Patua

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Patua sell their pictures at the International Kolkata Book Fair in Calcutta , 2013

Patua , also Potua, Patu, Patudar, Patidar ( Bengali পটুয়া paṭuẏā ), from pat , "picture scroll", is an ethnic group in the south of the Indian state of West Bengal , whose members traditionally move around as professional narrators and illustrate stories of folk literature with picture scrolls. The central concern of the demonstrations of the picture scrolls in rural areas is to use rhetorical skills to encourage the audience to make donations that are described as religiously meritorious. Since the 1970s the Patua have shifted their focus of activity to the production and sale of pictures and other handicraft products.

The tradition of picture scrolls is based on ancient Indian times. The narrative pictures ( Sanskrit chitra, derived from it chitrakar , "picture scroll painter ") have been around since at least the 2nd century BC. Known; with the Bhakti movement at the end of the 16th century, the tradition reached its peak. The oldest fragments of Bengali scrolls are from the 17th century. The mythical tales in Bengal include episodes from the life of the youthful god Krishna and his consort Radha , stories of the snake goddess Manasa , the holy Chaitanya and from the epic Ramayana . The patua tradition has been portrayed as disappearing for 100 years, but it is still alive in a different way. The Patua practice a Muslim popular belief that contains elements from Hinduism . As a result, they are considered marginalized and have a low social status. In order to emphasize the originality of their painting, they connect with the ancient Indian picture counters by using the title Chitrakar in their name.

A group that was independent of the Patua and probably arose from them are the Jadopatia , who take on ritual tasks for the Santal belonging to the Adivasis and enjoy a reputation as "magical picture counters" (Bengali jadu , "magic").

origin

The relief from the Bharhut stupa, 2nd century BC. BC, illustrates the Jataka tale about a jackal acting as a clever arbiter and taking the fish from two otters.

Goshala Mankhaliputta (also Makkhali Gosala) lived in the 6th or 5th century BC. BC and was a contemporary of the two religious founders Buddha and Mahavira , who is said to have founded the religious school of the Ajivikas himself . In the Bhagavati Sutra , a canonical script of Jainism compiled in the first centuries AD, it is said that Goshala's father was a mankha ( Sanskrit , translated as “picture counter”) who wandered around begging with a picture that he was and told a story about it. One day Goshala Mankhaliputta and his wife came to Saravana during the rainy season, which is believed to be near the ancient Indian town of Shravasti in the Ganges plain , where they found shelter in a cowshed. There the woman gave birth to the child Goshala (from go , "cow" and shala , "shelter"). Goshala, like his father, moved around as a picture teller in his early years. The word mankha occurs frequently in the Jain Prakrit literature , for example in the Aupapatika Sutra (around the 3rd to 5th centuries). It mentions a shrine for the Yaksha Purnabhadra, where many actors, storytellers, tightrope walkers, picture counters ( mankha ) and bards ( magaha ) meet. The distinction between mankha and magaha shows that picture counters were a separate group of performers alongside storytellers.

In Patanjali's work Mahabhashya (around 250–120 BC) shaubhika are mentioned as professional actors in a theatrical performance. When asked about the origin of shadow theater, Heinrich Lüders (1916) advocated the much- cited thesis that the word shaubhika meant actors who showed shadow figures and explained them to the audience. Even if the theater historian ML Varadpande adopts this assessment, it remains controversial whether the shaubhika mentioned here were performers of shadow plays, puppeteers or picture counters. At one point Patanjali writes in the present tense that pictures show how the demonic king Kamsa is defeated. This is a central episode in the legend of Krishna . It suggests that there were narrators in his day who showed pictures. Buddhist legends have only been around since the 1st century BC. Received. In the centuries before, the legends could have been handed down in the form of painted picture narratives. With the stone reliefs on important stupas such as Sanchi and Bharhut , which began in the 2nd century BC. Were erected, scenes similar to those in the contemporary pictures were probably preserved. The reliefs of the Toranas by Sanchi are quasi stone picture scrolls on which legends from the life of Buddha ( jataka ) are depicted.

Actors, dancers, simple storytellers, and picture tellers were conceptually differentiated in Jain texts in the first centuries AD. In the 7th century, the playwright Banabhatta (Bana) mentions a group of picture tellers who hung a roll of fabric known as yama pata ( yamapataka ) on poles and described the world beyond, with rewards and punishments by Yama , the god of the underworld that people are waiting for. In the Buddhist text collection Samyutta Nikaya , picture counters are mentioned at one point. Buddha asks his monks if they have seen carana-citra and, on their affirmative answer, compares the painted pictures with the ability of the human mind to create a world of illusion. The 5th century Buddhist scholar Buddhaghosa comments that Buddha was referring to the images ( citra ) of a wandering ( carana ) actor. The expression carana-citra (another transcription charanam nama chittan ) in Buddhist texts can therefore be translated as "wandering image" and is synonymous with the better known name yama pata . In Kuvalayamala , a cultural-historical Jain text compiled by Uddyotana Suri in the 8th century, there is an account of a wandering teacher ( upadhyaya ) who showed a Jain monk a sequence of images of the life cycle ( samsara , also samsarachakra ). The entire lifeworld was depicted on it, with pleasures, punishments in hell and the heavenly sphere. In the same way, the picture narrator described in classical Sanskrit literature ( yama pattika , literally "transmitter of yama pictures") went to the houses of his patrons, where he presented yama pictures and sang religious songs.

The existence of picture narratives in ancient Indian times emerges not only from Buddhist, Jainist and Brahmanic texts, but also from classical Sanskrit drama. In the play Dutavakya by the playwright Bhasa, who must have lived before the 6th century, Duryodhana, the oldest of the five Kauravas , holds a scroll in his hand that shows the undressing of the beautiful Princess Draupadi . In the play Uttararamacharita by Bhavabhuti (8th century), Lakshmana shows his brother Rama and his wife Sita a picture gallery and explains to them episodes from their own life that are depicted on it. The large number of literary mentions makes it clear that the tradition of picture presenters and singers with didactic stories was popular and widespread in ancient Indian times.

distribution

Excerpt from the picture scroll Pabuji ki phad of the Bhopas in Rajasthan, contains stories about the Rajput prince Pabuji of the 14th century, who was venerated as a saint. National Museum New Delhi .

According to Victor H. Mair (1988), the ancient Indian picture counters influenced comparable traditions in China. In the Tang Dynasty (618–907) there were the narrative chants Bianwen in China and the murals Bianxiang in cave temples , which Mair and other researchers associate because they depict episodes from the same Buddhist legends on which the chants were based , and thus presumably were a form of pictorial narration. In Japan in the 10th century was Emakimono , a visual narrative that will be rolled scene.

In the Encyclopedia Manasollasa , written by King Somesvara of the Central Indian Chalukya dynasty in the 12th century, the picture counters are called chitra kathak , composed of Sanskrit citra, chitra , including "image" and katha, kathi , "story". In addition to the Patua in East India, the tradition of picture projectionists has also been preserved in some West Indian regions. These include the 19th century Paithan painting from the city of the same name in the Aurangabad district in the state of Maharashtra . The picture counters ( chitrakathi ) from Paithan did not paint picture scrolls, but used pictures painted on paper, which were bundled into a series ( poti ). The citrakathi in some villages around the town of Sawantwadi in the south of Maharashtra still use similar stacks of images to this day , which appear with images painted on both sides of a 30 × 40 centimeter brown paper. The presenter speaks the dialogues alternately with an actor seated next to him, accompanied by a music ensemble that plays an hourglass drum ( huduk , related to the hurka ), a three-stringed long-necked lute ( tambura , corresponds to an ektara ) or a harmonium and cymbals ( jhanjh ) . Five to six people are required for a picture presentation. These little-known groups also perform a puppet show and the shadow play Chamadyache bahulya .

The yama pattika mentioned in the ancient Indian scriptures as a group of picture tellers who specialize in depicting scenes from hell can still be found in eastern India today. The Bengali name of their picture scrolls, yam pot , pronounced "Yama picture scroll", is derived from the Sanskrit yama pata . Until the beginning of the 20th century, Buddhist beggars in Japan produced corresponding scrolls from hell, which were called yemma yezu ( yemma, emma derived from yama and yezu, "image"). Yam pot picture scrolls are one of the main themes that Jadopatia show off. Like the Patua, the Jadopatia belong to the Bengal family , but they have a social and cultural relationship with the Santal.

In the state of Gujarat , the lower Garoda caste maintains a corresponding tradition with picture scrolls with narrative content, at least three of which depict agonies of hell and the god of death Yama. The Garoda are priests of the popular religion and, in addition to the presentation of picture stories, work as astrologers , palm readers and horoscope painters. Her illustrated stories are painted with watercolors on paper rolls ( Gujarati tipanu ) over three meters long and 35 centimeters wide , which are opened vertically. A picture scroll of Garoda shows in the opening picture a jug ( purna ghata ) on which a coconut is placed, surrounded by a temple shrine. This is followed by mythical folk tales from Gujarat and episodes from the Puranas about various gods. The final scenes ( yama pata ) deal with the agony of hell that people suffer in the afterlife. The demonstrator tells and sings religious songs ( bhajans ). The Garoda understand their begging tours with picture scrolls as a pilgrimage ( jatra ); the scrolls take on the symbolic meaning of a movable temple shrine ( ratha ) and the pilgrimage becomes rathajatra , the religious circumnavigation of the temple float .

South Indian tapestry kalamkari with picture stories on cotton fabric. Brooklyn Museum , 1610-1640.

The chitrakatha tradition is still most alive today in Rajasthan , where the caste group of the Bhopas show and explain long, painted rolls of fabric called phad ( phad bachana ). The fabric image, which contains the entire story, is stretched between two wooden sticks stuck in the floor or in front of a wall. The picture scroll Pabuji ki phad is about the holy Rajput prince Pabuji from the 14th century. A bhopa himself accompanies his narrative on the spit- lute ravanahattha . The Persian word parda for pictures is synonymous with phad or par . In Iran during the Qajar period, picture counters wandered around with large pictures ( parda ) measuring 3.5 × 1.5 meters , which were painted on canvas with oil paints. The pardadari ("curtain holder") sang the story of the tragic battle of Karbala while pointing to each scene.

In southern India, picture narratives are known in the states of Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka . In Andhra Pradesh, pictorial narratives painted with vegetable colors on cotton fabric are called kalamkari (in Telugu also varata pani ). The kalamkari used to be painted as wall hangings for temples and are obviously based on the tradition of picture counters. The religious ritual theater nagamandala , in which an obsession ritual around a floor painting is performed in the temple , also creates a connection with a painted picture, a story and a dramatic performance .

According to Giuseppe Tucci (1949), the Tibetan scroll paintings ( thangka ) were created from a combination of Indian picture scroll narratives ( pata ), magical-religious diagrams ( mandala ) and painted legends of saints that storytellers used in religious places. The origin of ache lhamo , as the tradition of Tibetan opera introduced in the first half of the 15th century is called, is said to have come from wandering Buddhist storytellers ( lama mani ), who have been pointing at picture scrolls with sticks since at least the 12th century, while they were popular Stories from the Jatakas sang.

In northeast Thailand , Buddhist monks wear a 20 to 40 meter long and one meter wide, painted piece of cotton fabric depicting the Vessantara Jataka around the temple during the annual Phra Wet procession . The scroll is then shown in the assembly hall of the temple while monks recite the stories depicted on it from the penultimate life of the Buddha.

On the Indonesian island of Java , a narrative tradition with pictures painted on palm leaf strips developed at the beginning of the 13th century . Presumably in the 14th century, the shape of the wayang beber , which is known to this day, emerged from this , in which four scenes are shown one after the other, which are located on a scroll that is transported horizontally. The mythical stories are about the Javanese hero Panji.

From Patua to Chitrakar

The contents of the ancient Indian and medieval picture counters are only known in fragments, which is why today's regional groups can only be viewed generally as the keepers of this tradition. It is unclear when the particular Bengali form of this tradition originated. The oldest surviving fragments of Bengali scrolls date from the 17th century and are in the National Handicrafts and Handlooms Museum in New Delhi . Much better preserved are scrolls from the first half of the 19th century that belong to the collection of the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. They are influenced by the courtly miniature style of Mughal painting . When the Mughal Empire collapsed after Aurangzeb's death (1707), Murshid Quli Khan , who was under Aurangzeb Diwan of Bengal , moved his headquarters from Dhaka to Maksudabad, which he renamed Murshidabad . There he became the first nawab of a quasi-independent Bengal. From the troubled Mughal capital Delhi , painters came to Murshidabad who brought their courtly painting tradition with them. In the fusion with a regional Buddhist art of painting and the art of picture scroll painters, Murshidabad developed its own style. Most of the picture scrolls in museums date from the end of the 19th or beginning of the 20th century and can be attributed to a different, popular painting.

The early climax of the picture narrations was probably at the end of the 16th century, when the religious bhakti movement in Bengal gained great popularity. The Vishnuit school of Gaudiya Vaishnavas , founded at that time, propagated rhythmic singing , repeated recitation of holy names (Sanskrit japa ), dancing and theatrical play as methods of loving visualization of Krishna and his companion Radha. The mythological narratives of the picture scrolls can also be found in Bengali literature since the 15th century, and they were probably passed down orally a long time before. The song poetry ( pada ) of early Bengali literature, the oldest period of which began at the end of the 10th century, is essentially about the earthly love between man and woman, arrested in time, which is elevated to a desire for the divine and the absolute , whereby ultimately the redemption from earthly existence can be achieved. At the end of the 16th century, most of the extensive religious poetry Mangalkavya was written, which contains episodes of people and gods who play on earth, in heaven and sometimes in hell.

During the British colonial period, the Patua are first mentioned in a document of the British East India Company from 1757. It regulates the settlement of rural population groups in Calcutta . The data on the Patua in the censuses in the second half of the 19th century vary considerably because their caste allocation as narrators or painters and their local names were not handled uniformly. The term “patua” has three meanings: it stands for a group of castes whose traditional occupation is the production or presentation of a picture or a picture scroll ( pat ), in addition, anyone who carries out the mentioned activities can be called patua, and finally is patua a proper name for members of this caste. According to a census in 1872 there were over 1000 "Potidars" (caste) and only 20 "Chitrakars" (painters) in the Medinipur district . Francois Buchanan (in: An Account of Districts of Bihar and Patna in 1811–1812 . Oriental Press, Calcutta 1934) and Herbert Hope Risley ( The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, 1891) distinguished between a low-ranking Muslim group Patua and the painters Chitrakar .

One of the social themes of Kalighat painting illustrates the Tarakeswar scandal: In 1873 a government employee severed his wife's head because she was having an affair with a brahmin. The Bengali population found the murder excusable and blamed the Brahmin and the woman's parents. After two years, the offender, sentenced to life imprisonment by a British court, was released under public pressure. Around 1890.

For the majority societies of Hindus and Muslims, Patua are considered to be a marginal group, whose folk beliefs cannot be assigned to one or the other religion. How they came to their own belief, the Patua explain with an origin legend. A patua is said to have once painted a picture of Shiva that happened to be there without being asked. In order to hide the evidence of his deed - the brush - for fear of Shiva's anger, he put the brush in his mouth. Nevertheless, Shiva recognized the secret painter and cursed all Patua angrily for having to be Muslim from now on. The Patua then asked for forgiveness and complained that as Muslims they could no longer pursue their previous livelihood. Shiva gave in kindly and judged that the Patua should in future be neither Hindus nor Muslims, they should adopt the laws of Muslims, but still be allowed to paint Hindu images of gods.

According to a more historically plausible explanation, the Patua were poor, low-caste Hindus in the Mughal period who tried to avoid the tax ( jizya ) on non-Muslim subjects ( dhimmi ) by converting to Islam by converting to Islam. The jiziya was first introduced for non-Muslims in India by Ala ud-Din Khalji (r. 1296-1316 over the Sultanate of Delhi ), subsequently raised under Firuz Shah Tughluq (r. 1351-1388), by the Mughal ruler Akbar I (r. 1556–1605) exposed in 1579 and driven back under Aurangzeb (r. 1658–1707).

Basically, it seems desirable for low-caste Hindus to belong to a religious community that is free of hierarchies. The picture painters could have hoped for material support for their art from the Muslim authorities through their change of religion. Another pragmatic motive for converting to Islam was the desire to receive armed protection from gangs of robbers from the Muslim rulers. Because of the poll tax, there were regular attacks by insurgents against the Muslim positions. Under the rule of the Bengali Nawab Alivardi Khan (r. 1740-1756), a group of looters called Bargi and belonged to the Maratha caste carried out regular raids from 1742 onwards, from which the population suffered greatly. The conversion to Islam took place gradually because, for economic reasons, the Patua could not do without the creation of scrolls and images of gods for Hindus.

The Patua see themselves as not entirely orthodox Muslims; if they are listed as Scheduled Castes in some regions , this serves more to enable them to make use of certain special state rights. They do not obey all the religious commandments of Islam and worship the Hindu snake goddess Manasa. Like many Bengali Muslims, they have a Muslim and a Bengali name as proper names, with the latter being used more often. The sociological view of the Patua as descendants of an old Bengali tribe or as direct descendants of the ancient Indian Chitrakar puts the emphasis in the - in both cases biased - evaluation of their picture roles either on "traditional" or on "classical".

The Battle of Plassey in 1757 ushered in the end of the rule of the Muslim Nawabs and the takeover of power by the British East India Company . The power and cultural center of Murshidabad thus fell into disrepair and the artists, potters and other artisans employed at the palaces there moved to the new British capital, Calcutta. The picture scroll painters living in the villages did the same. Some founded the arts and crafts district of Kumartoli (derived from kumar , "potter") in the north of the city, in which a long -established Brahmin upper class already lived. This included a musician scene in which Nidhu Babu (1741–1839) was an influential figure. The rural picture scroll painters who settled in the south in the Patuapara district, which was later named after them, near the Kali temple built in 1809, created a cultural counterpoint . It was there that Kalighat painting ( kalighat pat ) developed up to the middle of the 19th century , whose style of popular representation of gods was intended for everyday religious use and for sale to Europeans. The mythological motifs came from the great epics Ramayana and Mahabharata . Likewise, the Patua made their picture scrolls ( patachitra ). The missionaries of a Puritan Christianity regarded the images as gross, indecent and thus contrary to the civilizing achievements of the Christian faith. Kalighat painting experienced its artistic peak between 1850 and 1890. During this time, the Bengali upper class began to reassure themselves of their own cultural values ​​under British rule in the reform movement known as the Bengali Renaissance , which was connected with an effort to tie in with rural folk culture. This was accompanied by an attempt to unite the Bengali ethnic groups under nationalistic auspices. Nevertheless, at the beginning of the 20th century, the previous tradition of picture roll presentations was in decline and the hand-painted watercolors from Kalighat were replaced by cheap lithographs by around 1930 .

Bengal School of Art. Rabindranath Tagore : Face of a Woman, before 1941.
Bengal School of Art. Abanindranath Tagore: Damayanthi (beautiful princess from the Mahabharata), 1914.

A counter-trend to preserve the vanishing tradition of the Patua picture scrolls was the first scientific research into this at the beginning of the 20th century, including the efforts of the art historian Ajit Ghose and the painter Mukul Chandra Dey (1895–1989), who in the first Years of the 20th century studied with Rabindranath Tagore in Shantiniketan . Tagore was very fond of the Bengali folk culture and borrowed from it for his literary, musical and painterly work. In the 1920s Dey continued his studies in London, where he, like Ghose , came into contact with the expressive European styles (such as Fauvism , Expressionism , Cubism ) influenced by the “ primitive ” folk art . Both returned to Calcutta in the 1920s and began collecting Kalighat painting, which had a more direct impact on them than the subtle, more critically formulated: anemic Bengal School of Art, which was cultivated around the Tagore family.

Ajit Ghose wrote the first essay on the painting of the Patua in 1926, in which he emphasized the vitality of this ancient painting and at the same time regretted its extinction. The nationalist motif behind Ghose's preoccupation with folk painting of the Patua subsequently shaped the work of the Bengali folklorist Gurusaday Dutt (1882–1941), the founder of the spiritual Bratachari movement. Dutt, who came from a Zamindar family, was the first resident of his village to gain university entrance qualifications. After studying law at Cambridge , he returned to Bengal in 1905 and took up a job in the civil service that required long trips across the country. The program of Dutt and his movement included the revival of folk dances, which have become rare in the villages, and generally the preservation of traditional folk art. Their simplicity and spontaneity, which are characteristic of every people in a special way, Dutt viewed in romantic transfiguration as a source of inspiration for perfecting the mind, and with nationalistic euphoria he declared Bengali folk art to be the "national culture of India". He attached the greatest importance to the Bengali picture scroll painting, in comparison with other traditional art movements in India and with the development of art in general. In 1932 Dutt exhibited the scrolls of Patua for the first time in the rooms of the Indian Society of Oriental Art in Calcutta, founded in 1907 by Abanindranath Tagore (1871–1951) . The attribution of the Patua as the successor to the ancient Indian Chitrakar goes back to him. Rabindranath Tagore joined the group of admirers of these picture scrolls with an exhibition in 1934, whose origins were asserted directly from the pre-Buddhist visual art of ancient India. The painter Jamini Roy (1887–1972), a pupil of Abanindranath Tagore, went so far in his stylistic adoption of Patua painting that he described himself as "urban patua".

Several nationalist Hindu organizations such as Arya Samaj and Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha took care of those who had fallen away from Hinduism and tried to bring them back to their faith with "purification rituals". At the same time, the Indian national movement should be strengthened. The Patua addressed by this came together in the Bangiya Chitrakar Unnayan Samiti ("Society for the Promotion of the Chitrakars of Bengal"). During the violent religious group conflicts in Bengal in the first half of the 20th century, it meant personal security for Patua to join the Hindu majority. Continuing to work as Muslims in the homes of Hindu families proved too dangerous. With the return to Hinduism, the Patua primarily associated a return to the Hindu role model of the respected picture teller Chitrakar. In the 1951 census, the Patua were finally recognized as Chitrakar, so that both names became synonymous with their craft activities. However, the Patua soon found that their position within the caste hierarchy had barely improved, which is why they returned to their Muslim faith in the following years. They kept the title Chitrakar as part of their name. After all, the attention that had been paid to them from circles interested in art had ensured that they could now claim the somewhat higher status as craftsmen ( shilpi ) compared to the wandering beggars ( bhikhari ).

The adoption of the old name Chitrakar provided the low-caste Patua with an origin myth of which they are proud. They trace the origin of their artisan caste to Vishvakarman , the divine builder and ancestor of the arts. He came into the earthly world in the form of a brahmin and married the Apsara (heavenly nymph) Ghritachi , who had also been reborn as a human being . The first Chitrakar emerged from their connection. The decline from the originally high to a now low caste is justified by the already mentioned progression of the myth, in which a Patua became arrogant, Shiva secretly painted and thereby committed the main sin of pollution, because he put the brush in his mouth with which he had previously created an image of God. This brought the Chitrakar to a social level outside the Hindu and Muslim communities. Another reason for the falling away from what was once a high caste level is found in the Brahmavaivarta Purana , which is dated approximately to the 13th century (10th to 16th centuries). Accordingly, the Chitrakars violated the rules imposed on their caste because they did not paint religious pictures in the prescribed manner.

The qualitative decline of patua painting in the 20th century is a fact that is less due to mass production for tourists than to the lack of an audience in the villages. This began to be interested in movies and television, whereby the usual entertainment programs at village festivals fell behind. In the past, a patua, a Bauls playing music or a fakir who practiced wondrous things was invited to village festivals or any other occasion . The same trend reversal probably also fell victim to the village shadow plays, which were almost forgotten, such as the Killekyata in Karnataka or the Chamadyache bahulya in Maharashtra.

Present social position and activity

22nd West Bengal State Handicraft Expo 2014 , Kolkata craft fair.

Patua are mainly active in the districts of Medinipur and Birbhum, furthermore in Purulia, Bankura, South 24 Parganas, Murshidabad and Haora . The old Bengali stick puppet show danger putul is widespread in these same districts . Until the first half of the 20th century it was part of the traditional job description of a Patua that he left his village for several days or weeks and moved around in an area in which he had not been for a long time and he consequently took a certain interest in his Expected appearance. He finds an audience either among the passers-by on the street or at the homesteads of the Hindu lower or middle class, where he shows two or three scrolls. His lecture of a maximum of half an hour includes episodes from the Ramayana with Radha and Krishna, stories about the sacred mystic Chaitanya , from the late medieval Bengali collection of legends Manasamangal about the snake goddess Manasa , which focuses on the love story of Behula and her husband Lakhindar, and Comments on social and political events. After his performance he begs for gifts ( dan ) or alms ( bhiksha ), which he receives in the form of rice, lunch, a piece of clothing or some money. This is not the only activity of the Patua, nor are the Patua alone engaged in the production and marketing of the scrolls. The Patua mainly work as day laborers in agriculture, otherwise they do other jobs that are typical for the lowest class. As peddlers, they sell wickerwork, fireworks and figures of gods made of clay, they also appear as jugglers, snake charmers and magicians. While the Patua community is spread over large areas of West Bengal, there are only a few people who present pictures in the villages of the Medinipur and Birbhum districts in the traditional way, which promises only a low income .

The Chitrakar market themselves better today, as they paint paper pictures, T-shirts and pottery with folk motifs in addition to picture scrolls. They benefit from the staging of traditional picture scroll painting endangered by extinction, promoted by well-meaning lovers of picture scrolls in the course of the 20th century. Part of this staging of an ancient art form is the oft-repeated claim that the Patua used natural colors. In keeping with this, the Patua organized a workshop on the production of vegetable colors during a three-day festival in November 2011 in the village of Naya. As early as 1953, however, it was established that the Patua do not produce paint themselves, but buy imported paint.

religion

In surveys of some Patua in 1991, an ambiguous self-assessment of their own religion emerged: the majority firmly committed to the Islamic faith and stated that circumcision (Arabic chitān , Bengali khatna, performed by a Muslim circumciser), the wedding according to Islamic law ( nikah ) for Adults and young people including a morning gift for the bride and the Islamic divorce ( talaqnama ), recorded in writing by a religious scholar ( maulvi ), to practice and to recognize the Islamic creed ( shahāda ) in front of two witnesses according to the Hanafi law school customary in India . They also said their deaths in a white cloth ( kafan ) wrapped after the prayer ( namaz ) bury, the birthday of the Prophet ( milad sharif to celebrate) and the (Hindu) housewarming ritual ( griha pravesh ) from the Qur'an and the Hadith to recite. They paint their houses with mosques from Mecca and Medina and other Islamic motifs.

A Hindu minority decorates their house walls with images of the Kashi Vishwanath temple and Hindu gods. Married women paint a red dot ( bindi ) on their foreheads. In the inner courtyards of the houses stands the sacred Tulsi bush , which is obligatory for Hindus . Kali, Lakshmi and the folk goddess Shashthi are worshiped as house deities ( griha devi ). A religious ritual is the snail horn blown in the morning and in the evening ( shankh ). They practice the gaya holud ceremony that is part of a Hindu wedding in Bengal . A procession to the bride's house takes place one to two days before the actual wedding. The bride and, separately, the bridegroom are rubbed with turmeric powder on the forehead in a "yellowing ceremony" . In addition to these two clearly positioning groups, some Patua could not assign themselves. What all groups had in common was their poor knowledge of the canonical literature of the religions they indicated.

Patua in the village of Naya

The scroll from Naya deals with the consequences of the 2004 tsunami .

An exception is the village of Naya (in the Pingla administrative unit, Medinipur district, southeast of the city of Medinipur ), which has become known as the village of the Chitrakar. 53 Patua families (2011) live there who paint and sell pictures and have decorated their house facades with the same motifs. Since the 1980s, Naya has developed into a model village of Patua visual art. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) started funding programs in Naya, anthropologists carried out field research and filmmakers made this nucleus of a modernization strategically aimed at urban stakeholders known across the region. In 1986 and 1991 the first state-organized workshops took place in Naya. Women of the Patua also took part, who had not previously dealt with the production of the images and the narrative tradition that was the domain of men. Since a month-long workshop that an NGO organized in Calcutta in 1992, courses have been held regularly to help impoverished Patua earn a higher income by teaching them new painting techniques and non-narrative motifs. The American anthropologist Frank Korom found Naya, whom he knew from previous stays, transformed into “a kind of living open-air museum” during his 2010 visit. Women sang short stories with current content for day tourists.

In addition to the usual mythological and some current scenes, a special motif of Naya is the picture scroll called Laden pata , in which the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001 are discussed. The inspiration for this picture role was provided by an acting troupe from Calcutta who performed the play Amrika jolchhe (“America is on fire”) in the village . The play was about the political development from the Second Gulf War to the collapse of the World Trade Center . The Laden patas are divided into six individual images, starting with an airplane that looks like a fat fish, at the top of which the head of Osama bin Laden appears and which is approaching the skyscrapers. In the second picture, a high-rise has become a column that divides the composition in two halves. In one half you can see the bearded Bin Laden with his people in the background, in the other half George W. Bush and his surroundings, without beards. The two adversaries talk to each other on the phone. The following pictures contain battle scenes. In the last picture, bin Laden and Bush appear again as symmetrically positioned, typified figures sitting together in an oasis under palm trees with hills in the background. The symmetry of good and evil is a mythological principle that is also used in the representation of Hindu gods and their demonic opponents. For the picture design of a new theme, as in this case, a narration in song verses must be available beforehand. On non-traditional themes, the verses are usually sung to goofy melodies from popular films. The narrative sung throughout in this case serves to translate the historical event from the world of everyday life onto a generalizing, higher level. This aesthetic concept combines popular theater with the principles of classical Indian theater known since the ancient Indian work on the performing arts, Natyashastra .

Jadopatia

The settlement area of ​​the Santal extends from the south of Jharkhands over the west of West Bengal and the north of Oriyas . In addition to the Jadopatia, other ethnic groups without their own landowners live in a symbiotic relationship with the Santal: the Lohar blacksmith caste and the Dom, which were counted among the "Criminal Tribes" in British India . The men of the cathedral play the drums at weddings and other festive events (the large kettle drum tamak , Bengali dhamsa ), their wives work as midwives or pierce the ears of the Santal women. In the 1901 census, the Jadopatia appear. Lewis Sydney Steward O'Malley wrote in 1910 in the Bengal District Gazetteers about the Jadopatia that they were a small caste group that only existed in the Birbhum district, in what is now the Purulia district (Purulia is known as the venue for the dance drama Chhau ) and in the Santal district in Jharkhand Life. According to O'Malley, the Jadopatia claimed to be descended from a Muslim fakir and a low-caste Hindu woman and to worship not only Allah but also Kali , Manasa , Devi and other Hindu gods.

The Jadopatia show narrow picture scrolls, which in total only comprise a dozen or so stories. Most of the pictorial narratives deal with the history and society of the Santal, the rest contain mythological scenes about Krishna, Manasa and Karna , which are popular in Bengal. There are no significant differences between Patua and Jadopatia, neither in their religious practice nor in their social position and outward appearance, but the Patua, who are also resident in Birbhum, deny any relationship with the Jadopatia. Outside observers in the 20th century mention the Jadopatia as a spin-off from the larger Bengali Patua tradition. According to field research by Hadders (2001), all Jadopatia pretend to be Hindus in public, and some of them also adhere to certain Islamic regulations. There are no Muslim motifs in the scrolls of Jadopatia.

Village in the district of Santal Pargana, today in the state of Jharkhand . Visiting missionary Mathias Andreas Pederson (1869–1937) and his wife Emma Pederson, 1924. The Danish Evangelical Lutheran Santal Mission was in competition with Roman Catholic missionary efforts.

Gurusaday Dutt gave one of the first detailed descriptions of Jadopatia in the article The Tiger's God In Bengal (in: Modern Review , November 1932). The British art historian William Archer took over the management of the Indian department at the Victoria and Albert Museum in 1948 . His interests and that of his wife Mildred Archer were in Indian miniature painting. In the 1940s they began to collect Bengali painting and later to publish it ( Kalighat Paintings: A Catalog and Introduction. HMSO , London 1971). The Jadopatia are featured in William Archer's The Hill of Flutes: Life, Love and Poetry in Tribal India. Briefly mentioned A Portrait of the Santals (London 1974) and in Mildred Archers Indian Popular Painting (HMSO, 1977). The ethnologist Verrier Elwin (1902–1964) described the Jadopatia in 1952 in three short articles. In 1980 there was a detailed article by Jean-Baptiste Faivre and Utpal Chakraborty, a French artist and an Indian art historian, who were the first researchers to live with the Jadiopatia for a while, otherwise there were only few publications on Jadopatia until Hans Hadder's dissertation, published in 2001 via The Gift Of The Eye. Mortuary ritual performed by the Jadopatia in the Santal villages of Bengal and Bihar; India .

The picture counters of the Jadopatia have always made little fuss about themselves and were perceived by research to a lesser extent than the Patua. The lecture with picture scrolls used to be little profitable for Jadopatia, today her painting is threatened with disappearing because a group of collectors could not be won over as with the Patua. A decisive disadvantage was that the picture rolls were not produced specifically for sale, but only for use in demonstrations. Only when a picture roll had become unusable after a long period of use was it replaced by a new one.

The Jadopatia speak Bengali or Hindi and also understand Santali . They live on the outskirts of Santal villages or in their vicinity and are considered magicians (Bengali jadu , "magic"). The ascription "magical painters", ie the translation of Bengali Jadupatua and Santali Jadopatia , goes back to Gurusaday Dutt, who is influential in professional circles. When asked about this, the Jadopatia vehemently reject a linguistic connection between jado , which should have no meaning, and jadu . They consider themselves religious teachers ( guru ), not magicians. They declare the name Jadopatia to be a foreign name of the Santal, they prefer to call themselves Chitrakar.

One of the main themes presented to Jadopatia the Santal is the king of death, Yama , and the punishment of sinners in hell, which is shown in drastic imagery according to the iron law: "What a person sows, he will reap." yam pot picture scrolls (also jom pat ) depicts how misconduct against the moral laws of the Santal leads to punishment. Verrier Elwin (1952) quotes the story of a picture scroll in which Yama asks the son of Pilchu Haram that he must give up a certain part of his money in order to escape punishment after his sinful life. Pilchu Haram and Pilchu Budi are the first man and woman in the creation story of the Santal. In the scrolls from Hell, there are some scenes in which Santal is tormented because they have not given the Jadopatia anything that Elwin calls blackmail. In this way of targeting the Santals' fears of death, the Jadopatia make use of their reputation for magical abilities. They reinforce this reputation with images of the goddess Kali, whose attributes include a necklace made of skulls. The fearsome and destructive Kali symbolizes the inescapability of death.

In addition to making picture scrolls, the Jadopatia perform a dead ritual tailored to the Santal, which used to be a lucrative source of income, but today only brings in alms. The way in which Jadopatia become magicians, representatives of the god of the dead Yama and Brahmin priests through this ritual is the subject of analyzes that require precise knowledge of the groups involved in the hereafter. Verrier Elwin (1952) probably got the process described by a Jadopatia: When a santal has died, he prepares himself for his mission with purification rituals. To do this, he puts a vessel with water under his bed, in which he has put some yellow turmeric and a few grains of rice. Then he goes to sleep. When he recognizes the face of the deceased in a dream, he gets up and looks at the surface of the water in the vessel and sees in it a reflection of the same face and some things that are due to him as his rightful inheritance. The Jadopatia makes a drawing of the deceased based on his vision. The further process is given by a description by Gurusaday Dutt (1932), which is quoted by various authors: Jadopatia goes to the house of the deceased with the sketch in hand. The picture shows only approximately one human figure, whose gender and age match the deceased. The iris of the eyes is missing. The Jadopetia explains the bereaved, the deceased wandering aimlessly and blindly in the afterlife until he would receive presents ( dan ) from them. After that he could as a Brahmin (Bengali thakur , also refer to God) and priests ( purohit that) chakshudan perform -Ritual, which the deceased's eyesight is awarded. The requested gifts are intended to be passed on to the deceased; Gifts that had already been given were tapped by the god of death Yama without having reached the deceased. Chakshudan is the name of the magical act of Jadopetia that follows, painting black dots for the iris in the eyes with his brush.

The professional persuasion of Jadopatia, who manages to explain details of the sketch to the Santal as an actual image of the deceased, is decisive for the success of this action. Verrier Elwin called the skillful approach of the “magical picture painter” a “spiritual blackmail” based on the idea of ​​guilt and its atonement in the afterlife. The problem of such terms in this context is related to the difficulty of distinguishing between the mythological thinking of the Santal and that of the Jatopadia, both of which are in turn influenced by Hindu perspectives. It is based on the Hindu and Buddhist conception of the transmigration of souls, which is unknown to the Santals and which is also not used for their own ritual of the dead. A Santal word for the “soul” of the deceased is umul , which can also mean “shadow”. Man has a shadow or doppelganger that is not connected to the body. When the santal burial rites are over, the umul feels appeased and the deceased becomes an ancestor. The hereafter voyage is a void in the mythical thinking of the Santals, but not a direct contradiction of what allows the Jadopatia to intervene at this point.

Performance practice of the picture counters

A woman paints T-shirts with folk motifs at the International Kolkata Book Fair in Calcutta , 2013

Since the 1970s, the Patua have shifted their preoccupation with picture scrolls from the demonstration to the production of the same and of individual pictures. An estimate gives 5000 people in West Bengal who belonged to the professional caste of the Patua in the early 1970s; Beatrix Hauser (2008) suspects that at the beginning of the 1990s a maximum of 100 people were out and about as picture narrators for part of the year. A wandering Patua visits the villages according to a schedule that is based on the Hindu holidays and harvest times. Then a larger audience and a more abundant supply of natural produce can be expected. The months from November to May and the multi-day annual festival Durga Puja at the end of September / beginning of October are generally favorable times for performances. Some picture counters go on day trips, others roam for up to three weeks. The patua can sleep under the veranda of a homestead or a public building.

If the Patua has gathered a small audience around him, he tells short stories alternating between song and rhythmic speaking, which in total hardly last more than half an hour. He chooses the location and time of day for his performance based on a certain audience that will predictably be particularly willing to donate: Hindu peasant women from the lower and middle classes. There are several strategies available to Patua to increase the willingness of its audience to donate:

In the case of mythological themes, he combines the fates and adventures of the gods, which are saved from a tragic end in the story only through excessive willingness to make sacrifices, with a concluding mental panning to the audience, who finds themselves in a situation comparable to that of the characters in the story who believes that he can only free himself through a religious alms-giving ( bhiksa ) to the narrator. The Patua presses his listeners until they see themselves in a hopeless situation according to the story of the gods, and then appeals to their piety, which is equated with willingness to make sacrifices. A variant of this, which a patua in the Medinipur district uses, shortly before the end of a story, is to praise the audience beyond measure for its generosity. Under certain circumstances, he speaks to individual listeners directly and refers to the religious merit associated with the gift and - to put it negatively - to the fear of the addressee to be considered stingy towards his surroundings if he does not immediately prove to be generous.

With the Patua in the Birbhum district, each scroll ends with two or three scenes from hell. First, God Yama can be seen bringing sinners to their well-deserved punishments. Only naked women are shown in the following pictures, who are being tortured by strong men in the background. The accusations of sins include adultery (a woman has to slide down the sharp-edged trunk of a date palm as a punishment), lies (tongue is torn out with hot tongs), offering bad water (immersion in hell), beating strange children (throat is pierced) ) and do not give alms to wandering mendicants (thrown into the fire as punishment). Those who do not commit all these sins and instead give alms to the patua - who skillfully equates himself with the mendicant monk - avoid such punishment. The torments of hell described are clearly tailored to the predominantly female audience.

All rhetorical begging arts are about equating the usually modest and non-binding almsgiving ( bhiksa ) to a beggar, i.e. to a person of the lowest social level, with a religious gift ( dan ), as it is made in the stories. Dan is a selfless gift that the believer gives to a deity in the temple, it is a good deed ( punya ) for which he does not expect anything in return. In addition, low-ranking employees are rewarded with dan for their services. The main difference is the long-term bond that develops between the giver and the recipient of dan and which the patua strives for. Today it is the buyer of a picture scroll who should leave with the feeling that they have done a good deed.

literature

  • Atul Chandra Bhowmick: Bengal Pat and Patuas - a Case Study . In: Indian Anthropologist , Vol. 25, No. 1, June 1995, pp. 39-46
  • Hans Hadders: The Gift Of The Eye. Mortuary ritual performed by the Jadopatias in the Santal villages of Bengal and Bihar; India. In: Trondheim Occasional Papers in Social Anthropology no.8, Trondheim 2001
  • Beatrix Hauser: From Oral Tradition to “Folk Art”. Reevaluating Bengali Scroll Paintings. In: Asian Folklore Studies, Vol. 61, 2002, pp. 105–122
  • Beatrix Hauser: The art of flattering and exhorting: staging strategies of Bengali projectionists (patuya) . In: Anja Pistor-Hatam , Antje Richter (ed.): Beggar, Prostitute, Paria. Marginalized groups in Asian societies. (Asia and Africa. Contributions by the Center for Asian and African Studies (ZAAS) at Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel, Volume 12) EB-Verlag, Hamburg 2008
  • Jyotindra Jain: The Art of Indian Picture Showmen: Tradition and Transformation . In: Akhyan. A Celebration of Masks, Puppets and Picture Showmen Traditions of India . Indira Gandhi National Center for the Arts, 2010, pp. 15-27
  • Jyotindra Jain (Ed.): Picture Showmen. Insights into the Narrative Tradition in Indian Art. Marg Publications, Mumbai 1998
  • Pilar Jefferson: The Art of Survival: Bengali Pats, Patuas and the Evolution of Folk Art in India . Independent Study Project (SP) Collection. Paper 1815, spring 2014
  • Thomas Kaiser: picture scrolls. Duration and change of an Indian folk art. Ethnological Museum of the University of Zurich, Arnoldsche Art Publishers, Stuttgart 2012
  • Frank J. Korom: Village of Painters: Narrative Scrolls from West Bengal . Museum of New Mexico Press, 2006 (Chapter: Who are the Patua? Pp. 32–45)

Web links

Commons : Patua  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Jackal - The Arbitrator. ( Memento of the original from December 29, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. In: Chandra B. Varma: The Illustrated Jataka & Other Stories of the Buddha. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / ignca.nic.in
  2. ↑ a b c d Manohar Laxman Varadpande: History of Indian Theater. Loka Ranga. Panorama of Indian Folk Theater . Abhinav Publications, New Delhi 1992, p. 115
  3. ^ Shadow Play . In: Mohan Lal (Ed.): Encyclopaedia of Indian Literature: Sasay to Zorgot. South Asia Books, Columbia (Missouri) 1993, p. 3936
  4. ↑ Manohar Laxman Varadpande: History of Indian Theater. Abhinav Publications, New Delhi 1987, p. 74
  5. ↑ Vidya Dehejia: On Modes of Visual Narration in Early Buddhist Art . In: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 72, No. 3, September 1990, pp. 374-392, here p. 377
  6. ↑ HJ Manglani: Kuvalayamala - A source of Social and Cultural History of Rajasthan . In: International Journal of Recent Research and Review, Vol. 1, March 2012, pp. 33-36
  7. ↑ Jyotindra Jain, 2010, p. 15
  8. ^ Victor H. Mair: Painting and Performance. Chinese Picture Recitation and Its Indian Genesis. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu 1988
  9. ↑ Wu Hung: What is Bianxiang? On The Relationship Between Dunhuang Art and Dunhuang Literature. In: Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 52, No. 1, June 1992, pp. 111-192, here p. 115
  10. ^ Keyword Paithan Style British Museum (illustrations of Paithan paintings, 19th and 20th centuries)
  11. ↑ Valentina Stache-Rosen: Story-Telling in Pingulī Paintings. In: Artibus Asiae , Vol. 45, No. 4, 1984, pp. 253-286, here pp. 254f
  12. ^ Georg Jacob: Supplements to the bibliography of the 2nd edition of my history of the shadow theater (Hanover 1925) as building blocks for a redesign of the work. In: Paul Kahle: The lighthouse of Alexandria. An Arabic shadow play from medieval Egypt. (The oriental shadow theater, edited by Georg Jacob and Paul Kahle, vol. 1) Verlag von W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 1930, p. 77
  13. ↑ Thomas Kaiser, 2012, p. 36
  14. ^ Crafts Museum. ( Memento of the original from June 11, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (Illustration of a chitrakathi motif) @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / work.daalcheeni.com
  15. ↑ Jyotindra Jain, 2010, p. 17
  16. ^ Peter Chelkowski: Narrative Painting and Painting Recitation in Qajar Iran . In: Muqarnas, Vol. 6, 1989, pp. 98-111, here p. 101
  17. ↑ Manohar Laxman Varadpande: History of Indian Theater. Loka Ranga. Panorama of Indian Folk Theater. Abhinav Publications, New Delhi 1992, p. 123
  18. ^ Giuseppe Tucci: Tibetan Painted Scrolls. Rome 1949
  19. ↑ Thomas Kaiser, 2012, p. 29
  20. ↑ Kathy Foley, M. Joshua Karter, Dacidan Duoji, Xiaozhaxi Ciren: Tibetan Opera Music and Dance from Lhasa: An Interview with Dacidan Duoji and Xiaozhaxi Ciren. In: TDR (1988–), Vol. 32, No. 3, Herbst 1988, pp. 131–140, here p. 131
  21. ↑ Leedom Lefferts: The Bun Phra Wet Painted Scrolls of Northeastern Thailand in the Walters Art Museum. In: The Journal of the Walter Art Museum , Vol. 64/65, 2006–2007, pp. 149–170
  22. ↑ Thomas Kaiser, 2012, p. 42
  23. ↑ Suniti Kumar Chaterji: Hindu-Muslim Baul and Marafati Songs in Bengali Literature. In: Indian Literature , Vol. 15, No. 3, September 1972, pp. 5-27, here p. 8
  24. ↑ TW Clark: Evolution of Hinduism in Medieval Bengali Literature: Śiva, Caṇḍī, Manasā . In: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , University of London, Vol. 17, No. 3, 1955, pp. 503-518, here p. 505
  25. ↑ Beatrix Hauser, 2008, p. 48f
  26. ↑ Beatrix Hauser, 2002, p. 107
  27. ^ Atul Chandra Bhowmick, 1995, p. 42
  28. ↑ Beatrix Hauser, 2002, p. 110
  29. ↑ Partha Sanyal: Kalighat-Paintings: A review. In: Chitrolekha International Magazine on Art and Design, Vol. 3, No. 1, 2013
  30. ↑ Thomas Kaiser, 2012, p. 43f
  31. ^ Adrienne Fast: Mukul Dey: an autobiographically modern Indian artist. In: The Newsletter, 60. International Institute for Asian Studies, Summer 2012, pp. 8f
  32. ^ Ajit Ghose: Old Bengal Paintings. In: Rupam , 27-28, July-October 1926, pp. 98-103
  33. ↑ Gurusaday Dutt: The art of Bengal . In: The Modern Review, Calcutta, May 1932, pp. 515-529; ders .: Patuya Sangit ("The Songs of the Potua"). Calcutta 1939
  34. ↑ Beatrix Hauser, 2002, p. 114
  35. ↑ Beatrix Hauser, 2002, p. 113f
  36. ^ Roma Chatterji: Global Events and Local Narratives: 9/11 and the Picture Storytellers of Bengal. In: Indian Folklore Research Journal, Vol. 9, 2009, pp. 1–26, here p. 21
  37. ↑ Thomas Kaiser, 2012, p. 44f
  38. ↑ Pilar Jefferson (2014, p. 8)
  39. ↑ Sampa Ghosh, Uptal K. Banerjee: Indian Puppets: Past, Present and Future. Abhinav Publications, Delhi 2004, p. 46
  40. ↑ Beatrix Hauser, 2002, p. 108
  41. ↑ Thomas Kaiser, 2012, pp. 45f
  42. ↑ Atul Chandra Bhowmick, 1995, p. 39f
  43. ^ Sourabh Datta Gupta: "Village of Painters": a Visit to Naya, Pingla. In: Chitrolekha International Magazine on Art and Design, Vol. 1, No. 3, 2011, pp. 6-10
  44. ^ Frank J. Korom: Civil Ritual, NGOs, and Rural Mobilization in Medinipur District, West Bengal. In: Asian Ethnology , Vol. 70, No. 2, 2011, pp. 181–195, here pp. 182, 190
  45. ^ Roma Chatterji: Global Events and Local Narratives: 9/11 and the Picture Storytellers of Bengal. In: Indian Folklore Research Journal , Vol. 9, 2009, pp. 1–26, here p. 14
  46. ^ Atul Chandra Bhowmick, 1995, p. 43
  47. ↑ Hans Hadders, 2001, pp. 14, 17
  48. ↑ Cf. Mathias Andreas Pederson: Sketches from Santalistan. Den Lutherske Missionaer, Minneapolis 1913; ders .: In the land of the Santals: stories from northern India. Revell, New York 1929
  49. ^ Paintings from the William and Mildred Archer Collection. Sotheby’s
  50. ^ Jean-Baptiste Faivre, Utpal Chakraborty: Rouleaux peints des chitrakars ou jadupatuas des Santal Parganas. Etat du Bihar (Inde). In: La Revue du Musée de l'Homme, 95, Muséum National d'Histoire Naturelle, 1980
  51. ↑ Thomas Kaiser, 2012, p. 40
  52. ↑ Hans Hadders, 2001, p. 22f
  53. ↑ Hans Hadders, 2001, p. 62f
  54. ↑ Hans Hadders, 2001, p. 46 (fn. 68)
  55. ↑ Thomas Kaiser, 2012, pp. 38–40
  56. ↑ Beatrix Hauser, 2008, p. 50
  57. ↑ Beatrix Hauser, 2008, pp. 54–62