

Chapter 19 is about the state of the Sufi pursuing an acquisition. The author explains that as long as possible, the poor should not beg. The Prophet had encouraged people to refrain from begging (suʾāl) by instilling fear and arousing desire . Someone who collects firewood and feeds on it and gives alms is better than someone who begs, because the upper hand is better than the lower. The end of the chapter deals with the interpretation of the prophet's word: "The most permitted thing a believer eats comes from the acquisition of his hand." A Sufi sheikh had interpreted this in such a way that this acquisition was asking in need. Sheikh Abū Tālib al-Makkī, from whose work as-Suhrawardī quotes the statement, had rejected this interpretation. As-Suhrawardī, on the other hand, defends the Sufi Sheikh against the criticism of Abū Tālib al-Makkī and expresses the assumption that by acquiring the hand the sheikh did not mean begging, but rather raising his hands to Duʿā ' in need. And that is one of the most permissible things you can eat if God hears your own request and feeds you. Chapter 20 is about those who feed on "openings" (futūḥ) , that is, alms that are not begged.

Chapter 21 deals with celibacy and marriage among the Sufis and the correctness of their goals. The author tries to treat the question in a balanced way and suggests that there are contradicting traditions about the merits of celibacy and marriage. He explains that the divine messenger's speech on this matter is so varied because the conditions of people are different: there are those among them for whom being single is better and those for whom being married is better. In the further course of his remarks, however, as-Suhrawardī makes it clear that he considers celibacy to be the better state. Among other things, he refers to the alleged prophetic word that after the year 200 he is best off who has no wife and no children.

Listening to music (chapters 22-25)

Chapters 22-25 deal in great detail with listening to music (samāʿ) . The author refers to the statement of Abū l-Hasan ibn Sālim, who, when asked why he refused to listen, replied: "How should I refuse hearing when better than I thought it was allowed and have heard. Jafar too at-Taiyār heard. To reject is only the pastime and the gimmick of listening. " The author expresses that he considers this judgment to be correct. But when the voice comes from a seductive, beardless youth or a non-mahram woman, he explains, listening is always forbidden because in this case a temptation (fitna) is to be feared for the listener . The voice itself is not what is forbidden; rather, the prohibition is only extended to them because of the threat of temptation for reasons of expediency. But whoever completely refuses to listen to music is, according to as-Suhrawardī, like an impotent (ʿinnīn) who does not know the pleasure of sexual intercourse , or a blind person who cannot enjoy the splendid beauty. Overall, however, listening to music is judged very cautiously and differentiated: it is more of a concession than a desirable means of perfection, so that strict limits should be set to its permissibility.

As-Suhrawardī also deals with affectation (takalluf) in Samāʿ and explains that one must differentiate between two types of affectation: 1. If the listener is affected because he is looking for rank and benefit in this world, it is deception and betrayal to judge; 2. If, on the other hand, he is looking for reality with affectedness, then this is to be judged like a feigned weeping, which is considered to be recommended . Overall, as-Suhrawardī judges that the Samāʿ is dispensable because it does not create anything new in the listener, but only moves what is in the heart.

The forty-day retreat (Chapters 26-28)

The practice of forty days of contemplation (arbaʿīnīya) is covered in chapters 26-28. To justify this practice, the author refers to the alleged prophetic word: "Whoever devotes forty days to God sincerely, the sources of wisdom from his heart appear in his tongues." He also believes that the Qur'anic story of Moses, who retired for forty days and then spoke to God ( Sura 7: 142 ), points to this practice.

Chapter 28 explains how to enter the forty-day cloister : the novice who wants to walk this path should free himself from this world, give up all his possessions, perform a full ghusl , pray two rakʿas, with weeping Pleading and self-humiliation of your sins to turn back to God , bring your secret and visible into harmony, bear no resentment, falsehood, hatred, envy and betrayal in you, then sit down at the place of your cloister and only leave him for Friday prayer .

Sufi character traits (chap. 29-30)

Chapters 29 and 30 are devoted to the presentation of the character traits (aḫhlāq) of the Sufis. In the introductory chapter 29, the author quotes the Prophet as saying: "I was sent to reveal the noble qualities of character (makārim al-aḫlāq) ." He reminds his readers of the great importance of good character (ḥusn al-ḫulq) with a hadith according to which the Messenger of God once said: "To those who are most dear to me among you and to those who will take the places closest to me on the day of the resurrection, belong to those with the most beautiful character traits. " As-Suhrawardī quotes the Sufi Sheikh Abū Bakr al-Kattānī (d. 934) as saying: "Sufism is character. Whoever lets you grow in character, lets you grow in Sufism."

Chapter 30 deals in detail with the character traits that Sufis must possess. These include humility ( tawāḍuʿ ), philanthropy (mudārāt) , altruism (īṯār) , generosity (saḫāʾ) , forgiveness ( ʿafw ), cheerfulness and serenity of the face, sociability, renouncing affectation, spending without skimpy, and renouncing supplies , the refusal to quarrel, warm solidarity with the brothers, gratitude towards the benefactor and the willingness to sacrifice one's own reputation for the brothers and Muslims as a whole. As an example of humility, the author refers to his uncle and teacher Abū n-Nadschīb as-Suhrawardī , who once while on a trip to Syria had crusaders who brought them food in chains to sit down so that they could eat some of the food themselves and then sat down with them.

Sufi rules of conduct (chapters 31-55)

Chapter 31 emphasizes the great importance of ( Adab ) in Sufism. The author quotes a hadith according to which Mohammed said that his Lord, i.e. God, had beautifully endowed him with good morals (ādāb) . The author explains that Adab is the purification of the outside and inside. When a person's exterior and interior are purified, he is a well-mannered Sufi (ṣūfī adīb) . In contrast to the unchangeable physical constitution, a positive change in character traits is possible, because God has enabled people to adopt good morals and noble character traits. The dictum of a certain Yūsuf ibn al-Husain makes it clear that Adab represents an indispensable foundation on the mystical path: According to this, through Adab one understands knowledge, through knowledge one gets action (ʿamal) in order, through action one attains wisdom (ḥikma ) , on wisdom rests the renunciation (zuhd) , through renunciation one gives up this world, through giving up this world there arises a desire for the hereafter, and through the desire for the hereafter one attains the high rank with God. Another dictum quoted by the author comes from ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Mubārak . It says that whoever disdains the adab will ultimately be punished with loss of knowledge.

Rules of conduct during worship (chapters 33-41)

In a series of long chapters, the author deals with the Sufi rules of conduct for worship , such as ritual purity (chap. 33), wudu ' and ghusl (chap. 34–35), ritual prayer (chap. 36–38), the fasting and fast-breaking (Ch. 39-41), wherein each of he discussed their relationship to spiritual development.

In chapter 36, which deals with the excellence of ritual prayer, the author first refers to the Koranic statement in Sura 23: 2 : "It is well for the believers who are humble in their prayer". Then he quotes a hadith according to which God answers each of the individual phrases when a person speaks the Fātiha . The author explains that ritual prayer is a relationship between master and servant, not between God and servant. It is the duty of man to humble himself in the face of the glory of God in the form of servitude . God made the five ritual prayers compulsory, as stated in the hadith, according to which ritual prayer is the support of religion and the one who gives it up is an unbeliever. With ritual prayer, the author explains further, the person praying realizes servility. When man is preparing to pray, God remove the veil between him and himself and turn his gracious face to him; angels stood on his shoulder, prayed with him and said the amen to his supplication .

Rules of conduct for everyday life (chap. 42–50)

Chapters 42 to 50 deal with rules of conduct for everyday life. Chapters 42 and 43 deal with food intake, chapter 44 questions about clothing, chapters 45 to 48 the rules of conduct for sleeping and waking, and finally chapters 49 and 50 the division of the day into the various activities. Regarding the question of clothing, the author reports from his uncle Abū n-Najīb as-Suhrawardī that he did not commit himself to any clothing, but rather wore whatever came up.

The relationship between the Sheikh and Murīd and the companionship (chap. 51-55)

In chapters 51 and 52, as-Suhrawardī deals with the relationship between Sheikh and Murīd . The author first refers to the Qur'anic word in sura 49: 1 "Believers! Do not make yourself important before God and his Messenger" and then explains that it is part of the good custom of the Murid when he is with the Sheikh that he adheres to silence and only utter a nice word in his presence after he has received permission from the Sheikh. The Murid's behavior towards his Sheikh should resemble someone who sits on the shore of a sea and waits for something to be provided for him to support. If he concentrates on what comes to him through the word of the Sheikh, he will thereby realize the position of his search and striving for progress through God's grace. He should direct his attention to the ambiguities of his condition in order to investigate them by questioning the sheikh.

The author also quotes Sura 49: 2 : "Do not raise your voice above that of the prophet". He explains that this verse was referring to a deaf person who used to speak very loudly in the presence of Muhammad. God revealed him to educate him and others. Raising one's voice is like putting away the robe of dignified restraint. It is more useful for the novice to immerse himself in his sheikh by turning his gaze to him than to listen to the music performance.

Conversely, the author explains, the sheikh should behave like a counselor and father to his murid. He should seriously examine the state of the murīd and, through the light of faith, perceive in him with his deep insight what one can expect from him and his qualifications. One of the duties of the sheik is that he should be gentle with the murids, that he should not insist on his rights with regard to the veneration and respect owed to the sheikhs, and that he should exercise humility.

In chapters 53 to 55 rules of conduct for companionship (ṣuḥba) are formulated. The author explains that the benefit of the companionship is that it opens the pores of the inside. Man thereby acquire knowledge of external events, and mutual help and cooperation arise. One of the duties of companionship is to say good things about the separation from one another and one's brother. The good morals of companionship include docility and abandonment of aggressiveness, kindness and renunciation of flattery and keeping the balance between closed-mindedness and indolence.

Mystical psychology (chap. 56-57)

Chapter 56, entitled "The self-knowledge of man and the revelations of the Sufis about it," deals with the relationship between spirit, soul, heart, mystery and understanding.

  • Spirit (rūḥ) . The author quotes a large number of different opinions on the nature of the mind and then explains that in his opinion there are two spirits: 1. The human (insānī) , translunar, heavenly spirit, which belongs to the world of command, as it is in sura 17:85 means, and 2. the human (bašarī) spirit, which belongs to the world of creation. The latter is the substrate and destination of the translunar mind. The spirit of life is physical, subtle, the carrier of sensory perception and movement, starts from the heart and expands inside the blood vessels. This spirit is common to all living beings.
  • Soul ( nafs ). The author explains that when the translunar spirit enters the spirit of life, it begins to differ from the spirits of other living beings. He gains another quality, becomes a soul and a substrate for speech and inspiration. The author refers to the Qur'anic word in sura 91: 7-8 and explains that the formation of the soul occurs when the translunar spirit comes upon it and separates it from the species of spirits of animals. The resting of the translunar spirit with the spirit of life is like the resting of Adam with Eve in sura 7: 189 .
  • Heart (qalb) . From the resting of the spirit with the soul, the author explains, the heart arises. With the heart is meant the subtle substance (laṭīfa) , the seat of which is the lump of meat in question. While the lump of meat belongs to the world of creation, the subtle substance belongs to the world of command. A hadith quoted by the author says that there are four kinds of hearts: (1) the believer's sincere heart , in which there is a lamp; (2) the black perverted heart of the unbeliever ; (3) the heart of the hypocrite, tied to a relationship, and (4) the wavering heart in which faith and hypocrisy dwell at the same time, with one or the other prevailing depending on the situation.
  • Secret (sirr) . The author explains that there are very different views among the Sufis: some of them considered it to be beyond the heart and this side of the mind, others as beyond the mind and higher than this. In contrast to spirit, soul, heart and mind, the mystery is not mentioned in God's speech . The author himself takes the view that the mystery is not an inherent thing, but a quality that enters the heart when it moves away from its abode and strives towards the spirit, while the spirit ascends to the realms of closeness to God.
  • Mind (ʿaql) . The author explains that he is the tongue of the mind (lisān ar-rūḥ) and the interpreter of the inner sense of sight (baṣīra) . He quotes a hadith according to which the Prophet was asked what makes people stand out from one another, and gave the answer: "Through the intellect with regard to this world and the hereafter." The author explains that there are two kinds of mind, one through which one sees the matter of one's here and one through which one sees the matter of one's hereafter. Those whose minds seek enlightenment through the light of the religious law receive help from the inner sense of sight and can therefore gain insight into the essential world (malakūt) . The essential world is the interior of created things, the disclosure of which is reserved for those who have the inner sense of sight.

Chapter 57 deals with the division of ideas (ḫawāṭir) . The author quotes Sheikh Abū Muhammad ibn ʿAbd al-Basrī as saying that there are four types of incursions: the incursion from the soul, the incursion from God, the incursion from Satan and the incursion from the angel . Doubts about the nature of an idea can always be traced back to one of four reasons: 1. Insufficient certainty; 2. Insufficient knowledge of the properties and moral qualities of the soul; 3. Compliance with the desire for pleasure while perforating the foundations of the fear of God or 4. Love for this world, for this worldly reputation, this worldly goods in the pursuit of rank and dignity with people. Those who are saved from these four things can distinguish between the visit of the angel and the visit of Satan.

Mystical positions and states (chap. 58-62)

Cape. 58 deals with the difference between the "state" (ḥāl) and the "standing place" ( maqām ). The author explains that the state is called ḥāl because of its changeability (taḥauwul) , and the stand is called maqām because of its constancy and durability. One and the same thing could be a state and then become a stand. The sheikhs say that the stands are acquired things and the conditions are gifts.

Stand spaces (chapters 59-60)

In chapters 59 and 60 various mystical positions are set out:

  • Repentance ( tauba ). The author explains that all positions and conditions are contained in three things, namely sincere repentance (at-tauba an-naṣūḥ) , renunciation of the here and now (az-zuhd fī d-dunyā) and the realization of the position of servitude (taḥqīq maqām al -ʿUbūdīya) .
  • Accountability (muḥāsaba) . The author explains that the tauba needs to be accountable and only through it becomes correct. Accountability comes about by guarding all of your breaths, taming your senses, monitoring your times, and giving priority to the important things.
  • Patience (ṣabr) . The author quotes Sahl at-Tustarī as saying that it is more difficult to patiently endure the well-being than the affliction. Similarly, it is narrated that the Companions of the Prophets were patient with unhappiness, but not with happiness. Those who let themselves be guided internally and externally by religious knowledge will only achieve complete success if patience is their permanent abode and home, because religious knowledge and patience cling to one another like mind and body. The author explains that there are three types of patience: patience in God, patience for God's sake, and patience without God, in which the servant of God withdraws from his Lord out of shyness and reverence. This patience without God is one of the most exquisite places of the mystical vision. Subsequently, however, Jafar as-Sādiq is quoted as saying that God gave his prophet the highest share of patience, insofar as he let his patience be through God, as it says in sura 16:27 : "Only through God are you patient ".
  • Fear (ḫauf) and hope (raǧāʾ) . The author explains that the two stands are at the very core of righteous repentance, since fear turns people and hope is the foundation of fear. Fear and hope are thus inseparably united in the heart of the believer.
  • Waiver (zuhd) . The author explains that renunciation is more preferable than poverty. Renunciation is poverty and something else, because the poor are forced to lose the cause, while those who do without give it up voluntarily.
  • Easement ( ʿUbūdīya ). The author quotes Sahl at-Tustarī , who is said to have replied to the question of when a person takes the position of servitude: "If he gives up planning and choosing." The author explains that when man realizes repentance, renunciation and unremitting work for God, the present distracts from the future. Then he arrives at the stand where planning and choosing are rejected, so that his choosing becomes God's choosing because his desire for pleasure dwindles, his religious knowledge increases and the substance of ignorance is excluded from within.

Other positions discussed in Chapter 60 are conscientiousness (waraʿ) , poverty (faqr) , gratitude (šukr) , trust in God (tawakkul) and contentment (riḍā) . The order in which they are dealt with corresponds to the earlier Sufi manuals.

States (chapters 61-62)

Chapters 61 and 62 set out various mystical states:

  • Proximity (qurb) . The state of closeness, the author explains, is peculiar to those whose soul hides in the light of their spirit because of the overwhelming power of their drunkenness and the violence of their extinction (maḥw) . When he becomes sober again and comes to himself, free the spirit from the soul and the soul from the spirit and everything about a person will return to its place and place.
  • Love (maḥabba) . The Sufi Abū l-Qāsim an-Nasrābādī is quoted as saying that one attains knowledge through observance of the Sunna , closeness through the fulfillment of religious duties, and love through perseverance in voluntary extra effort.
  • Shame (ḥayāʾ) . The Sufi as-Sarī as-Saqatī (d. 867) is quoted as saying that shame and familiarity are in the heart; if they found resignation and conscientiousness in it, they settled down, otherwise they left again. Another Sufi, Abū Sulaimān ad-Dārānī, said that the worshipers acted on the basis of four levels: fear (ḫauf) , hope (raǧāʾ) , glorification (taʿẓīm) and shame. Whoever acts on the basis of shame occupies the noblest rank.
  • Connectedness (ittiṣāl) . It leads to the highest levels on the mystical path, the truth of certainty (ḥaqq al-yaqīn) . A flash of this is to be given to the specially chosen in this world. Here the light of vision streams into the whole being of man, so that his spirit, his heart, his soul, even his body, contain it in themselves. If these realities arise, the person still knows that he is still at the beginning of the path and is far from thinking about the arrival, because the path to the arrival cannot even be traversed in eternal life, not to mention it the short life of this world.
  • Trepidation (qabd) and happiness (BAST) . As-Suhrawardī explains that trepidation and happiness have a certain time before and after which they do not exist. This time is at the beginning of the state of special love and not at the end. Those who only stand on the state of general love can indeed feel something like states of trepidation and happiness and then take this to be, but it is not, but only worry and natural cheerfulness that befell them. Concern and serenity, the author explains, arise from the place and substance of the nafs because their qualities persist; so long as there is some of the Ammara quality left on the soul, cheerfulness and sorrow are part of it.
  • Disappearance ( Fanā ' ) and existence (baqāʾ) . The author deals with the statement that becoming and existing means for humans that he becomes a creator with regard to the offenses and an existing one with regard to the consents. In his view, however, this is only an accurate description of the sincere Tauba, while it has nothing to do with becoming and passing. Rather, the report points to the disappearance, according to which ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿUmar , when he was greeted while he was circling the Kaaba , did not return the greeting and later justified this with the fact that he had looked to God. Disappearance, the author explains, is divided into an external and an internal disintegration. The outward evasion consists in the fact that God reveals himself on the way of deeds and snatches his own choice and will from man, so that he neither speaks to himself nor to any other action except through God. The inner evasion consists in the fact that the divine qualities are soon revealed to him and now the traces of the majesty of the divine being. The cause of God then seizes his inner being, so that he no longer has any objection or whispering left. But if God lets someone have his own choice and gives him the freedom to dispose, then he is an existing one. He is on a stand where God neither separates him from man nor man separates him from God. The author explains that the outer disentanglement belongs to the owners of the hearts and the states, the inner disentanglement belongs to the one who has become free from the bondage of the states and is in God, not in the states. He has come out of the heart and therefore with him who transforms it (al-muqallib) , not with his heart.
  • Union (ǧamʿ) and separation (tafriqa) . As-Suhrawardī explains that the Sufis use "union" to refer to the isolation of the unity creed and "separation" to human appropriation. Accordingly, there is only union through separation. The union is the determination of the spirit, the separation the determination of the body, and as long as this composition persists, one absolutely needs the union and the separation. One could also say: looking at one's own works is separation, looking at the divine attributes is union, and looking at the divine being is the union of union (ǧamʿ al-ǧamʿ) .

Other mystical states discussed in Chapter 62 are self- concealment (taǧallī) , ecstasy (waǧd) , drunkenness (sukr) and sobriety (ṣaḥw) , redemption (maḥw) and attachment (iṯbāt) , the knowledge of certainty (ʿilm al- yaqīn) , the essence of certainty (ʿain al-yaqīn) and the truth of certainty (ḥaqq al-yaqīn) .

Beginnings and final stages (Chapter 63)

In his final chapter, the author explains what beginners and advanced learners have to pay particular attention to on the mystical path. He explains that, despite the perfection of his condition, even the perfect man could not do without restraining his soul, withholding the objects of her pleasure and taking on a certain amount of additional fasting and vigilance and various good works.

Impact history

As-Suhrawardī's work has spread very widely in a short time. This is because the author used it in his classes from 1208, which were attended by Muslims from all over the Islamic world. The students of as-Suhrawardī also received an ijāza for the transmission of the work in their home countries. Some of these ijazas exhibited by as-Suhrawardī are preserved in manuscripts. The use of the work in as-Suhrawardī's teaching can be documented on the basis of these ijāzas. One of them is issued to the year 612 dH (1215/16 AD), another to the middle of Muharram 624 (January 1227 AD).

In his last years, as-Suhrawardī seems to have spread his work in Mecca during the Hajj season. This emerges from two Idschāzas , which he exhibited in Dhu l-Hiddscha 627 (= October / November 1230) in Mecca to people who had heard the work from him. The recipient of one Ijāza was the Indian Bahā 'ad-Dīn Zakarīyā (d. 1262), the recipient of the other was the Egyptian Ibn al-Qastallānī (d. 1287).

Indian subcontinent

Suhrawardīya Order

The shrine of Bahā 'ad-Dīn Zakarīyā, the founder of the Indian branch of the Suhrawardīya in Multan

Direct pupils of his played a major role in conveying and spreading the ideas of ʿUmar as-Suhrawardī on the Indian subcontinent . They included Turk Biyābānī, Diyā 'ad-Dīn Rūmī, Qādī Hamīd ad-Dīn Nāgaurī (d. 1244) and Nūr ad-Dīn Mubārak Ghaznawī (d. 1249) from Delhi , Jalāl ad-Dīn Tabrīzī (d. 1244) from Bengal and the already mentioned Bahā 'ad-Dīn Zakarīyā from Multan , who is considered to be the actual founder of the Indian branch of the Suhrawardīya order. Bahā 'ad-Dīn Zakarīyā had visited as-Suhrawardī in Baghdad for 17 days and received the chirqa and a prayer rug from him . In addition, a certificate issued by al-Suhrawardi in Mecca is ijazah handed down, according to he Baha 'ad-Din Zakariya permission to tradition of all this has given what he has heard before, including the book 'Awārif al-Ma'arif . From the document, which is dated to the 21st Dhū l-Hiddscha 627 (= October 31, 1230), it also emerges that Bahā 'ad-Dīn Zakarīyā was given a copy of the book.

The ʿAwārif al-maʿārif subsequently served as one of the most important textbooks at the headquarters of the Suhrawardīya order in Multan as well as in neighboring Uch . The Chatīb of Uch Qāsim Dāwūd Chatīb Darātscha, a student of Bahā 'ad-Dīn Zakarīya, created the oldest Persian translation of the work in 1241/42 with the consent of his teacher. Principal of this translation, now exist from the more manuscripts in Istanbul and India, was the Turkish military commander Taj ad-Din Abu Bakr ibn'Izz ad-Din Kabīr Chan-i Ayaz, who from 1241 to 1245, more or less independent of the Delhi Sultanate over ruled the area of ​​Multan and Uch as well as parts of Sindh . The descendants of Bahā 'ad-Dīn Zakarīyā used the work of as-Suhrawardī in class until the end of the 14th century.

The shrine of Buchārī Machdūm Jahanīyān in Uch

The Indian Suhrawardī Sufis revered the work so much that they kept looking for more reliable copies. Jalāl ad-Dīn Buchārī with the surname Machdūm Jahāniyān (d. 1384) from Uch, who made an extensive journey through the Middle East in the 1340s, studied the ʿAwārif in 1347 with a sheikh named ʿAbdallāh Matarī in Medina . He had a particularly valuable and accurate copy that had been checked by as-Suhrawardī himself. He introduced al- Buchari into the teachings of the Avari in one-to-one classes . In the same year he traveled to a sheikh named Muʿammar Sharaf ad-Dīn Mahmūd Schāh Tustarī, who lived in Shūkāra in Chuzistan . He was reportedly 132 years old and had heard the work from a direct disciple of al-Suhrawardī. Al-Buchārī read through the work with him completely and had an ijāza issued about it . Matarī later bequeathed his copy of the book to him and had it sent to him via a detour to India. Jahāniyān himself taught the work in Uch and explained it with statements from the Koran and Hadith . The collection of sayings (Malfūẓāt) of Jahāniyān with the title Ḫulāṣat al-alfāẓ ǧāmiʿ al-ʿulūm , compiled by a student, contains explanations of statements from the ʿAwārif , which, taken together, would result in a separate, brief commentary on the work. The work shows that women also took part in the sessions in which Jahāniyān conveyed the contents of the ʿAwārif .

The tomb of Hāmid ibn Fadlallah Jamālī in Mehrauli in the south of Delhi

A century and a half later, the Delhi-based Suhrawardī Sheikh Hāmid ibn Fadlallah Jamālī (d. 1535) brought another copy of the ʿAwārif from the time of the author to India. According to the description in his hagiographic work Siyar al-ʿĀrifīn , Jamālī met a very old sheikh in Baghdad who took Shihāb ad-Dīn Ahmad Nāmī, who succeeded ʿUmar as-Suhrawardī and gave him a copy of the work that the author had seen himself . Jamālī later worked as an adviser to the two rulers Sikandar Lodi and Babur .

Chishtiya Order

The tomb mausoleum of Bābā Farīd in Pakpattan (= Adschodhan)

Even the Tschischtīya -Orden was based on the 'Awārif . The Chishtī Sufi Farīd-al-dīn Masʿūd Ganj-i Shakar (d. 1265), who lived in Adschodhan south of Lahore , then taught in his Chanqāh and wrote glosses (taʿlīqāt) . It is narrated that the day Farid ad-Dīn also had a son was born on the day he received the book and that he gave him the nickname Shihāb ad-Dīn. When Nizām ad-Dīn Auliyā (d. 1325) visited Farīd ad-Dīn in Adschodhan, he studied five chapters of the ʿAwārif with him , but the book led to a clash between the two because Farīd ad-Dīn was only a very old one and had an illegible copy of the work. Nizām ad-Dīn noted that the copy of Farīd ad-Dīn's younger brother, Najīb al-Dīn Mutawakkil, who lived as an ascetic in Delhi, was considerably neater. Later, however, he praised his disciples for the way in which Farīd ad-Dīn had explained the subtleties of the teaching presented in the book.

When Farīd ad-Dīn installed his disciple Jamāl ad-Dīn Hansawī as his successor (ḫalīfa) , he gave him his copy of the ʿAwārif . He later passed it on to Nizām ad-Dīn Auliyā. As Ziyā 'ad-Dīn Baranī reports in his historical work Tārīḫ-i Fīrūzšāhī , Nizām ad-Dīn Auliyā used the book regularly in his classes, which were also attended by Sherif and great personalities of the state. When Qutb ad-Dīn Munauwar, the grandson of Jamāl ad-Dīn Hansawī, later came to Nizām ad-Dīn Auliyā, the latter gave him the copy of the book from his grandfather. Qutb ad-Dīn Munauwar later passed this copy on to his son Nūr ad-Dīn.

The entrance gate of the Sufi shrine of Bande Nawāz Gēsūdarāz in Gulbarga

The ʿAwārif al-maʿārif served as the most important textbook for the Chishtī Sufis in Jaunpur until the early 16th century. The Saiyid Muhammad ibn Yūsuf al-Husainī ad-Dihlawī Gēsūdarāz (d. 1422), who is buried in Gulbarga , created a three-volume commentary in Arabic with the title Al-Maʿārif šarḥ al-ʿAwārif and also a two-volume Persian commentary. Manuscripts of both commentaries are now in the Sufi shrine of Gēsūdarāz in Gulbarga.

His contemporary'Alā'-Dīn'Alī ibn Ahmad al-Mahā'imī (d. 1431), the most important Muslim saint of Bombay , wrote in 1415 the comment Zawārif al-laṭā'if Sharḥ'Awārif al-Ma'arif from which manuscripts in Patna , Peshawar , Rampur , Hyderabad and Princeton are located. Further comments on the work were made by Abū l-Fath ʿAlā'ī Quraischī of Kalpi (d. 1458), a disciple of Gēsūdarāz, and the well-known Sābirī Chishtī scholar ʿAbd al-Quddūs ibn Ismāʿīl al-Hanafī al-Gangōhī (d. 1528). There are manuscripts of the latter in London and Hyderabad. Additional comments were made by Al-mad ibn Al-Ahad al-Umari al-Sirhindi, Jamal al-Din al-Gudjarati, and al-Saiyid Ashraf ibn Ibn Ibrahim al-Husaini al-Kachhushhri (d. 1405/06).

Translations into Urdu and Sindhi

From the end of the 19th century, the work was translated into Urdu several times . The digitized version of an Urdu translation penned by Barelwi scholar Hadrat Schams, which was published in Lahore in 1998, can be viewed under ( Digitized version http: //vorlage_digitalisat.test/1%3Dhttps%3A%2F%2Farchive.org%2Fstream%2FAwarif-ul-maarifUrduTranslation%2FAwarif-ul-Maarif-ur%23page%2Fn0%2Fmode%2F2up~GB%3D~IA% 3D ~ MDZ% 3D% 0A ~ SZ% 3D ~ double-sided% 3D ~ LT% 3D ~ PUR% 3D). There is also a Sindhi translation. It was published in 1998 by ʿAbd al-Jabbār Siddīqī in Hyderabad (Pakistan) .

Persia

The Faqīh Zain ad-Dīn Abū Muhammad ʿAbd as-Salām ibn Ahmad al-Kāmū'ī al-Isbahānī, who had heard it from as-Suhrawardī in Baghdad in 1227, ensured that the work was spread to Isfahan . A student of his, Ismāʿīl ibn ʿAbd al-Mu'min Ibn Abī Mansūr Māschāda, translated the work into Persian in 1266 at the request of his friars , creating the second oldest Persian translation of the ʿAwārif . Two manuscripts from this translation are in Istanbul libraries. The work was edited in 1985 by Qāsim Ansārī in Tehran. Overall, Ismāʿīl Māschāda gives the text of as-Suhrawardī only very abbreviated. Chapters 23 and 24, which deal with Samāʿ, are completely absent, and in other chapters the text is reduced to less than a quarter.

In the spread of the work to Persia, however, Sufis from Shiraz played the most important role, especially those from the descendants of Najīb ad-Dīn ʿAlī ibn Buzqush (d. 1280). He had also heard the work himself at as-Suhrawardī, in January 1227 in Ribāt al-Ma'mūnīya. His son Zahīr ad-Dīn ʿAbd ar-Rahmān Ibn Buzqusch (d. 1316), who founded a Tekke in Shiraz , based his teaching there on the ʿAwārif and created a third Persian translation of the work with the title Maʿārif al-ʿAwārif fī tarǧamat ʿAwārif al-maʿārif . This translation, however, is incomplete and not written down by himself, but the transcript of a student of his named Shams ad-Dīn Muhammad ibn Nadschm ad-Dīn Mahmūd Kāzarūnī (d. 1369). Nevertheless, this translation was considered so important that its transmission was also linked to the exhibition of an ijāza . Manuscripts of the work are in Aligarh , Lahore and in the Berlin State Library .

Since Zahīr ad-Dīn's translation was incomplete, his great-grandson Sadr ad-Dīn Junaid ibn Fadlallāh Ibn Buzqush (d. 1389) wrote an appendix entitled Ḏail al-maʿārif fī tarǧamat al-ʿAwārif . The order for this came from the Muzaffarid Shāh Schudschāʿ (r. 1357-1384), the patron of Hāfez . Manuscripts of the work are in Istanbul and Cambridge . As-Suhrawardī's work seems to have enjoyed great popularity at the court of Shāh Shujāʿ, because ʿAlī ibn Muhammad al-Jurdschānī (d. 1413), another scholar who was in the service of this ruler, also wrote a taʿlīqa ( gloss ) on it.

Two disciples of Ibn Buzqush, including ʿAbd as-Samad Natanzī, conveyed the work to ʿIzz ad-Dīn Mahmūd ibn ʿAlī al-Kāshānī (d. 1335), who wrote an abbreviated Persian adaptation with the title Miṣbāḥ al-hidāya wa-miftāḥ al- kifāya (completed June 18, 1334). It was particularly popular and formed the most important basis for the continuation of as-Suhrawardīs ideas in Persia. The work contains most of the teachings of the ʿAwārif , but adds personal ideas from the editor. Al-Kāshānī claimed to have also received a direct ijāza for the transmission of the work in the dream from as-Suhrawardī . There are manuscripts of al-Kāschānī's editing in Berlin, Istanbul, London, Calcutta and Paris, and two printed editions: 1. Nawal Kishawr, Lucknow 1875 ( digitized version http: //vorlage_digitalisat.test/1%3Dhttp%3A%2F%2Fpurl.ox.ac.uk%2Fuuid%2F6a604724ee274091997919a5c3519e17~GB%3D~IA%3D~MDZ%3D%0A~SZ%3D~ .double-sided%3D~~ LT% 3D ~ PUR% 3D) and 2. the Tehran 1325 hš edition obtained from Jalāl ad-Dīn Humā'ī. H. Wilberforce Clarke made a poor English translation of the work, which he published in Calcutta in 1891 as a supplement to his translation of the Dīwān of Hāfiz . It has been reprinted numerous times.

The contents of the Awārif al-maʿārif were also integrated into Persian Sufi manuals of the Kubrawiyya order, which were written in Transoxania . In East Iran, the Herater Suhrawardī Sufi Zain ad-Dīn al-Chāfī (d. 1435) dealt with the ʿAwārif al-maʿārif . Zain ad-Dīn, after whom the Suhrawardī sub-order of the Zainīya is named, wrote a gloss (ḥāšiya) on the work in 1422/23 , of which a manuscript is preserved in the Iranian Senate Library. Behbūd ʿAlī Chorāsānī created a new Persian translation of ʿAwārif al-maʿārif with the title Naǧāt as-sālikīn in the 19th century , a manuscript of which is in the library of the sanctuary of Mashhad .

Arabic speaking area

Although the focus of interest in the work was in India and Persia, it was also dealt with in the Arab regions. The well-traveled Egyptian legal scholar, traditionalist and Sufi Ibn al-Qastallānī (d. 1287) had received an ijāza for the transmission of the text in Mecca in October 1230 in the shadow of the Kaaba from al-Suhrawardī . The copy he made was passed on to a certain Chalīl ibn Badrān al-Halabī in Cairo on June 16, 1251 in the famous Chanqāh Saʿīd as-Suʿadāʾ. It formed the basis for a large number of copies that North African Sufis made of the work in Cairo and Mecca around the middle of the 14th century.

The Meccan scholar Muhibb ad-Dīn Muhammad ibn ʿAbdallāh at-Tabarī (d. 1295) prepared a short version of the ʿAwārif with the title Ġurar al-laṭāʾif muḫtaṣar ʿAwārif al-maʿārif , from the manuscripts in London , in the British Library and lie in Riyadh . In addition, the ʿAwārif were included in the official teaching curriculum of the Chānqāh-i Ghāzānī, a Sufi convent founded by Ghazan Ilchan (r. 1295-1304) in Baghdad. This happened at the instigation of Raschīd al-Dīn Fadlallāh (d. 1318), the vizier of Ghāzāns, who was in charge of the administration of the Sufi convent.

Other Arab scholars who studied the work were:

  • Ahmad al-Hārithī az-Zabīdī (d. 1538). He created an epitome of which there is a manuscript in Cairo.
  • ʿAbdallāh ibn Saʿd ad-Dīn as-Sindī al-Madanī (d. 1576). He wrote a gloss (ḥāšiya) on the ʿAwārif .
  • Nūr ad-Dīn al-Halabī (d. 1635). He penned a commentary entitled al-Laṭāʾif ʿan ʿAwārif al-maʿārif .
  • Muhammad ibn Zain Ibn Sumait (d. 1758). This hadramitic scholar, who belonged to the Tarīqa ʿAlawīya , created an epitome entitled Ad-Durar wa-l-Laṭāʾif fī iḫtiṣār ʿAwārif al-maʿārif .

Ottoman Empire and Turkey

Hādjī Ahmed ibn Seyyid el-Bīġavī (Bigalı Hacı Ahmed b. Seydi) from Biga , who belonged to the sheikhs of the Zainīya order, created a Turkish translation in 1458, the Terǧeme-i ʿAvārif el-maʿārif . A 515-sheet manuscript of this translation produced in 1512 is in the Bursa manuscript library. The Berlin State Library has the signature Ms. or. oct. 2904 a manuscript of the work from 1860.

A second Turkish translation was written by Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Chabbāz, who describes himself as the scribe of the ʿImāret of the immortalized Bayezid . He completed this translation on August 15, 1531. The relationship between these two translations is still unclear. Further Turkish adaptations were written during the Ottoman period by Ahmad ibn ʿAbdallāh al-Bursawī with the surname Qāniʿ ar-Rūmī (d. 1643) and a certain ʿĀrifī. The Turkish version of Qāniʿ ar-Rūmī had the title Şeref ül-mülūk . Kamālzāde Çelebī wrote a Persian adaptation in the area of ​​the Ottoman Empire.

H. Kâmil Yılmaz and İrfan Gündüz published a modern Turkish translation under the title Tasavvufun esasları: avârifü'l-meârif Tercemesi (Istanbul 1990).

Translations in western languages

So far the German translation of "Die Gaben der Wissens" by Richard Gramlich is the only complete translation of the text into a Western language. Because of the poor quality of the print editions available at the time, Gramlich used three Istanbul manuscripts (Topkapı Sarayı Ahmed III 1543, Yeni Cami 717 and Lala Ismail 180) and the Paris manuscript No. 1332 for his translation in addition to the Cairin print of 1939. He did not consistently use any of these text witnesses, but instead decided on one or the other reading on a case-by-case basis, but noted the other readings in the text-critical apparatus .

The work has also been partially translated into French and English. For example, John Renard translated Chapters 1 to 3 into English for his book Knowledge of God in Classical Sufism: Foundations of Islamic Mystical Theology . The English translation by H. Wilberforce Clarke under the title A dervish textbook from the ʿAwarifu 'l-maʿārif, written in the thirteenth century (Calcutta 1891), on the other hand, is not based on the Arabic original of the work, but on the Persian adaptation of al- Kāshānī.

literature

German translation

Further literature

  • Nazir Ahmad: "The Oldest Persian Translation of the ʿAwāriful-Maʿārif" in Indo-Iranica 25 (1972) 20-50.
  • Qāsim Anṣārī: "Muqaddima" in his edition of the Persian translation of Abū-Manṣūr ʿAbd-al-Muʾmin Iṣfahānī: ʿAwārif al-maʿārif . Širkat-i intišārāt-i ʿilmī wa farhangī, Tehran, 1364hš (= 1985). Pp. 33-66.
  • Carl Brockelmann : History of Arabic Literature. Leiden 1937–1949. Vol. I² p. 569, Supplement-Vol. I, p. 789.
  • William C. Chittick : "ʿAwāref al-Maʿāref" in Encyclopædia Iranica Vol. III, pp. 114f., First published in 1987. Online version
  • Richard Gramlich : The gifts of the knowledge of ʿUmar as-Suhrawardī . Steiner, Wiesbaden, 1978. pp. 13-15. Digitized
  • Hāǧǧi Ḫalīfa : Kašf aẓ- ẓunūn ʿan asāmī al-kutub wa-l-funūn . Ed. Gustav Leberecht grand piano . Vol. IV. Leipzig 1845. pp. 275-277. Digitized
  • Angelika Hartmann : “al-Suhrawardī, Sh ihāb al-Dīn Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar” in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition Vol. IX, pp. 778-782. Here p. 780b.
  • Angelika Hartmann: "Comments on ʿUmar as-Suhrawardīs manuscripts, real and supposed autographs" in Der Islam 60 (1983) 112-142. Here p. 124f.
  • ʿAbd al-Ḥaiy al-Ḥasanī: Aṯ-Ṯaqāfa al-islāmīya fī l-Hind: maʿārif al-ʿawārif fī anwāʿ al-ʿulūm wa-'l-maʿārif . Maǧmaʿ al-Luġa al-ʿArabīya, Damascus, 1983. p. 188. Digitized
  • N. Māyel Heravī: “Tarjama-ye ʿAwāref al-maʿāref-e Sohravardī” in Našr-e dāneš 6 (1364 Š. / 1985-86) 114-20.
  • Qamar-ul Huda: Striving for divine union: spiritual exercises for Suhrawardī Sūfīs . Routledge Shorton, London [a. a.], 2003. pp. 41-83.
  • Qamar-ul Huda: “The Remembrance of the Prophet in Suhrawardī's“ ʿAwārif al-maʿārif ”" in Journal of Islamic Studies 12/2 (May 2001) 129-150.
  • ʿĀrif Naušāhī: "ʿAwārif al-maʿārif dar šibh-i qārra. Šawāhidi čand dar riwāǧ-i ān kitāb tā pāyān-i qarn-i haštum-i hiǧrī" in Maʿārif 16/2 (1999) 74-81. Digitized
  • ʿA. Naushahi: "Barr-ṣa gh īr mai n ʿAvārifu'l-maʿārif ki riwāj par cand shavāhid. Āṭhavaiṅ ṣadī hijrī tak" in Fikr o-nazar (Islamabad) 37.4 (2000) 111-25. Digitized
  • Erik Ohlander: Sufism in an Age of Transition: ʿUmar al-Suhrawardī and the Rise of the Islamic Mystical Brotherhood . Brill, Leiden, 2008. pp. 150-183.
  • Erik S. Ohlander, "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus" in Journal of the American Oriental Society 128/2 (2008) 285-293.
  • Hellmut Ritter: "Philologika IX: The four Suhrawardī (continuation and conclusion)" in Der Islam 25 (1938) 35–86. Here pp. 37–43.
  • Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi: History of Sufism in India. 2 vols. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, 1986/1992.
  • Arin Shawkat Salamah-Qudsi: "The idea of ​​tashabbuh in sufi communities and literature of the late 6th / 12th and early 7th / 13th century in Baghdad" in Al-Qantara: Revista de Estudios Arabes 32/1 (2011) 175–197. Here pp. 181–189. Digitized
  • Miyān Mohammad Sharīf: Tārīḫ-i falsafa dar Islām . Volume I. Markaz-i Našr-i Dānišgāhī, Tehran, 1362 h.š. [= 1983]. P. 496f.
  • Amīr Ḥasan ʿAlā 'Sijzī Dehlawī: Fawāʾid al-Fuʾād: Spiritual and Literary Discourses of Shaikh Nizamuddin Awliya. English translation with introduction and historical annotation by Ziya-ul-Hasan Faruqi. DK Printworld, New Delhi, 1996.
  • Amina M. Steinfels: Knowledge before action: Islamic learning and Sufi practice in the life of Sayyid Jalāl al-dīn Bukhārī Makhdūm-i Jahāniyān . University of South Carolina Press, Columbia [SC], 2012.
  • Umīd Surūrī: "Tarǧama-yi ʿAwārif al-maʿārif az Ẓahīr ad-Dīn ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān Šīrāzī" in Payām-i Bahāristān 25 (1394hš) 154-159. Digitized
  • Süleyman Uludağ: "Avârifü'l-maârif" in Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi Vol. IV, pp. 109c-110c. Digitized

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 287.
  2. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, p. 1.
  3. Chittick: "ʿAwāref al-Maʿāref". 1987, p. 114.
  4. Brockelmann: History of the Arabic literature. Vol. I, p. 569, Supplement-Volume I, p. 789.
  5. Ritter: "Philologika IX: The four Suhrawardī (continuation and conclusion)". 1938, pp. 37-41.
  6. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 288.
  7. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, pp. 291, 293.
  8. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, p. 15.
  9. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 287.
  10. Georges Anawati : "Textes Arabes anciens edités en Ègypte au cours des annés 1969 à 1973" in Mélanges de l'Institut Dominicain d'Études Orientales du Caire 12 (1974) 91-186. Here p. 153f.
  11. It is available here .
  12. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 287.
  13. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 288.
  14. ^ Ohlander: Sufism in an Age of Transition . 2008, p. 61.
  15. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 291.
  16. Salamah-Qudsi: "The idea of ​​tashabbuh in sufi communities". 2011, p. 183.
  17. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, p. 1.
  18. ^ Ohlander: Sufism in an Age of Transition . 2008, p. 80.
  19. Huda: The Remembrance of the Prophet . 2001, p. 134f.
  20. ^ Ohlander: Sufism in an Age of Transition . 2008, p. 52.
  21. Hāǧǧi Ḫalīfa: Kašf aẓ-ẓunūn . 1845, Vol. IV, 277.
  22. ^ Ohlander: A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus . 2008, p. 290.
  23. ^ Ohlander: Sufism in an Age of Transition . 2008, p. 143.
  24. The page numbers in the following description of contents are based on the text edition of the work from 1984 provided by Maḥmūd Saʿīd Mamdūḥ and the German translation by Richard Gramlich.
  25. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 44. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 24.
  26. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 44. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 26f.
  27. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 55. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 50.
  28. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 56. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 52.
  29. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 57. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 54f.
  30. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 61. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 64.
  31. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 62. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 66.
  32. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 63. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 68.
  33. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 62. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 66.
  34. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 63. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 67.
  35. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 63. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 69.
  36. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 64. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 71.
  37. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 65. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 73.
  38. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 66 - trans. R. Gramlich p. 74.
  39. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 66 - trans. R. Gramlich p. 74f.
  40. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 67. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 76f.
  41. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 68. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 78.
  42. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 68. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 78.
  43. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 68. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 79.
  44. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 69. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 81.
  45. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 7. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 84.
  46. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 71. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 85.
  47. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 71. - Translated by R. Gramlich, p. 85f.
  48. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 75. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 93f.
  49. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 76. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 95.
  50. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 76. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 97.
  51. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 77. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 98f.
  52. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 78. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 100.
  53. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 78. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 101.
  54. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 80. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 105.
  55. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 79. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 103.
  56. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 80. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 105.
  57. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, p. 106.
  58. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 81. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 106.
  59. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 81f. - Translated by R. Gramlich p. 107f.
  60. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 83. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 111.
  61. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 85. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 116.
  62. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif . P. 86. - Translated by R. Gramlich, P. 118.
  63. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif . S. 87. - Translated by R. Gramlich, S. 120.
  64. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif . P. 88. - Translated by R. Gramlich, p. 121f.
  65. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif . P. 93. - Translated from R. Gramlich P. 133.
  66. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 97f. - Translated by R. Gramlich, p. 143.
  67. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 99. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 146.
  68. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 104. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 156f.
  69. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 105. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 158.
  70. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 108f. - Translated by R. Gramlich p. 166.
  71. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 112. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 173.
  72. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, p. 9f.
  73. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 113. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 175f.
  74. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 116. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 181.
  75. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 121. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 193.
  76. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 127. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 205.
  77. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 131. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 213.
  78. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 131. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 214.
  79. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 132. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 216.
  80. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif pp. 134–149. - Translated by R. Gramlich pp. 219–246.
  81. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 134. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 220.
  82. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 149. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 247.
  83. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 150. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 248.
  84. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 151. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 249.
  85. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif pp. 154-174. - Translated by R. Gramlich pp. 256-296.
  86. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 159. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 266.
  87. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 159. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 266f.
  88. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 159. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 267.
  89. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 160. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 269.
  90. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 180. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 309.
  91. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 198f. - Translated by R. Gramlich, p. 350.
  92. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 199. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 351.
  93. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 200. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 352.
  94. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 202. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 356.
  95. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 203f. - Translated by R. Gramlich p. 359.
  96. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 204f. - Translated by R. Gramlich p. 361.
  97. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 207. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 367.
  98. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 210. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 374.
  99. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 213f. - Translated by R. Gramlich pp. 377-379.
  100. Cf. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, pp. 381-394.
  101. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 217. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 386.
  102. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 217. - Translated by R. Gramlich, p. 386f.
  103. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 217. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 387.
  104. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 218. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 387.
  105. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 219. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 390.
  106. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 220. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 391.
  107. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 220. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 392.
  108. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 221. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 393.
  109. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 223. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 398.
  110. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 223. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 399.
  111. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 225. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 403.
  112. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 225. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 404.
  113. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 227. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 408f.
  114. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 228. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 410.
  115. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 229. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 412.
  116. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 234. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 421.
  117. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 234. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 422.
  118. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 234. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 423.
  119. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 230. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 413.
  120. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 231. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 415.
  121. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 231. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 416.
  122. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif pp. 231-239. - Translated by R. Gramlich pp. 418-430.
  123. ^ Ohlander: Sufism in an Age of Transition . 2008, p. 171.
  124. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 244. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 440f.
  125. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 244. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 441.
  126. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 245. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 442.
  127. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 246. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 443.
  128. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 246. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 443.
  129. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 246. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 444.
  130. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 247. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 445f.
  131. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 247. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 446f.
  132. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 248. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 447.
  133. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 249. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 449.
  134. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 249. - Translated from R. Gramlich, p. 450.
  135. ʿAwārif al-maʿārif p. 255. - Translated from R. Gramlich p. 462.
  136. See e.g. B. Ohlander: Sufism in an Age of Transition . 2008, p. 93.
  137. Hartmann: "Comments on the manuscripts of ʿUmar as-Suhrawardīs". 1983, p. 125.
  138. See e.g. B. Ohlander: Sufism in an Age of Transition . 2008, p. 306.
  139. Naušāhī: "ʿAwārif al-maʿārif dar šibh-i qārra." 1999, p. 76f.
  140. ^ Ohlander: Sufism in an Age of Transition . 2008, p. 134.
  141. Naušāhī: "ʿAwārif al-maʿārif dar šibh-i qārra." 1999, p. 74f.
  142. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, p. 6.
  143. Naušāhī: "ʿAwārif al-maʿārif dar šibh-i qārra." 1999, p. 76f.
  144. ^ Rizvi: History of Sufism in India . 1986, p. 215.
  145. ^ Rizvi: History of Sufism in India . 1986, p. 282.
  146. Naušāhī: ʿAwārif al-maʿārif dar šibh-i qārra. 1999, p. 77.
  147. ^ Ohlander: A New Terminus Ad Quem . 2008, p.?
  148. Ahmad: The Oldest Persian Translation of the ʿAwāriful-Maʿārif . 1972, pp. 22-26.
  149. Naušāhī: ʿAwārif al-maʿārif dar šibh-i qārra. 1999, p. 77.
  150. Steinfels: Knowledge before action . 2012, p. 51.
  151. Steinfels: Knowledge before action . 2012, p. 51.
  152. Steinfels: Knowledge before action . 2012, p. 51.
  153. Steinfels: Knowledge before action . 2012, p. 67.
  154. Naušāhī: "ʿAwārif al-maʿārif dar šibh-i qārra." 1999, p. 79f.
  155. Naušāhī: "ʿAwārif al-maʿārif dar šibh-i qārra." 1999, p. 80f.
  156. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, p. 4.
  157. al-Ḥasanī: Aṯ-Ṯaqāfa al-islāmīya fī l-Hind . 1983, p. 188.
  158. Sijzī: Fawāʾid al-Fuʾād . 1996, p. 183.
  159. Sijzī: Fawāʾid al-Fuʾād . 1996, pp. 107, 183.
  160. Naušāhī: ʿAwārif al-maʿārif dar šibh-i qārra. 1999, p. 78.
  161. Naushahi: Barr-ṣa gh īr mai n ʿAvārifu'l-maʿārif . 2000, p. 121.
  162. Naušāhī: ʿAwārif al-maʿārif dar šibh-i qārra. 1999, p. 78.
  163. ^ Rizvi: History of Sufism in India . Vol. II. 1992, p. 287.
  164. al-Ḥasanī: Aṯ-Ṯaqāfa al-islāmīya fī l-Hind . 1983, p. 188.
  165. KA Nizami: Gisu Daraz , in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition , Vol. II, pp. 1114b-1116a. Here p. 1115a.
  166. Brockelmann: History of Arabic Literature. Vol. I, p. 569, Supplement-Vol. I, p. 789, Vol. II, p. 311.
  167. ^ Ohlander: A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus . 2008, p. 289f.
  168. al-Ḥasanī: Aṯ-Ṯaqāfa al-islāmīya fī l-Hind . 1983, p. 188.
  169. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 290.
  170. The digitized version can be viewed here.
  171. Ritter: "Philologika IX: The four Suhrawardī (continuation and conclusion)". 1938, p. 41.
  172. Ritter: "Philologika IX: The four Suhrawardī (continuation and conclusion)". 1938, p. 41.
  173. Abū-Manṣūr ʿAbd-al-Muʾmin Iṣfahānī: ʿAwārif al-maʿārif . Ed. Qāsim Anṣārī. Širkat-i intišārāt-i ʿilmī wa farhangī, Tehran, 1364hš (= 1985).
  174. Heravī: “Tarjama-ye ʿAwāref al-maʿāref-e Sohravardī” 1985/86, p. 117.
  175. See e.g. B. Ohlander: Sufism in an Age of Transition . 2008, p. 306.
  176. Cf. Surūrī: "Tarǧama-yi ʿAwārif al-maʿārif az Ẓahīr ad-Dīn ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān Šīrāzī". 1394hš, p. 106f.
  177. Cf. Surūrī: "Tarǧama-yi ʿAwārif al-maʿārif az Ẓahīr ad-Dīn ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān Šīrāzī". 1394hš, p. 107.
  178. Cf. Surūrī: "Tarǧama-yi ʿAwārif al-maʿārif az Ẓahīr ad-Dīn ʿAbd ar-Raḥmān Šīrāzī". 1394hš, p. 108.
  179. ^ Wilhelm Pertsch: Directory of the Persian manuscripts of the Royal Library in Berlin . Berlin: 1888. p. 89. No. 38.1 digitized
  180. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, p. 14.
  181. Ritter: "Philologika IX: The four Suhrawardī (continuation and conclusion)". 1938, p. 42.
  182. Ḥāǧǧi Ḫalīfa: Kašf aẓ-ẓunūn . 1845, Vol. IV, p. 276.
  183. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, p. 14.
  184. Brockelmann: History of the Arabic literature. Supplement vol. I, p. 789.
  185. So Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 289.
  186. ^ Reprint from Octagon Press, London 1980, ( Online )
  187. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 286.
  188. Anṣārī: "Muqaddima". 1985, pp. 16, 18.
  189. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 289.
  190. Heravī: “Tarjama-ye ʿAwāref al-maʿāref-e Sohravardī” 1985/86, p. 117.
  191. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, p. 14.
  192. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 286f.
  193. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 289.
  194. The manuscript, which is in the library of the King Saud University, can be viewed here.
  195. Anṣārī: "Muqaddima". 1985, p. 19.
  196. Brockelmann: History of the Arabic literature. Vol. I, p. 569.
  197. Ismāʿīl Bāšā al-Baġdādī: Īḍāḥ al-maknūn . Dār al-kutub al-ʿilmīya, Beirut, 1992. p. 129.
  198. Ismāʿīl Bāšā al-Baġdādī: Hadīyat al-ʿĀrifīn . Dār al-kutub al-ʿilmīya, Beirut, 1992. p. 756.
  199. It was 2006 by Hamdallah Hafiz as-Ṣuftī in Tarim edited Digitalisat
  200. Uludağ: "Avârifü'l-maârif" TDVİA Vol. IV, 110b.
  201. Shihābaddīn as-Suhrawardī: Terǧeme-i ʽAvārif el-maʽārif. 1860. ( digitized versionhttp: //vorlage_digitalisat.test/1%3Dhttps%3A%2F%2Fdigital.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de%2Fwerkansicht%3FPPN%3DPPN86830901X%26PHYSID%3DPHYS_0001%26DMDID%3D~GB%3D~IA%3D~%MDZ 0A ~ SZ% 3D ~ double-sided% 3D ~ LT% 3D ~ PUR% 3D )
  202. Ritter: "Philologika IX: The four Suhrawardī (continuation and conclusion)". 1938, p. 43.
  203. Mentioned in Ḥāǧǧi Ḫalīfa: Kašf aẓ-ẓunūn . 1946, column 1177-78.
  204. Ismāʿīl Bāšā al-Baġdādī: Hadīyat al-ʿĀrifīn . Dār al-kutub al-ʿilmīya, Beirut, 1992. p. 158.
  205. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 289.
  206. Gramlich: The gifts of knowledge . 1978, p. 15f.
  207. ^ Ohlander: "A New Terminus Ad Quem for 'Umar al-Suhrawardī's Magnum Opus". 2008, p. 290.
  208. ^ John Renard: Knowledge of God in Classical Sufism: Foundations of Islamic Mystical Theology. Paulist Press, New York, 2004. pp. 332-374.
  209. Brockelmann: History of the Arabic literature. Supplement vol. I, p. 789.