Italian Judaism during Fascism (1922-1945)

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In contrast to the situation in National Socialist Germany, Italian Jewry during Fascism (1922–1945) was not subjected to discriminatory measures by the state from the start. The anti-Jewish laws in Italy were not introduced until the 1938th From 1922 to 1938, Jews in Italy were treated on an equal footing with non-Jewish Italians.

The liberal movements and the formation of the nation state in Italy in the 19th century were a breeding ground for the realization of the Jewish striving for social equality and the end of centuries of discrimination and persecution of Jews . The Italian Jews, who made up about 0.1% of the total population of Italy, made a decisive contribution to the unification of Italy and were present and fully integrated in every area of ​​Italian society from the start. Over 800 Jewish soldiers and officers were honored in the First World War. The transition to fascism after the “March on Rome” also took place without any negative effects on the social position of the Jews. Patriotism, loyalty and loyalty largely shaped the relationship of Italian Jews to the fascist regime, a continuity that was only interrupted by the introduction of anti-Jewish laws in 1938. The racial laws remained in force even after the fall of fascism. As a result of the German occupation of Italy on September 8, 1943, a total of around 8,000 Italian and foreign Jews were deported from Italy to the extermination camps by the end of the war .

The Italian national movement, the participation of the Jews in the wars of independence, emancipation

Over the centuries the position of the Jews in Italy fluctuated between tolerance, intolerance, persecution and protection. Persecution tended to take place on the part of the papal power , while protection was provided by enlightened princes. The Jewish community in Italy comprised around 40,000 people towards the middle of the 19th century. The Risorgimento, with its liberal , secular and anti-clerical character, represented an optimal basis for the realization of the Jewish striving for social equality and the end of discrimination.

Many Jews actively supported the Italian national movement from the start and made a decisive contribution to the unification of Italy. For example, around 400 Jews are said to have been in Garibaldi's entourage and several hundreds of Jewish soldiers and officers took part in several fighting. If the Risorgimento had brought emancipation and full civil rights to the Jews , after 1870, when the ghetto of the Roman Jews was dissolved with the conquest of Rome , it was a matter of helping to build the unified state. The Jewish communities were primarily urban and the majority belonged to the bourgeoisie ; they had a high level of education by Italian standards. With the unification of Italy in the Kingdom of Savoy-Piedmont , the integration of the Jews took place rapidly and capillary in all areas of social life, in economy , administration , politics and in the army . As early as 1895 the army numbered 700 Jewish officers. In the decades before fascism there were Jewish heads of government, foreign ministers, war ministers, mayors, and politicians. They have also worked in law, insurance, education and the arts. At the First World War 5500 Jews took part, 450 of them with distinction (5 gold, 207 silver and 238 bronze medals). In 1920, on the eve of fascism, over 3,200 Jews were in the civil service, 267 of them in the army and 117 in the navy .

The Jewish population of Italy since national unification was very small and amounted to about 0.1% of the total population. Italy counted fewer than 26,000 Jews in 1911, fewer than 43,000 in 1936 and 46,656 people of Jewish faith in 1938; 9541 of them were foreigners.

The Jews of Italy from 1922 to the early 1930s

Early approval of fascism

The Jews of Italy lived mostly in large and medium-sized cities. In 1931 the largest municipalities were in Rome, Milan , Trieste , Turin , Florence , Venice and Genoa . Professionally, they were represented in trade and in insurance and education, in the army and in the liberal professions. The degree of integration of the Jewish minority is also reflected in an above-average number of mixed marriages .

The successful integration process in Italian society and the high degree of identification of the Jews with the Italian state were not interrupted by fascism, especially since religious affiliation was not an issue for a very long time. The attitude of Italian Jewry towards fascism largely corresponded to the attitude of the rest of Italy and arose from the complete equality of the Jewish minority.

From the beginning, patriotically minded Jews turned to the emerging fascism. As early as 1919, numerous Italians of the Jewish faith supported the fascist movement financially. Five Jews took part in the founding of the fasci di combattimento in March 1919. 230 of them took part in Mussolini's March on Rome in October 1922 . Fascism was not seen as a threat to Judaism . Another reason for the broad support for fascism is that the Jews - with the exception of the Jews of Rome - generally belonged to the middle class. Opposition to socialism and the suppression of trade union aspirations by the working class were objectives close to the heart of the bourgeoisie, regardless of their denomination. Their representatives had fought in the World War and suffered from the consequences of the inflation caused by the war ; they felt threatened by the demands of the industrial proletariat and the agricultural workers, who aimed to improve their situation.

However, from the beginning the Fascist Party also had anti-Semitic members in its ranks. In addition, there were occasional anti-Semitic failures in the press in the early years of fascism .

Jewish presence in leadership positions of fascism

Mussolini's government also included Jewish politicians, and he appointed several Jews to high offices. Aldo Finzi was both Undersecretary in the Ministry of the Interior and a member of the “Gran Consiglio”, the highest fascist state body. The party member Dante Almansi was deputy chief of the police until 1938 . Guido Jung was Minister of Finance from 1932 to 1935. The general of the fascist militia Maurizio Rava was Vice-Governor of Libya and also Governor of Somalia . The lawyer Renzo Ravenna, a friend of Italo Balbo and a former squadrista , was the podestà of Ferrara for 15 years . Giorgio Del Vecchio, professor of international law and philosophy , was appointed the first fascist rector of the University of Rome in 1925 . Alberto Liuzzi made a career in the fascist militia . A prominent journalist was Gino Arias, the chief theorist of the corporate state , who wrote articles for the daily Il Popolo d'Italia and the political magazine “Gerarchia”. In December 1938 there were four parliamentarians and nine senators of Jewish faith in the House of Representatives. The chief rabbi of Rome gave the Duce his blessing.

Jews in the Fascist Party

A statistical survey in 1938 shows that from 1922 to 1938 Italians of Jewish faith continuously joined the fascist party . Before the “March on Rome” 746 Jews belonged to the “Fascist Party” and the “Nationalist Party”, which joined them shortly afterwards. Between October 1922 and 1938, of all Italians of Jewish faith aged 21 and over, a total of 10,370 joined the Fascist Party, while 22,754 did not join the PNF.

According to the historian Michele Sarfatti, there was basically no difference between Jewish and non-Jewish Italians in the degree of approval of fascism; however, fewer Jews joined the party than the national average. A significant increase was recorded for 1933. Sarfatti attributes this to the fact that an above-average number of Jews worked in the public sector - administration, school , university - an area in which employees had been expected to swear an oath of allegiance to the fascist regime since 1931 . According to Sarfatti, other reasons include the drafting and adoption of a new legal statute for the Jewish communities in Italy in 1930 and Mussolini's public distancing from Hitler's anti-Jewish campaign since 1933, which made many believe that they were safe. The oaths of loyalty to Italy, Mussolini and the regime increased many times over. The number of Jews joining the party also increased, to an extent that no longer differed from the national average.

Total population of Italy in the PNF

In comparison, there were around 20,000 Italians in the Fascist Party at the end of 1920 - regardless of religion. At the end of April 1921 there were almost 100,000, at the end of May 1921 187,588, at the end of 1922 250,000, at the end of 1923 782,979 and at the end of 1926 937,997. The number of party members rose to 2.7 million due to the compulsory display of political loyalty in the public sector (education, party, etc.). In 1939 about 22 million Italians belonged to a fascist organization. The youth association Gioventù italiana del littorio (GIL, "Italian Liktorenjugend"), which emerged from the Balilla in 1937 , comprised several subgroups. Membership, which was initially voluntary, became mandatory around 1939. Around 1942 the GIL had almost 9 million members.

From the consolidation of fascism to the entry into force of anti-Jewish legislation

Even in the early 1930s, the attitude of the Jewish minority towards fascism did not differ from that of the rest of the population, even when a rapprochement between fascism and National Socialism was emerging. Again and again there were anti-Semitic failures in some media, but they did not reach the extent of the excesses in Nazi Germany. Projections by the German Historical Institute in Rome have shown that around 90 percent of all Italian Jews backed Mussolini by 1938.

university

The proportion of Jewish professors in the entire academic corps remained above average until 1938. Since the end of 1931, all of the approximately 1200 university lecturers have been subject to the oath of allegiance to Mussolini and the fascist regime. According to Susan Zuccotti, by 1930 8% of all professors were of Jewish origin; H. approx. 100 people. Only three of them refused to take the oath of loyalty and thus lost their academic teaching position.

Army, Navy, Air Force

The number of the Jewish military cadre was consistently above average until 1938, compared to countries whose percentage of Jewish population was considerably larger than that of Italy. On the eve of World War II, Italy was the country with the highest proportion of Jewish generals and admirals (50).

When military parades were held on May 4, 1938 in honor of Adolf Hitler's visit to Rome, Jewish soldiers and officers marched with them at goose-step. The previous security precautions were mainly directed against anti-fascists and foreign Jews; these were temporarily arrested and released a few days after Hitler's departure.

The admission of Jewish emigrants from the sphere of influence of the National Socialists

Numerous Jewish emigrants found refuge in Fascist Italy from persecution in the National Socialist sphere of influence. In 1938, a few months before the start of the official anti-Jewish campaign, Austrian and German Jews fled to Italy. By 1938 there were around 4,000.

Anti-Semitic tendencies in the press

At the Ponte Tresa border crossing between Switzerland and Italy, on March 11, 1934, two anti-fascists, Mario Levi and Sion Segre, were stopped while trying to smuggle leaflets into Italy. While Levi was able to swim to Switzerland, Segre was arrested. A total of 16 members of the Giustizia e Libertà movement were arrested; some of them, including Levi and Segre, were of Jewish origin. This incident formed the prelude to a press campaign directed against Jews, whereby "some Jews" or "the Jews" were branded as anti-fascists and "anti-Italians". In the course of the next few years, too, there were repeated attacks and taunts in the press, which were expressed above all in distrust of Zionism . Telesio Interlandi launched an anti-Zionist polemic from his magazine Tevere . However, the anti-Semitic mood quickly dissolved. There were no political consequences; at the trial of Leone Ginzburg and Sion Segre, their Jewish origins were not emphasized.

In 1934 a group of Jewish fascists founded La nostra bandiera , a patriotically minded weekly newspaper that turned against Zionism and professed allegiance to fascism.

With the gradual rapprochement between fascist Italy and the Nazi state from 1935 to 1937, judging Judaism according to racial criteria became increasingly important both in the fascist party and in the press. During these years the transition to state-controlled anti-Semitism took place and the relevant media were entirely devoted to racial discourse. B. the daily newspaper Il Tevere and the bi- weekly magazine La difesa della razza , both published by Telesio Interlandi, also the monthly magazine La vita italiana by Giovanni Preziosi and pseudoscientific journals such as B. Il problema ebraico by Aniceto Del Massa. The regime increasingly distinguished between “Jewish Italians” (fascists) and “Italian Jews” (Zionists and anti-fascists).

The Ethiopia Campaign

A large part of the Italian population of all denominations agreed to the colonial campaign against Ethiopia (October 1935-May 1936), which the Italian King Victor Emanuel III. made Emperor of Abyssinia on May 9, 1936; Millions of Italians enthusiastically donated their gold wedding rings to their fatherland. The cheers of the masses consisted of fascism, nationalism, patriotism, loyalty to the House of Savoia and conformism . So held z. For example, in the synagogue of Asmara, a military rabbi gave a speech to celebrate “the good outcome of the mission” that would “free the slaves” and “bring civilization”. The Jewish press reported enthusiastically about the victory of Italy and the proclamation of the "impero". A total of about 152 Italian soldiers of Jewish denomination took part in the Ethiopia campaign; many of them received awards.

The Spanish Civil War

Like National Socialist Germany, Fascist Italy also provided a military contingent to support the rebellious nationalists under Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War . In this group, the “Jewish part was remarkable”, as a “testimony to loyalty to the homeland and to the regime”. In addition to the conscripts, many Jewish soldiers also voluntarily went into the civil war on the Franco side, in direct opposition to their co-religionists from all over Europe , who fought in the International Brigades for the Spanish Republic .

German-Italian rapprochement around 1936

With regard to racism, Sarfatti locates the origins of the German-Italian rapprochement in 1935, when the Nuremberg Laws were passed in Germany and Italy used the Ethiopia campaign as an opportunity to emphasize a superior "purity of the Italian race" and to differentiate it from others. In view of the exuberant joy of the nation over the new geopolitical conditions created by the victorious general in East Africa , Mussolini believed the time had come to give fascism a racist character. Consequently, Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano pursued a consistent policy of rapprochement with Nazi Germany.

Nevertheless, according to the historian Renzo De Felice, the relationship of trust between the fascist regime and the Italians of Jewish faith remained largely intact even in the period 1935–1937.

"Aryan Race" versus "Jewish Race": The exclusion of Jews through the introduction of anti-Jewish measures from 1938 and their consequences

In contrast to the National Socialist racial ideology, Italian racism was more “politically strategic”. In Mussolini's eyes he was supposed to initiate the decisive totalitarian turn in order to strengthen the fascist state at home and abroad. "

Although anti-Semitic intentions were always denied to other countries in both 1936 and 1937, in the autumn of 1937, according to Sarfatti, state-sponsored anti-Semitism had already established itself, especially in the Interior Ministry. Italian Jews gradually became "citizens of the Jewish race". What followed was the embedding of persecution measures in a specially created legal framework.

Race Manifesto (July 1938)

At the direct instruction of Mussolini himself, a so-called manifesto of the racist scientists was drawn up which, on a pseudo-scientific basis, emphasized the difference between the “Italian race” and the “Jewish race” and thus cemented the non-membership of the Jews in the Italian nation. This manifesto was signed by ten scientists.

Census (August 1938)

The August 1938 census showed that there were 46,656 Jews in Italy who belonged to a community or professed Judaism. A further 11,756 belonged to various categories (mixed marriages; of Jewish origin but not belonging to a community, etc.).

Measures Against Foreign Jews (September 1938)

Foreign Jews were no longer allowed to live in Italy, Libya and the possessions in the Aegean Sea ; they had to leave the Kingdom of Italy before March 12, 1939. After Jews naturalized on January 1, 1919, Italian citizenship was revoked.

Measures to "Protect Race" in Education (September 1938)

Jewish students have been banned from state schools in Italy. A total of 200 students, 1,000 secondary school students and 4,400 primary school students were not allowed to continue their education and had to switch to specially created Jewish schools.

Loss of job

Within a few weeks, about 200 teachers, 400 public employees, 500 private employees, 150 members of the armed forces and 2,500 freelancers lost their jobs due to anti-Jewish legislation.

Measures to protect the "Italian race" (November 1938)

A Jew was defined as someone who was descended from a Jewish parent and a foreign parent, who was descended from a Jewish mother and an unknown father, and who professed the Jewish religion with only one Jewish parent. In contrast to the Nuremberg Race Laws , the recognition of "first and second degree half-breeds" was not provided; someone was either "Aryan race" or "Jewish race". In addition, marriages between an “Aryan” and a “non-Aryan” partner were banned and marriages that had already been concluded were annulled. Members of the "Jewish race" were also no longer allowed to do military service, to own any businesses that were of importance for national security, to employ "Aryan" domestic workers, or to work for a bank or an insurance company. There were also many other restrictions and prohibitions.

Forced labor

Jewish men between the ages of 18 and 55 who had been released from military service had to do humiliating forced labor : in Rome they had to clean the banks of the Tiber , in Milan they were employed in agriculture, in Florence they had to drain wetlands .

Exceptions ("Discriminazioni")

Nonetheless, the anti-Jewish norms provided for a number of exceptions. The granting of exceptions has been interpreted broadly and often inconsistently in practice. Some categories of people affected, e.g. B. war invalids and their families, fascists of the first hour, etc., are exempt from some discriminatory measures, as well as if "special merits" could be claimed. A total of 8171 applications for 15,339 people were submitted. Only 2,486 requests (for 6,494 people) were granted.

Jewish reactions to the entry into force of the racial laws

The reaction of most Italian Jews, especially those who had always served the fascist state faithfully, varied between bewilderment and dejection. For the patriotically minded Jews, whose ancestors had sacrificed their prime to the Risorgimento and the building of a liberal state, the racist U-turn of fascism meant nothing less than the rejection and disregard of their years of loyalty and left a feeling of betrayal and bitterness. According to Giovanni Cecini, the anti-Jewish measures of fascism went far beyond mere discrimination; they were clearly an expression of a will to persecute, which was expressed in the curtailment of personal and social rights, in imprisonment , internment and forced labor, and this long before the German occupation of Italy with the implementation of the extermination plans directed against the Jews.

Requests for recognition of special merits ("Discriminazioni")

The recognition of special merits and thus the “discriminazione” was granted to 6,494 people. The beneficiaries also included 453 people of Jewish faith whose special merits in the economic and social fields were recognized, 328 for their leading role in the fascist party and in the militia, 43 for their promotion of fascist activities, and 10 for other merits. The families of those killed in the Libyan colonial war, the First World War, the Ethiopian campaign and the Spanish civil war were also included, as well as those who had received an award and the war volunteers of each war.

Convert to the Catholic faith

Many Italian Jews converted to the Catholic faith in order to avoid discrimination and to be recognized as "Aryans". Most of them lived in mixed marriages. According to Zuccotti, however, thousands refused to "reveal their origins".

emigration

By October 28, 1941, a total of 3966 Italian Jews had left Italy. Paradoxically, many foreign Jews who should have left Italy on March 12, 1939, stayed in the country, and the influx of foreign Jews did not decrease, even after Italy entered the war in June 1940. On October 28, 1941 there were about 7,000 foreigners Jews on Italian territory.

suicide

Some Jewish officers and generals who were particularly hard hit by the marginalization and humiliation, e. B. General Aldo Modena as well as Giorgio Morpurgo and Riccardo Segre committed suicide. The publisher Angelo Fortunato Formiggini fell from a tower to his death.

Requests for resumption in the army, navy and aviation (1938–1943)

3,053 Jewish officers (army), 29 officers (navy) and 82 officers (aviation) as well as 279 officers of the fascist militia were no longer allowed to contribute to the defense of the fatherland and were dismissed. Many of those affected sent letters of appeal to Mussolini, his wife and various ministries; however, their efforts were unsuccessful. On the eve of the Second World War and when Italy entered the war in June 1940, requests from former Jewish soldiers to return to the military increased. Individual requests by Jewish soldiers to revise their “racial status” were submitted in 1942, also after the fall of fascism on July 25, 1943 and during Pietro Badoglio's interregnum before the German occupation of Italy on September 8, 1943.

Italy's entry into the war and the fascist internment policy (June 1940 - September 1943)

In anticipation of the imminent entry into the war, Mussolini had around 50 internment camps built, especially in central and southern Italy. A few days before the Italian declaration of war in June 1940, the Ministry of the Interior asked all prefects of the Reich for information whether there were also potentially dangerous "elements among the Italian Jews resident there that had come to light because of defeatist remarks, espionage activities or a 'conspicuous way of life'" . These criteria applied to around 200 people. 36 of them were considered anti-fascists because they had belonged to banned movements and political parties , had an anti-fascist past, were associated with prominent anti-fascists, were Freemasons or Zionists, or had already been victims of police measures ( exile , imprisonment ). According to Sarfatti, 400 Jews were interned. According to Zuccotti, the relatively small number of Jewish Italians interned in 1940 may be due to the fact that most of the active anti-fascists had long since been arrested or had left the country.

The number of interned Jewish foreigners was much larger. An ordinance of September 4, 1940 decreed the internment of all "enemy aliens". Although Italy pursued a racist policy, the foreign Jews were not interned primarily because of their religious affiliation, but because they were presumed opponents of the Axis alliance .

The Jews of Italy and the National Socialist Occupation Policy (September 1943-April 1945)

The fall of fascism and the deposition of Mussolini on July 25, 1943 did nothing to change the situation of the Jews in Italy. The anti-Jewish laws remained in force. “The decision of the post-fascist government to leave the anti-Jewish regulations unchanged during the 45 days of its existence [...] was careless and irresponsible; It is therefore also obvious that access to the comprehensive collection of Jewish data, which has been continuously supplemented since 1938, played into the hands of the former German allies with regard to the implementation of the 'Final Solution to the Jewish Question' in Italy, "which means that the Badoglio government is partly to blame can be. As a result of the German occupation of Italy on September 8, 1943, around 8,000 Italian and foreign Jews were deported from Italy to the Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration and extermination camp by the end of the war , more than a thousand of them from Rome alone in October 1943 . Liliana Picciotto was able to prove that half of the victims were arrested by Germans and half by Italians.

Jews in anti-fascism and resistance

Jews under anti-fascism (1922–1943)

According to De Felice, opposition - active or passive - to fascism in Judaism remained modest, not unlike in the rest of the Italian bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, there were a number of politically active intellectuals of Jewish descent who turned against fascism at an early age and were politically and journalistically active. These include B. Claudio Treves, Giuseppe Emanuele Modigliani , Fabio Luzzatto, Gustavo Sacerdote, Ugo Guido Mondolfo, Carlo Rosselli and Enrico Sereni, who were close to socialism. Giorgio Levi Della Vida, Mario Falco, Ludovico Limentani, Vito Volterra , Riccardo Bachi, Giorgio Errera and Giuseppe Levi were among the signatories of Benedetto Croce's “Manifesto of Italian Intellectuals Against Fascism” . Carlo Rosselli, the founder of the anti-fascist movement Giustizia e Libertà , saw fascist government and military circles as so dangerous that they had him murdered by members of the right-wing extremist Cagoule in France in June 1937 together with his brother Nello. Other militant anti-fascists had long since been banned or were serving long prison terms. These include B. Vittorio Foa , Sion Segre, Leone Ginzburg and Umberto Terracini . Still others had been driven into emigration and exile at an early age. B. Carlo Rosselli, Nello Rosselli, Giuseppe Emanuele Modigliani and Claudio Treves. In Spain, Carlo Rosselli and Leo Valiani fought for the Spanish Republic .

Jews in the Resistance (September 1943-April 1945)

According to Cecini, from September 1943, around 2000 Jews were involved in the fight against the German occupiers and their Italian collaborators. Seven of them were awarded a gold medal for bravery .

Coming to terms with fascism in the post-war period

Through the turning point of July – September 1943 - the overthrow of fascism, the short-lived government led by Badoglio , the breakaway from the alliance with the German Reich , the armistice with the Allies and the subsequent occupation of Italy by the German Wehrmacht - took place in the Italy's self-perception of the change from the dictatorial colonial and occupying power, which served as a model for other countries, persecuted those who think differently, tried to overthrow the democratic order of Europe on Hitler's side and had committed war crimes in the occupied countries of the Balkans , to the country of victims, which had come together in the Resistenza , in the closed resistance of the civilian population against the German occupiers and suffered tragic losses. The interests of anti-fascist circles and those of the nostalgic right were not dissimilar: the glorification of the Resistance as a fight against the German occupier here, the creation of the greatest possible distance between the supposedly good-natured Mussolini and the sinister Hitler there.

While Germany has gradually faced its own past since the 1960s, a comprehensive and self-critical collective examination of the essence and politics of fascism has not taken place in Italy until today. Immediately after the end of the war, the amnesty for all fascist crimes in 1946, the refusal to extradite the approx. 1200 alleged Italian war criminals to Yugoslavia and other countries, the emerging Cold War and the glorification of the Resistancea in the post-war Italian republic created the breeding ground for the Brava Gente myth that developed and consolidated in the following years . After the resistance had become the dominant feature of the public political and historical discourse of the post-war period, the widespread support for fascism between 1922 and 1943 (and also the militant anti-fascism of a very small minority) faded into the background.

The price for resumption of the European post-war order was high; historical memory has suffered from public and private repression. This applies to both the Jewish and non-Jewish Italians. For the Italians of Jewish faith there was another reason for this “wanting to forget”, namely the painful realization that “a dictatorship that had not been fought suddenly turned the tables and loyal citizens more and more lives from year to year Made hell. "

literature

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  • Michele Sarfatti : Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione. Einaudi, Turin 2000, ISBN 88-06-15016-2 .
  • Simon Levis Sullam: I carnefici italiani: Scene dal genocidio degli ebrei, 1943–1945. Feltrinelli, Milan 2015 ISBN 978-88-07-11133-4 .
  • Alexander Stille : Benevolence and Betrayal. Five Italian Jewish Families under Fascism. Summit Books, New York 1993 ISBN 0-671-67152-9 .
  • Klaus Voigt: Refuge on Revocation. Exile in Italy, 1933–1945 Volume I. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 1989, ISBN 3-608-91487-0 .
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  • Thomas Schlemmer , Hans Woller: Italian fascism and the Jews 1922 to 1945. In: Quarterly books for contemporary history . Volume 53, 2005, Issue 2, pp. 164–201 (PDF) .
  • Susan Zuccotti : L'Olocausto in Italia. TEA, Milan 1995, ISBN 88-7819-674-6 .

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Mursia, Milan 2008, p. 13.
  2. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Mursia, Milan 2008, pp. 15-16.
  3. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milan 2008, p. 14.
  4. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Mursia, Milan 2008, p. 21.
  5. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 18.
  6. ↑ Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , TEA, Milan 1995, pp. 42-43.
  7. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Mursia, Milan 2008, p. 25.
  8. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Mursia, Milan 2008, p. 25.
  9. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. 'Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Einaudi, Turin 2000, pp. 28-29.
  10. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Mursia, Milan 2008.
  11. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 41.
  12. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 47.
  13. ^ Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-1945 , Madison 1995 (The University of Wisconsin Press), p. 239.
  14. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 28.
  15. ↑ Maurizio Molinari , Ebrei in Italia: un problema di identità (1870–1938) , Firenze 1991 (La Giuntina), p. 102.
  16. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 67.
  17. ↑ One of them, Cesare Goldmann, looked after the hall; three Jewish Italians who perished in the fighting against socialists were posthumously honored as "martyrs of the fascist revolution". Cf. Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 73.
  18. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 74.
  19. ↑ Molinari sums up the relationship of the Jews to fascism as follows: "The attitude of the Italian Jews was reflected in the attitude of the entire Italian population: the passivity of the majority, the active participation of a considerable minority, the fundamental opposition of a few." Maurizio Molinari, Ebrei in Italia: un problema di identità (1870-1938) , Firenze 1991 (La Giuntina), pp. 101-102.
  20. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 74.
  21. ↑ Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , Milano 1995 (TEA), p. 48
  22. ↑ Deutschlandfunk, September 3, 2015, majority for the Duce , by Thomas Migge
  23. ↑ Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , TEA, Milano 1995, p 88th
  24. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Einaudi, Turin 2000, p. 22.
  25. ↑ Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , TEA, Milan 1995, pp. 49-50.
  26. ↑ Meir Michaelis, Mussolini and the Jews. German-Italian relations and the Jewish Question in Italy 1922–1945 , Oxford 1978 (Clarendon Press), p. 52
  27. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 169
  28. ↑ Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , TEA, Milan 1995th
  29. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Turin 1961 (Einaudi), p. 75
  30. ↑ What is meant is the "Legge Falco", which came into force on October 30, 1930, one year after the signing of the Lateran Treaties, whereby Italian Jewry achieved "considerable recognition and rights", e.g. B. because the compulsory parish registration could alleviate the effects of the secularization process and the receipt of support contributions brought additional stability within the parishes; a major disadvantage, however, was the loss of autonomy of the individual communities due to the introduction of a central body. See Michele Sarfatti, The Jews in Fascist Italy. History, Identity, Persecution , 2014 (De Gruyter), pp. 75–76. The establishment of the "Unione delle Comunità Israelitiche Italiane (Ucii) also had the advantage for the regime" that a single institution could be controlled more easily. "Cf. Maurizio Molinari, Ebrei in Italia: un problema di identità (1870–1938) , Firenze 1991, p. 104 (La Giuntina)
  31. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000, pp. 86–87 (Einaudi)
  32. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961, p. 95 (Einaudi).
  33. ^ According to Payne, "the Fascist movement [...] itself was disproportionately Jewish - that is, Jews made up a greater proportion of the party at all stages of its history than of the Italian population as a whole." Cf. Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914–1945 , Madison 1995, p. 240. - Sarfatti, on the other hand, is of the opinion that the majority of Italian Jews were just as fascist as the other Italians, but a minority were “more anti-fascist than the other Italians”. Cf. Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000, p. 24 (Einaudi)
  34. ^ Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914–1945 , Madison 1995 (The University of Wisconsin Press), 99.
  35. ^ Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-1945 , Madison 1995 (The University of Wisconsin Press), 103.
  36. ^ Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-1945 , Madison 1995 (The University of Wisconsin Press), p. 111
  37. ^ Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-1945 , Madison 1995 (The University of Wisconsin Press), 118
  38. ^ Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-1945 , Madison 1995 (The University of Wisconsin Press), p. 213
  39. ^ Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-1945 , Madison 1995 (The University of Wisconsin Press), p. 221
  40. ^ Stanley Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-1945 , Madison 1995 (The University of Wisconsin Press), p. 220
  41. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 190
  42. ↑ Deutschlandfunk, September 3, 2015, majority for the Duce , by Thomas Migge
  43. ↑ Meir Michaelis, Mussolini and the Jews. German-Italian relations and the Jewish Question in Italy 1922–1945 , Oxford 1978 (Clarendon Press), p. 52
  44. ↑ Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , Milano 1995 (TEA), pp. 42-43
  45. ↑ These are Giorgio Errera, Giorgio Levi della Vida and Vito Volterra . See Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 95; Helmut Goetz, The Free Spirit and His Adversaries , Frankfurt / Main 1993 (Haag and Herchen); and Giorgio Boatti, Preferirei di no. Le storie dei dodici professori che si opposero a Mussolini , 2001, the latter two about the twelve professors who refused to take the oath.
  46. ^ By comparison: 26 in France, 23 in the United States and 15 in the UK. Cf. Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista, Milano 2008, p. 192 (Mursia)
  47. ^ The officer Giorgio Liuzzi, who commanded a unit, was commended on May 23, 1938 for the good conduct of his unit “on the occasion of the military parade in honor of the Führer”. Cf. Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista, Milano 2008, p. 85
  48. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 147
  49. ↑ Michaelis notes that there were "Jewish fascists who felt it was their duty to welcome the Duce's anti-Semitic ally". See Meir Michaelis, Mussolini and the Jews. German-Italian relations and the Jewish Question in Italy 1922–1945 , Oxford 1978 (Clarendon Press), p. 148
  50. ↑ Klaus Voigt, Refuge on Revocation. Exil in Italien, 1933-1945 , Vol. I (1989) and II (1993), Klett-Cotta
  51. ↑ Deutschlandfunk, September 3, 2015: Jews in Italy: Majority for the Duce , by Thomas Migge
  52. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), pp. 90-93
  53. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), pp. 88-89
  54. ↑ Alexander Stille, Benevolence and Betrayal. Five Italian Jewish Families under Fascism , New York 1991 (Summit Books), p. 104.
  55. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 97
  56. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), pp. 98-99
  57. ↑ This wing included u. a. the presidents of the Jewish communities of Livorno and Turin . Its most prominent representative, Ettore Ovazza , was betrayed in October 1943 while attempting to flee to Switzerland with his family and tracked down in Intra , on Lake Langensee , and murdered by the SS. The same fate befell his wife, son and daughter shortly afterwards. See Alexander Stille, Benevolence and Betrayal. Five Italian Jewish Families under Fascism , New York 1991 (Summit Books), pp. 85-87
  58. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 129
  59. ^ The publicist Telesio Interlandi (1894–1965) made a decisive contribution to the spread of anti-Semitic ideas. After 1943 he joined the Italian Social Republic . The amnesty of June 22, 1946 enabled him to draw a line under his past. See Mimmo Franzinelli, L'Amnistia Togliatti. 22 giugno 1946: Colpo di spugna sui crimini fascisti , 2006 (Mondadori)
  60. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), pp. 146–147
  61. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 75
  62. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Einaudi, Turin 2000, pp. 113-114.
  63. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 58
  64. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 104
  65. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 193
  66. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), pp. 69-71
  67. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 76
  68. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 193
  69. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 109
  70. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), pp. 72-73
  71. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 74
  72. ↑ “The official relations between fascism and the Jews were good, in some respects even excellent.” Cf. Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 193
  73. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 194
  74. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), pp. 137-138
  75. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 149
  76. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 147
  77. ↑ Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , Milano 1995 (TEA), p 65
  78. ↑ Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , Milano 1995 (TEA), p 65
  79. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 142
  80. ↑ These were paradoxically called "discriminazioni", d. H. the beneficiaries to whom this or that restriction was imposed were considered “discriminati”.
  81. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 93
  82. ↑ Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , Milano 1995 (TEA), p 62
  83. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Mursia, Milan 2008, p. 105
  84. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 107
  85. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), pp. 126-127
  86. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 130
  87. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 144. Cecini leads the trivialization of the Italian racial legislation against the background of the National Socialist extermination policy on the myth of the Brava Gente myth of the "good Italian" , which is still widespread in Italy. whose tendency towards self-absolution is all the greater "when the others have committed much worse acts with even more conviction".
  88. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 105
  89. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), pp. 359-360
  90. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 93
  91. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 105
  92. ↑ Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , Milano 1995 (TEA), p 46
  93. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 361
  94. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 362
  95. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 107
  96. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , pp. 115-116
  97. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , p. 122; 125
  98. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , p. 165 (Mursia)
  99. ↑ These "campi di concentramento" were a repressive measure that was primarily directed against Italian anti-fascists, but also against members of "hostile nations", including Jews, as well as Slavs and travelers. Another measure was “free internment” in a remote community, mostly in southern Italy. See also Carlo Spartaco Capogreco, I campi del duce. L'internamento civile nell'Italia fascista, 1940-1943 , 2004 (Einaudi)
  100. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 363
  101. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo, Torino 1961 (Einaudi), p. 363
  102. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 182. This number corresponds to approximately one percent of the entire Jewish population in Italy.
  103. ↑ Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , Milano 1995 (TEA), pp. 81-82
  104. ↑ The files “Interned Italian Jews” in the Italian National Archives in Rome comprise a total of around 758 personal files, which relate to just as many individuals. Of these, 372 (slightly less than half) were interned in the period 1940–1943, be it for days, weeks or months, occasionally during the entire war. The other people were not arrested and interned by the occupation authorities until September 1943, i.e. during the German occupation. See “Ebrei italiani internati 1940–1945” files in the Italian National Archives in Rome ( Archivio Centrale dello Stato ).
  105. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Einaudi, Turin 1961, pp. 363-364.
  106. ↑ Most foreign Jews had fled the Nazis' sphere of influence; in addition, Norwegians, Chinese, British and Americans, Belgians and Dutch, Estonians and French, many Yugoslavs as well as travelers and members of other nations were interned. See Susan Zuccotti, L'Olocausto in Italia , Milano 1995 (TEA), p. 76
  107. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 163
  108. ^ Liliana Picciotto, Il libro della memoria. Gli Ebrei deportati dall'Italia (1943–1945) , 2002 (Mursia)
  109. ^ Renzo De Felice, Storia degli ebrei italiani sotto il fascismo , Torino 1961, p. 95 (Einaudi)
  110. ↑ Mimmo Franzinelli, Il delitto Rosselli. Anatomia di un omicidio politico , 2017 (Feltrinelli)
  111. ↑ z. B. the painter and writer Carlo Levi , whose memories of his several months banishment sentence, which he had to serve in a remote village in southern Italy, under the title Christ came only until Eboli became world-famous.
  112. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli Ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 82.
  113. ↑ Michele Sarfatti, Gli Ebrei nell'Italia fascista. Vicende, identità, persecuzione , Torino 2000 (Einaudi), p. 147. - Leo Valiani, actually Leo Weiczen, was interned at the same time as Arthur Koestler in the Le Vernet camp in southern France. In his report Scum of the Earth some pages are devoted to their friendship.
  114. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 172
  115. ^ Filippo Focardi, Il cattivo tedesco e il bravo italiano. La rimozione delle colpe della seconda guerra mondiale , 2013 (Laterza), p. 180
  116. ^ Filippo Focardi, Il cattivo tedesco e il bravo italiano. La rimozione delle colpe della seconda guerra mondiale, 2013 (Laterza), p. 180
  117. ↑ Mimmo Franzinelli, L'Amnistia Togliatti. 22 giugno 1946 - Colpo di spugna sui crimini fascisti , 2006 (Mondadori)
  118. ^ "The [...] resistance in Italy has been glorified to mythic proportions." Cf. Alexander Stille, Benevolence and Betrayal. Five Italian Jewish Families under Fascism , New York 1991 (Summit Books), p. 339
  119. ↑ Cf. u. a. Angelo Del Boca, Italiani, brava gente? . Vicenza 2005 (Neri Pozza); Davide Conti: L'occupazione italiana dei Balcani. Crimini di guerra e mito della “brava gente” (1940–1943) . Odradek 2008; Filippo Focardi: Il cattivo tedesco e il bravo italiano. La rimozione delle colpe della Seconda Guerra Mondiale , 2013 (Laterza); Aram Mattioli : «Viva Mussolini!». The appreciation of fascism in Berlusconi's Italy . Paderborn 2010 (Schöningh); Paolo Fonzi: Beyond the Myth of the "Good Italian". Recent Trends in the Study of the Italian Occupation of Southeastern Europe during the Second World War . In: Südosteuropa 65 (2017), No. 2, pp. 239–259. - In addition, Cecini remarks that it was the same long-time enthusiastic supporters of Mussolini who “twenty years later [hit] his corpse. […] How many of them went to bed in the evening in their black shirt and got up the next day with the red kerchief around their neck? ”Cf. Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 197
  120. ↑ “The fact that the Jews, like the other Italians, were enthusiastic fascists, and that they did not completely refuse to obey Mussolini even after the racial laws came into force, was forgotten, whereupon“ the truth was repressed, neglected, forgotten about one's own fascist past. ”Cf. Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista , Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 196
  121. ↑ Giovanni Cecini, I soldati ebrei di Mussolini. I militari israeliti nel periodo fascista, Milano 2008 (Mursia), p. 197.