Association of those persecuted by the Nazi regime - Association of Antifascists

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Association of those persecuted by the Nazi regime - Bund der Antifaschistinnen und Antifaschisten e. V.
(VVN-BdA)
VVN-BdA Logo.svg
purpose Anti-fascism
Chair: Cornelia Kerth, Axel Holz
Establishment date: 1947
Number of members: 6000 (2016)
Seat : Berlin
Website: vvn-bda.de

The Association of Those Persecuted by the Nazi Regime - Association of Antifascists ( VVN-BdA eV) is an association founded in 1947 with headquarters in Berlin . The VVN-BdA, originally VVN , emerged from associations of resistance fighters and victims of Nazi persecution, which arose after the liberation from National Socialism .

After the liberation of the concentration camps , groups of survivors formed in many cities and regions in Germany. The association understood and sees itself both as a non-partisan collective organization of surviving persecuted persons and opponents of the Nazi regime as well as of those born afterwards who are committed today against völkisch-nationalist aspirations.

Since its inception, the VVN or VVN-BdA has not only addressed the persecution by National Socialism and the resistance against it, but also questions, criticizes and fights political post-war phenomena that are regarded as undemocratic and anti-peace, such as the presence of former National Socialists in authorities , justice and up to Political bodies of the Federal Republic reaching the government level, or developments such as remilitarization in the 1950s and emergency legislation in the late 1960s. In addition, her work is consistently characterized by educating people about the organizational structures and activities of neo-Nazis and the New Right, as well as mobilizing engagement against such developments.

Since 2002 there has been an all-German association whose member associations also include the camp communities of former prisoners from the concentration camps.

According to its own information, the VVN-BdA is the largest organization of anti-fascists in Germany.

Self-image

The VVN-BdA describes itself as a "non-partisan association" of women and men of the resistance against National Socialism , of surviving victims of Nazi persecution, but also of members of the following generations who combine the following objectives:

  • to learn from the past
  • to stand up for the "vision of an anti-fascist future",
  • To work “for a world without racism , anti-Semitism , Nazism and militarism , without exclusion, without fascism and war”.

In these concerns she refers to the Buchenwald oath as a historical starting point.

It publishes the bimonthly magazine antifa - magazine of the VVN-BdA for anti-fascist politics and culture . Honorary presidents of the association were or are Joseph Rossaint (co-founder), Alfred Hausser , Kurt Goldstein , Heinrich Fink , Hans Lauter and Esther Bejarano .

The VVN-BdA is a member of the Fédération Internationale des Résistants ( International Federation of Resistance Fighters , FIR). She also belongs to the Cooperation for Peace and is a member of the international anti-racist network UNITED .

history

founding

After the end of National Socialism, local associations of former resistance fighters formed such as the "Committee of Former Political Prisoners" in Hamburg or the "Committee of Former Concentration Camp Prisoners" in Hanover as well as anti-fascist committees and various committees of the victims of fascism ("Antifa committees") in which the liberated political prisoners played an essential role. The latter, however, was immediately banned by the US military authorities and then by the British military government as being too far left. These approaches formed the starting point of a cross-zonal organization of the Nazi persecuted. On June 26, 1945, an "Association of Political Prisoners and Persecutees of the Nazi System" - VVN for short - was founded in Stuttgart. Further foundings followed, primarily for politically persecuted people, i.e. predominantly resistance fighters, in other zones of occupation.

The initiative to found the VVN as a supra-local, regional, all-German and non-partisan association came from members of the workers' parties KPD and SPD , who had direct contact with those affected in support centers for politically, religiously and racially persecuted persons or the OdF committees. “Across all classes, denominations and races and parties” one unites with the self-image of “fighters against Nazism ” and as those persecuted by the Nazi regime “into a non-partisan organization” (August 1946 program). According to the memory of the co-founder Emil Carlebach , the decision was made against a “combat alliance against fascism” and in favor of the “persecuted organization” with a view to the western powers, which would not have tolerated an all-German left combat alliance: “The later title came about under ... half the pressure of the ban Western Allies. "

The first regional association (North Rhine-Westphalia) of the VVN was founded in Düsseldorf on October 26, 1946. The VVN Association of National Associations of the British Zone formed a zonal council of the VVN , Hamburg, which had published the VVN press service since autumn 1946 , edited by Peter Lütsches ( CDU ), Düsseldorf.

Communist, social democratic, Christian democratic, Jewish and Christian representatives belonged to the leadership of the regional associations and the umbrella organization founded at an interzonal national conference from March 15 to 17, 1947 in Frankfurt am Main. Prominent members of the VVN - most of them also in leadership positions - included Ottomar Geschke , Provost Heinrich Grüber , Pastor Harald Poelchau , Franz Dahlem , Karl Raddatz , Kurt Schatter , Julius Meyer , Marcel Frenkel , Curt Epstein , Alphonse Kahn , Philipp Auerbach , Walter Bartel , Heinz Galinski , Jeanette Wolff , Franz Heitgres , Eugen Kogon , Hans Mayer or Konrad Adenauer . Consensus on the basis of Buchenwald's oath was: "Denazification, demilitarization, demonopolization, democratization, welfare state, international understanding and anti-fascist unity in all of Germany". In October 1947 the VVN had around 300,000 members in the four zones. The red triangle - the symbol of the political prisoners in the concentration camps  - became the association symbol of the VVN.

As early as 1946, however, the anti-communist leadership group of the West SPD recommended the “Schumacher Bureau” not to join the VVN to social democrats and to refuse any cooperation.

The remaining small Jewish community had high hopes for the VVN. The Jewish community of Berlin not only made their rooms available, but also called for them to take over offices in the VVN. Julius Meyer, member of the board of the Berlin community, was represented in the "Main Office OdF" and on the board of the VVN.

On January 2, 1948, he declared “that we are always actively committed to the VVN.” (Ibid.) It is the VVN that is taking action against the growing anti-Semitism.

Development in the German Democratic Republic

VVN memorial stone with plaque from the 1950s, photo from October 2018 from Lüderitz , Saxony-Anhalt
VVN memorial in Teltow

In the Volkskammer election in 1950 , the VVN was assigned 15 members, the majority of whom belonged to the SED. For the MPs concerned, see the list of members of the People's Chamber of the GDR (1st electoral period) .

After the governing bodies of the SED had decided in February 1953 to "wind up" (Hartewig) the VVN on the grounds that there was no need for a special organization for victims of Nazi persecution in the GDR and the central board and the assembly of delegates of the VVN had resolved to dissolve it their tasks to other instances such as the councils of the districts and districts, the FDGB, the FDJ, the publishing house Volk und Welt , the museum for German history. The committee of anti-fascist resistance fighters was founded as a kind of successor organization, with a focus on anti-fascism . According to Karin Hartewig, this should also emphasize the contrast to the FRG, which the GDR saw as a non-anti-fascist state. There was hardly any objection to the dissolution within the VVN. In January 1953, the Central Executive Committee of the Eastern VVN had excluded, among others, Helmut Salo Lohser , Leon Löwenkopf , Julius Meyer and Günter Singer , who were persecuted as Jews under National Socialism , the committee of anti-fascist resistance fighters now included Viktor Klemperer and Kurt Cohn , among others also when Jews were exposed to persecution, which contradicts the assumption that can be heard from a Western perspective that the change in the organization of those persecuted by the Nazis from the VVN to the committee was motivated by anti-Semitism. On the other hand, there is the thesis that it was a question of “political conformity”. The committee acted in close consultation with the SED, represented a "hegemonic anti-fascism" and determined its tasks as an anti-fascism under the conditions of the Cold War. The position of the representatives of the political resistance within the persecuted community in the GDR was thus upgraded, the care of the previously persecuted was decentralized. It maintained close relations with the VVN in the Federal Republic. After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1990, the interest group of former participants in the anti-fascist resistance, persecuted by the Nazi regime and survivors (IVVdN) took over his successor.

Development in West Berlin

The VVN West Berlin existed as an association on the basis of allied law until 1990, from 1976 with the name extension Association of Antifascists as VVN-VdA. In 1990 it was converted into an e. V. In 1983 the association opened the Olga Benario gallery . Since 1996 he has been a member of the West German VVN-BdA. Until 2002 he was an independent member of the FIR . Since then he has been part of the Berlin regional association of the VVN-BdA.

Development in the Federal Republic of Germany until 1990

1951 erected VVN memorial for the victims of the Nazi tyranny in Gelsenkirchen

General development from the beginnings to the 1970s

The KPD had played a prominent role in the resistance against National Socialism. It made up a very high proportion of those persecuted for political reasons - around half of the 360,000 KPD members were imprisoned under National Socialism, and around 25,000 were murdered. The high level of persecution resulted in a high level of influence in the organization of the persecuted. The bloc confrontation and the Cold War and the resulting marginalization, then persecution of actual or alleged communists and supporters in the Federal Republic, and the withdrawal of non-communists from the VVN contributed to this. "The VVN became part of the fearful backdrop of the Cold War." During the Berlin blockade , tensions in the VVN increased, but the unity of the association could still be preserved. However, the delegates of the Düsseldorf party congress of the SPD in September 1948 already passed an incompatibility resolution for simultaneous membership in the SPD and VVN. Reason: the VVN was "communist infiltrated". The SPD leadership in the west around the former concentration camp prisoner Kurt Schumacher , a dedicated anti-communist, had already rejected the establishment of the VVN at the time and in May 1948, with an anti-communist press campaign by the SPD board member Fritz Heine, the numerous non-communist VVN officials were " useful idiots ”of the KPD and the VVN news edited by Peter Lütsches (CDU) to the communist press organ. At the suggestion of the party executive committee, a working group of formerly persecuted social democrats (AvS) was founded at the end of 1948 as an dependent subdivision of the SPD , so that some of the social democratic VVN members moved there. Even though 17,000 Social Democrats were still members of the VVN in 1949, this split from the VVN led to the political fragmentation of those persecuted by the Nazis.

The second step followed with the establishment of an organization close to the CDU. On the initiative of Lütsch, who has since resigned, and other former VVN members, the Association of Victims of the Nazi Regime (BVN) was founded in 1950 . He was a profiled anti-communist alliance. Because of the CDU's proximity, the SPD federal executive passed a decision on incompatibility in 1953, including for membership in the BNV. He received generous financial support from the CDU-led federal government and US intelligence agencies. When the first BVN regional association was founded in North Rhine-Westphalia at the beginning of 1950, many Christian Democratic district councilors, city councilors and also state and Bundestag members were still members of the VVN.

The BVN, the AvS and an anti-communist, little-known “Working Group for Freedom, Law and Human Dignity” as an amalgamation of groups split off from the VVN endeavored together to sabotage the further work of the VVN. During this time, the BVN chairman Lütsches was involved in a series of corruption scandals and turned out to be someone who was being persecuted for criminal activities.

Unlike the VVN, the competing associations BVN, AvS and the less politically acting emergency community of those affected by the Nuremberg Laws did not succeed in continuously developing independent activities. The opponents of the VVN initially succeeded in reducing them to a large extent to their communist core members, but without being able to ban them from the West German public. In the meantime, activities by BVN, AvS and “Notgemeinschaft” can no longer be verified. The AvS dissolved in 2016 as a result of a merger with the Working Group of Political Prisoners in the Soviet Zone / GDR.

At the beginning of the 1950s, some state directors of German compensation authorities had to leave them, including a group of Jewish officials who were themselves victims of Nazi persecution and, with possibly one exception, also members of the VVN: Philipp Auerbach , Curt Epstein , Marcel Frenkel , Alphonse Kahn and Ludwig Loeffler (VVN -Membership not confirmed). In Bavaria, the social democrat Philipp Auerbach, head of the state commissioner for victims of Nazi persecution, was exposed to "a real flood of mud" (Goschler) of hostility, which resulted in a trial and a conviction. He committed suicide before it became legally binding. In North Rhine-Westphalia, the rival association BVN launched a campaign against both the compensation regulations and against the Jewish head of the state authority for reparations, Frenkel, a member of the KPD. He claimed that Frenkel was providing Communists with prison indemnities, pensions and public grants that they used to undermine the Federal Republic. You should not receive any compensation for persecution. Frenkel ensures that his budget “70% is spent on religious Jews, communists, socialists”. Frenkel was suspended on the grounds that he was a communist. At the same time it was said "expressly" that all allegations against his way of working had been "completely eliminated".

The strong West German “anti-Semitic anti-Auerbach mood” and the “anti-Semitic and antigypsy attacks” as a whole resulted in a more restrictive compensation practice. At the local level, the VVN's competitors asked politicians to withdraw its financial support. Also Heinz Galinski and Eugen Kogon (CDU) left in 1950, the VVN. At that time, Kogon saw a wave of anti-communist denunciations in the Federal Republic, according to which "tomorrow every third person will be considered intolerable".

“In the course of the general persecution of communists”, which began at the beginning of the 1950s, the federal government under Konrad Adenauer decided in 1950 that membership in the VVN was incompatible with employment in the public service (see also Adenauer Decree ) which was a “professional ban in public service ”( Constantin Goschler ) meant. Members of the VVN were observed by the domestic secret service or could be arrested by the police at a private-sector workplace, treated for identification and dismissed without the investigation having revealed anything more than membership in the VVN. The anti-communist repression led to further loss of membership after the party-political split. Both of these considerably weakened the position of those persecuted by the Nazis.

Reminder and reminder of the crimes of National Socialism were a main theme of the activities of the VVN. In this context there was an initiative in 1950 for a “Day of the Victims of Fascism”, as it had existed in the GDR since 1949, also for West Germany. In the memorial day debate triggered by the VVN, she did not prevail. Instead, as suggested by the Volksbund Deutsche Kriegsgräberfürsorge, the national day of mourning, which had been a national holiday from 1934 onwards as “Heroes' Remembrance Day”, was reintroduced.

In 1955, Frenkel, now Chairman of the VVN, was arrested and charged with high treason after the VVN supported the referendum against remilitarization . Strong protests from abroad led him to be released and the charges to be dropped.

From the beginning, the VVN dedicated itself to caring for victims of National Socialist injustice. This included, for example, social counseling under the Federal Compensation Act ( Federal Law on Compensation for Victims of National Socialist Persecution - abbreviated BEG), which came into force retrospectively from October 1, 1953 in 1956. The main topics during the 1950s and 1960s were rearmament , remilitarization, nuclear armament, the numerous former National Socialists in the public service and in the private sector, the emergency laws , the NPD and neo-fascist activities and actors, and the Federal German suppression and concealment of German history from 1933 to 1945. Initiatives of the VVN led to the establishment of memorials. In the mid-1960s, VVN members were involved in converting the former Dachau concentration camp into a memorial .

Publication activity

The first association magazine of the VVN was published weekly in Hamburg from October 1946 : The VVN press service contained information on the events of the Nazi era in prisons and concentration camps, on former Nazi functionaries, claims for reparations and missing Nazi victims on a few pages. At the beginning of 1949, the now eight-page weekly newspaper was renamed VVN-Nachrichten and was subtitled non-partisan weekly newspaper . With this subtitle, the weekly newspaper operated under the name of the 20th century from the beginning of January 1950 , with which the current developments in Germany and Europe should be accompanied by journalism beyond the victim's perspective. Up to this point in time, the association magazine had been edited by Lütsches on behalf of the VVN under changing titles. The title rights were with the VVN and remained there even after Lütsches left.

From 1950 the VVN published Die Tat - the weekly newspaper for democracy and peace . It was published by Röderberg-Verlag and merged in 1983 with the also left-wing Deutsche Volkszeitung .

Closely the VVN was connected to the Röderberg-Verlag in Frankfurt. M., whose head Hans Bär was a member of the VVN for many years .

Extension to the "Association of Antifascists"

In 1971 the VVN expanded to become the “Bund der Antifaschisten ” (Association of Antifascists ), as the young generation's interest in dealing with the National Socialist past arose in the wake of the student protest movement and the strong growth of the militant nationalist party NPD . With this decision, not only the persecuted and their family members, but also young people who feel connected to the survivors of the concentration camps and their legacy, could become members of the VVN. After isolation at the height of the Cold War, it succeeded in expanding the following to include non-communist circles.

Attempts to prohibit individual employment and professional bans

On July 26, 1951, the council of the VVN was banned by the federal government and its all-German office in Frankfurt was closed with the use of the police. Not all federal states followed the ban, and implementation failed in some cases due to the contradiction of administrative courts (Bavaria, Lower Saxony), which denied it was anti- constitutional . In Hamburg, the VVV was banned on August 1, 1951. This was followed in 1959 as the re-establishment of the United Working Group of the Nazi Persecuted (VAN), which in 1971 was renamed the “Association of Antifascists and Persecuted by the Nazi Regime”.

In 1959, the Union-led federal government made another attempt to ban the UN. However, the competent Federal Administrative Court broke off the process in 1962 after two hearings. During the hearing, the Nazi-persecuted resistance fighter August Baumgarte (a survivor of Mauthausen concentration camp ) handed over documents on the Nazi past of the presiding judge of the recognizing Senate - who was also President of the Federal Administrative Court - Fritz Werner . He revealed that Werner had joined the NSDAP and the SA before 1933 and was later appointed senior SA leader. This information received considerable media coverage. It has now also become known that the lawyer for the federal government, Hermann Reuss, was also a former National Socialist and worked as a judge in the NS. According to a documentation from the VVN, he welcomed the ban on democratic parties in the legal weekly journal after the NSDAP and its allies came to power and glorified Hitler and National Socialism. Compromising quotes from Werner's dissertation from 1934 as well as the announcement that other associate judges would confront their Nazi past made the federal government back down. The unexpected revelations intensified the already large protests at home and abroad and let the process "peter out". In August 1964 with the new version of the Association Act ( Section 31, Paragraph 4 of the Association Act), the proceedings were finally discontinued.

The radical decree also sanctioned members of the VVN, such as the prospective teacher Klaus Lipps or Christina Lichtwarck-Aschoff.

Due to the special Berlin status , the West Berlin VVN was not formally affected by the ban, even if it was exposed to “massive discrimination by the authorities” (e.g. by defending against claims for compensation and reparation).

Development in the Federal Republic of Germany after the reunification

Change in 1989, reorientation, reorganization

Adolphe Low , Spain fighter, speaks to the delegates of the Unification Congress, October 2002

At the end of 1989, the extensive financial aid from the GDR was discontinued without replacement. The VVN-BdA had to close its federal office in Frankfurt and lay off its 25 employees at the end of the year. The press spokesman Kurt Faller , who was banned from teaching as a teacher in 1977, will only be able to continue the work “without restriction” at the state level and in the district associations . The Presidium and Secretariat of the Federal Executive of the VVN-BdA resigned in January 1990. Then the votes for the continuation of the work with limited resources and a new organizational structure prevailed. Differentiating this was also perceived from the VVN opponent's point of view with the remark that the DKP had lost its leading role, while “undogmatic and non-extremist forces” had gained influence and the VVN-BdA had also opened up for “autonomous anti-fascists”.

In 2000, the antifa-Rundschau published by the federal committee defined the association as “a pluralistically composed alliance of anti-fascists of different origins and views”. Therefore, fundamental differences of opinion would have to be tolerated “if they do not prevent joint action against neo-fascism and war”.

In 2001, the eleven-member federal spokesperson group (federal executive committee) of the VVN-BdA included three members of the SPD, three of the DKP, one of the CDU, two were former SPD members and two other non-party members.

In 1996 the German VVN-BdA merged with the independent VVN-BdA West Berlin and in 2000 with the East German interest group of former participants in the anti-fascist resistance, persecuted by the Nazi regime and survivors (IVVdN-BdA).

In 2011 the Association of Germans in the Resistance decided to join the armed forces of the anti-Hitler coalition and the “Free Germany” movement. V. (DRAFD) the merger with the VVN-BdA.

In March 2016, the nationwide initiative Stand up against racism , which was also initiated and supported by the VVN-BdA, was formed from trade union bodies, branches and leading representatives of the SPD, the party Die Linke and Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen .

Campaign: NPD ban now!

Campaign nonpd
nonpd in front of the Reichstag

In 2007 a VVN-BdA campaign was running to ban the NPD . 175,445 signatures were collected for a call to the Bundestag to “initiate a new prohibition procedure against the NPD in accordance with Article 21, Paragraph 2 of the Basic Law”. Supporters of the campaign were Hannelore Elsner , Frank Werneke and the executive committee of 1. FC Nürnberg . On December 12, 2007, the signatures were handed over to Bundestag Vice President Petra Pau , MPs Gesine Lötzsch and Dorothée Menzner from the Left Party and Niels Annen from the SPD.

On January 27th, 2009 a new campaign started nonpd - 5000 reasons for NPD ban , which was ended in April 2010 after the campaign goal was achieved.

Membership numbers

The number of members fell from 9,000 (2003) to 6,000–7,000 (2011) to 6,400 (early 2013). The Bavarian Constitutional Protection Report 2013 published in March 2014 names 5800 members. From the 2011 Federal Congress to the 2014 Federal Congress, the number of members decreased by 500. At the end of 2015, the VVN-BdA had 6,000 members according to its own information. At the end of 2019, the number of members had risen by 1,000 as a result of the threatened withdrawal of non-profit status.

According to its own information, it is the oldest and largest explicitly anti-fascist organization in Germany.

Withdrawal of non-profit status

In November 2019, the Berlin tax office for corporations recognized the VVN-BdA as non-profit . It justified the step with the naming of the organization as “nationwide largest left-wing extremist organization in the area of anti-fascism ” in the Bavarian constitutional protection report . The VVN-BdA managing director Thomas Willms stated that the tax office is also demanding a five-digit tax back payment for 2016 and 2017, which endangers the existence of the association. The decision is based on the tax code ( § 51 AO). However, it has been criticized on various occasions. The International Auschwitz Committee described it as a “scandal” that “considerably weakens the common European commitment against right-wing extremism and anti-Semitism”. The journalist Gunnar Schupelius, however, defended the withdrawal in the " BZ ". The fight against right-wing extremism is right and legitimate. However, it is taken to the point of absurdity “if the representatives of this struggle advocate another form of extremism ”. The Auschwitz survivor Esther Bejarano explained the presence of numerous communists as follows: “Yes, why are communists in this association? Because they were the first to be persecuted by the NSDAP! Many have been killed in prisons and concentration camps. You were among the few who fought against the Nazis. Of course there are communists in the VVN, but that shouldn't be the reason to deprive us of our non-profit status. What can be more charitable than anti-fascism? It's a job for society. "

The disqualification has been temporarily suspended. At the end of June 2020, the VVN-BdA learned that the Berlin tax office had initially rejected the objection of the Association of Victims of the Nazi Regime - Bund der Antifaschisteninnen und Antifaschisten (Association of Antifascists) against the disqualification.

For political classification

Contemporary history and political research

Contemporary history research, insofar as it deals with "coming to terms with the past", does not address the VVN-BdA without any evaluation or with positive connotations.

An exception is a controversial sub-area within political science, “ extremism research ”. Largely negative write-ups are made there. In 1988 one such attribution was that there was “communist dominance” within the organization. That does not correspond to the Basic Law and is only compatible with "Soviet communism". A roughly congruent criticism in 2013 saw “DKP forces in the foreground”.

politics

The personal and action-related connections between the branches of the VVN-BdA and the DGB and its member unions have long been numerous . While the SPD also formally abolished the incompatibility of the social democrats' simultaneous membership in the party and the VVN-BdA, decided in 1948, after years of non-application, in 2010 "in accordance with Section 6, Paragraph 2, Clause 3 of the Organizational Statute" and called on its members and branches to participate in political activities together with the VVN-BdA , participate in them or take over functions in the VVN-BdA, divisions and members of the CDU / CSU and FDP are in favor of keeping the VVN-BdA out of alliances against activities and organizations on the right edge of the political spectrum, as they are a "Trojan horse for the commitment against right-wing extremism".

Evaluation by the protection of the constitution

The VVN-BdA has been observed by the Federal Office and various state authorities for the protection of the constitution since it was founded and classified as a “ left-wing extremist organization”. This is justified by the fact that “their political orientation pattern is still the classic orthodox- communist anti-fascism doctrine and they show solidarity with violent autonomous groups ”. In committees of the VVN-BdA “active members of the German Communist Party (DKP) and people close to this party set the tone politically”. Since 2006, the VVN-BdA is no longer explicitly mentioned in the Federal Constitutional Protection Report. With the exception of Bavaria , all other state authorities for the protection of the constitution changed over time to no longer mention the association in their annual reports. However, the VVN-BdA is still being monitored by various state authorities for the protection of the constitution without being mentioned in their annual reports. The Hamburg Office for the Protection of the Constitution justifies the failure to mention the fact that the VVN-BdA “has only been observed as subordinate since 2013 due to internal prioritization of violence-oriented groups of persons”. A lawsuit by the Bavarian state association of the VVN-BdA against the mention in the local constitution protection report was unsuccessful in 2018.

Known members

literature

  • The unresolved present. A documentation about the role and influence of former leading National Socialists in the Federal Republic of Germany. Ed. by the Presidium of the Associations of Those Persecuted by the Nazi Regime, Frankfurt 1962
  • Max Oppenheimer (Ed.): Antifascism - Tradition, Politics, Perspective . History and goals of the VVN - Bund der Antifaschisten. Röderberg-Verlag, Frankfurt a. M. 1978, ISBN 3-87682-597-0 .
  • Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution : Association of those persecuted by the Nazi regime Association of Antifascists (VVN-BdA). Cologne, June 1997
  • The Federal Minister of the Interior (ed.): Meaning and function of anti-fascism. Bonn 1990
  • Ulrich Schneider : Antifascism draft for the future. 50 years of the VVN's work for “a new world of peace and freedom”. Bonn 1997, ISBN 3-89144-237-8
  • Kurt Faller, Bernd Wittich: Farewell to anti-fascism. Frankfurt (Oder) 1997, ISBN 3-930842-03-3
  • Elke Reuter, Detlef Hansel: The short life of the VVN from 1947 to 1953: The history of those persecuted by the Nazi regime in the Soviet Zone and GDR. Berlin 1997, ISBN 3-929161-97-4 , (extensive review by Thomas Hoffmann in: Zeitschrift des Forschungsverbund SED-Staat. No. 5/1998)
  • Bettina Blank : Association of those persecuted by the Nazi regime - Association of Antifascists (VVN-BdA) . In: Jahrbuch Extremismus & Demokratie , 12 (2000), Baden-Baden 2000, pp. 224–239
  • Hans Coppi , Nicole Warmbold (ed.): 60 years of unification of those persecuted by the Nazi regime. Reader on the past and present of the VVN . VVN - BdA Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-00-021280-2
  • Ulrich Schneider: 70 years of VVN - Resist, then - today - tomorrow , ed. VVN-BdA Federal Organization, Berlin 2017
  • Ulrich Schneider: “Lack of vigilance towards class enemies”? Political reprisals also against anti-fascists in Die Rote Hilfe 1/2019, p. 23 (pdf; 2.26 MB)

Web links

Commons : VVN  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ a b Antifa 9/2016, supplement p. 2.
  2. ↑ Another association loses non-profit status tagesschau.de, November 22, 2019
  3. ↑ All information according to: VVN-BdA website, goals, tasks .
  4. ↑ Impressions from the 2008 Federal Congress .
  5. ↑ Contributors. Cooperation for Peace, accessed March 3, 2019 .
  6. ^ Declaration by the VVN-BdA on World Refugee Day on June 20, 2020
  7. ^ Lutz Niethammer , Ulrich Borsdorf , Peter Brandt (eds.): Antifascist committees and reorganization of the workers' movement in Germany , Wuppertal 1976.
  8. ^ Regina Henning, Committee of Former Political Prisoners, Bielefeld 1991, p. 27.
  9. ^ Jeannette Michelmann: Activists from the very beginning. The Antifa in the Soviet zone of occupation , Cologne / Weimar / Vienna 2002, p. 369.
  10. ^ Hans Woller : Society and politics in the American zone of occupation. The Asbach and Fürth region , Munich 1986, p. 89.
  11. ↑ Max Oppenheimer: From the prisoner committee to the Bund der Antifaschisten: Der Weg der VVN , Frankfurt (Main), p. 9.
  12. ↑ "... in three-devil names we found the association of those persecuted by the Nazi regime". VVN-BdA, Landesvereinigung Hessen, accessed on March 3, 2019 .
  13. ↑ a b Günter Beaugrand : Contemporary witness at the editorial table: The Association of Those Persecuted by the Nazi Regime (VVN) and the Bund of the Persecuted of the Nazi Regime (BVN) in the mirror of their press organs . In: Historical-Political Messages . tape 4 , no. 1 , p. 261 ( PDF ).
  14. ↑ a b Günter Beaugrand: Contemporary witness at the editorial table: The Association of Those Persecuted by the Nazi Regime (VVN) and the Bund of the Persecuted of the Nazi Regime (BVN) in the mirror of their press organs . In: Historical-Political Messages . tape 4 , no. 1 , p. 264 ( PDF ).
  15. ↑ a b Lothar Bisky : On the 60th anniversary of the founding of the Association of Victims of the Nazi Regime (VVN - BdA). (No longer available online.) In: Sozialisten.de. Die Linke.PDS, February 22, 2007, archived from the original on September 23, 2016 ; accessed on March 3, 2019 . Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / archiv2007.sozialisten.de
  16. ^ Constantin Goschler: reparation. West Germany and the Persecuted by National Socialism 1945–1954. Munich 1992, p. 195 f.
  17. ^ Thomas Doerry: Antifascism in the Federal Republic. From the anti-fascist consensus 1945 to the present , Frankfurt a. M. 1980, p. 13.
  18. ↑ Helga Grebing (Ed.): Lehrstücke in Solidarität. Letters and biographies of German socialists 1945–1949 , Stuttgart 1983, p. 173.
  19. ↑ Landesarchiv Berlin, call and minutes for the founding conference of the VVN on 16./17. January 1948, IV L-2/15/002, In: Elke Reuter, Detlef Hansel: The short life of the VVN from 1947 to 1953: The history of those persecuted by the Nazi regime in the Soviet Zone and the GDR. Berlin 1997, ISBN 3-929161-97-4 , p. 193
  20. ↑ Elke Reuter, Detlef Hansel: The short life of the VVN from 1947 to 1953: The history of those persecuted by the Nazi regime in the Soviet Zone and GDR. Berlin 1997, ISBN 3-929161-97-4 , p. 193
  21. ↑ See Walter Bartel, The VVN has solved its tasks , in: Berliner Zeitung, February 27, 1953
    under the same keywords: Franz Dahlem , The VVN has solved its task , in: Die Tat (Ostausgabe), 7 (1953), no. 10, March 7, 1953.
  22. ↑ Karin Hartewig: Returned. The history of the Jewish communists in the GDR. Böhlau Verlag, Cologne / Weimar 2000, pp. 377-380.
  23. ↑ a b Hans Coppi : 60 Years Association of Those Persecuted by the Nazi Regime , Antifascist Info Sheet, No. 77, Issue 4/2007 of December 13, 2007, accessed on November 1, 2013.
  24. ↑ Mario Keßler: The SED and the Jews - between repression and tolerance: political developments until 1967 , Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1995, (= Zeithistorische Studien; Vol. 6), p. 102.
  25. ↑ For example: Jani Pietsch, "I owned a garden in Schöneiche near Berlin." The managed disappearance of Jewish neighbors and their difficult return, Frankfurt a. M./New Yorg 2006, p. 227.
  26. ↑ a b Hendrik Niether, Leipzig Jews and the GDR. An existential experience in the Cold War (Writings of the Simon Dubnow Institute, vol. 21), Göttingen 2014, p. 127.
  27. ↑ a b Karin Hartewig: Returned. The history of the Jewish communists in the GDR. Böhlau Verlag, Cologne / Weimar 2000, p. 378.
  28. ^ History. Berlin VVN-BdA e. V., 2009, accessed January 4, 2009 .
  29. ^ History of the VVN-VdA .
  30. ^ Hermann Graml, Resistance, in: Wolfgang Benz, Hermann Graml, Hermann Weiß, Enzyklopädie des Nationalsozialismus, Munich 1998, 3rd edition, pp. 309–321, here: p. 309.
  31. ^ Hermann Weber, The Change of German Communism, Vol. 1, Frankfurt 1969, p. 247.
  32. ^ Benjamin Ortmeyer / Katharina Rhein, Nazi propaganda against the workers' movement 1933–1945, Weinheim / Basel, 2015, p. 12f.
  33. ↑ a b Bernd Spernol: The "Communist Clause ". Reparation Practice as an Instrument of Anti-Communism. In: Stefan Creuzberger, Dierk Hoffmann (eds.): "Spiritual danger" and "Immunization of society". Anti-communism and political culture in the Federal Republic of Germany , Munich 2014, pp. 251–274, here: p. 254.
  34. ↑ Günter Beaugrand: Contemporary witness at the editorial table: The Association of Those Persecuted by the Nazi Regime (VVN) and the Association of the Persecuted of the Nazi Regime (BVN) in the mirror of their press organs . In: Historical-Political Messages . tape 4 , no. 1 , p. 263 ( PDF ).
  35. ^ A b c Kristina Meyer: Persecution, repression, mediation: The SPD and those persecuted by the Nazis. In: The Practice of Reparation: History, Experience and Effect in Germany and Israel. Norbert Frei, José Brunner and Constantin Goschler (eds.), Bonn: Federal Agency for Civic Education, 2010, (= series of publications by the Federal Agency for Civic Education; Vol. 1033), pp. 159–202, here: p. 169.
  36. ↑ Katharina Stengel, Hermann Langbein. An Auschwitz survivor in the post-war memory conflict, Frankfurt a. M./New York 2012, p. 117.
  37. ↑ Kristina Meyer, "Persecution, Displacement, Mediation: The SPD and their Nazi Victims", in: The Practice of Reparation: History, Experience and Effects in Germany and Israel , Norbert Frei, José Brunner and Constantin Goschler (eds.), Bonn: Federal Agency for Civic Education, 2010, (= series of publications by the Federal Agency for Civic Education; Vol. 1033), pp. 159–202, here: p. 171.
  38. ↑ This and the previous statement: Katharina Stengel, Hermann Langbein. An Auschwitz survivor in the political memory conflicts of the post-war period , (= Scientific Series of the Fritz Bauer Institute), Frankfurt a. M. 2012, p. 117.
  39. ↑ Bernd Spernol: The "Communist Clause ". Reparation Practice as an Instrument of Anti-Communism. In: Stefan Creuzberger, Dierk Hoffmann (eds.): "Spiritual danger" and "Immunization of society". Anti-communism and political culture in the Federal Republic of Germany , Munich 2014, pp. 221, 251–274, here: p. 257.
  40. ↑ Alfons Kenkmann, Christoph Spieker, Bernd Walter: reparation as an order. Accompanying volume for the permanent exhibition of the same name in the historical site of Villa ten Hompel, Essen 2007, p. 199.
  41. ↑ Norbert Frei: Politics of the Past. The beginnings of the Federal Republic and the Nazi past. Munich 2012.
  42. ^ A b Cordula Lissner: Going back the escape route: remigration to North Rhine and Westphalia 1945–1955. Essen 2006, p. 280.
  43. ^ A b c Richard Stöss: The extreme right in the Federal Republic: Development - Causes - Countermeasures. Wiesbaden 1989, p. 245.
  44. ↑ Harald Schmid: "reparation" and memory. The emergency community of those affected by the Nuremberg Laws . In: Katharina Stengel, Werner Konitzer (Ed.): Victims as actors. Interventions by former Nazi victims in the post-war period (= yearbook on the history and effects of the Holocaust. 2008) . Campus-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main et al. 2008, ISBN 978-3-593-38734-5 , p. 27-47 .
  45. ^ Lothar Tautz: Fusion of AvS and prisoners' group of the SPD to form: Working group of formerly persecuted and imprisoned social democrats (AvS). (No longer available online.) January 2016, archived from the original on August 11, 2016 ; accessed on March 3, 2019 .
  46. ↑ Boris Spernol: The "Communist Clause ". Reparation Practice as an Instrument of Anti-Communism . In: Stefan Creuzberger / Dierk Hoffmann (eds.): "Spiritual danger" and "Immunization of society". Anti-Communism and Political Culture in the Early Federal Republic . Munich 2014, p. 261.
  47. ↑ Constantin Goschler, reparation: West Germany and the persecuted by National Socialism 1945–1954 (= sources and representations on contemporary history, vol. 34), Munich 1992, pp. 160ff.
  48. ↑ Boris Spernol: The "Communist Clause ". Reparation Practice as an Instrument of Anti-Communism . In: Stefan Creuzberger / Dierk Hoffmann (eds.): "Spiritual danger" and "Immunization of society". Anti-Communism and Political Culture in the Early Federal Republic . Munich 2014, p. 227f.
  49. ^ Peter Hüttenberger: North Rhine-Westphalia and the emergence of its parliamentary democracy . Siegburg 1973, p. 487.
  50. ↑ Minutes of the 200th cabinet meeting on September 25, 1950, in: Landesarchiv NRW, Edition Protocols, see: [1] .
  51. ↑ Werner Bergmann: Anti-Semitism in public conflicts: collective learning in the political culture of the Federal Republic. 1949-1989. Frankfurt a. M. 1997, p. 155ff.
  52. ↑ Boris Spernol: In the crossfire of the cold war. The Marcel Frenkel case and the repression of the communists, in: Norbert Frei / José Brunner / Constantin Goschler (eds.): The practice of reparation. History, experience and impact in Germany and Israel (series of publications by the Minerva Institute for German History at Tel Aviv University, vol. 28), Göttingen 2009, pp. 203–236, here: p. 235.
  53. ↑ Werner Bergmann: Anti-Semitism in public conflicts: collective learning in the political culture of the Federal Republic. 1949-1989. Frankfurt a. M. 1997, p. 155ff.
  54. ^ In: Frankfurter Hefte , H. 4 (1950), p. 1019, cited above. according to: Bernd Spernol: The "Communist Clause ". Reparation Practice as an Instrument of Anti-Communism. In: Stefan Creuzberger, Dierk Hoffmann (eds.): "Spiritual danger" and "Immunization of society". Anti-Communism and Political Culture in the Federal Republic of Germany , Munich 2014, pp. 251–274, here: p. 262.
  55. ↑ Albin Stobwasser: Those who wore the red triangle. To the history of the VVN-Bund der Antifaschisten - Hamburg. Hamburg 1983, p. 41 ff., Based on: Corinna Tomberger, Das Gegendenkmal. Avant-garde art, history politics and gender in the West German culture of remembrance, Bielefeld 2007, p. 46.
  56. ↑ See 1966 the case of the Hanoverian chemistry laboratory assistant Ute Diegel: State Security: Inner Readiness . In: Der Spiegel . No. 38 , 1966 ( online ).
  57. ↑ Katharina Stengel, Hermann Langbein. An Auschwitz survivor in the post-war memory conflict, Frankfurt a. M./New York 2012, p. 117.
  58. ↑ Torben Fischer, Matthias N. Lorenz (Ed.): Lexicon of 'coping with the past' in Germany. Debate and discourse history of National Socialism after 1945. Bielefeld 2009, p. 35.
  59. ^ Max Oppenheimer: Antifascism. Tradition, politics, perspective. History and goals of the VVN , Frankfurt a. M. 1978, p. 19.
  60. ^ A b c Richard Stöss: The extreme right in the Federal Republic: Development - Causes - Countermeasures. Wiesbaden 1989, p. 246.
  61. ↑ On the history of the VVN in Bavaria VVN-BdA, Penzberg-Weilheim district association.
  62. ↑ Günter Beaugrand: Contemporary witness at the editorial table: The Association of Those Persecuted by the Nazi Regime (VVN) and the Association of the Persecuted of the Nazi Regime (BVN) in the mirror of their press organs . In: Historical-Political Messages . tape 4 , no. 1 , p. 263 ff . ( PDF ).
  63. ^ Arne Kapitza, Transformation of the East German Press: "Berliner Zeitung", "Junge Welt" and "Sonntag / Freitag" in the process of German unification, Opladen 1997, p. 90.
  64. ^ Kurt Nelhiebel: Hans Bär. VVN-BdA Landesvereinigung Hessen, accessed on March 3, 2019 .
  65. ↑ Albin Stobwasser, History of the VVN-Bund der Antifaschisten Hamburg, in: Ursel Hochmuth / Joachim Dierk, Betr. Local lore. Fascism and Resistance, Hamburg 1980, pp. 59–69.
  66. ↑ Alexander von Brünneck: Political Justice against Communists in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949–1968 , Frankfurt a. M. 1978, p. 112.
  67. ↑ Interview with Heinz Düx, in: Forum Recht Heft 2 2013, p. 52 (online at click ).
  68. ↑ Peter Brandt , Ulrich Schulze-Marmeling (ed.), Antifaschismus, a reading book. German voices against National Socialism and right-wing extremism from 1922 to the present, Westberlin 1985, p. 82.
  69. ↑ The unresolved present. A documentation on the role and influence of former leading National Socialists in the Federal Republic of Germany , publisher. from the Presidium of the Associations of Victims of the Nazi Regime, Frankfurt a. M. 1962, p. 87.
  70. ↑ VVN PROCESS . In: Der Spiegel . No. 51 , 1962 ( online ).
  71. ↑ Order in the corset . In: Der Spiegel . No. 48 , 1964 ( online ).
  72. ↑ Demonstration in front of the Stuttgart state parliament against professional bans: “We will continue to fight until those affected are rehabilitated!” , February 26, 2016.
  73. ↑ Hanno Kühnert: Television may not be there everywhere in: Die Zeit, September 7, 1979
  74. ↑ This and the previous information see: Thomas Klein: SEW - Die Westberliner Einheitssozialisten: An “East German” party as a thorn in the flesh of the “front city”? , Berlin 2009, pp. 40, 46.
  75. ↑ Roland Kirbach: DKP: Left by the comrades. The SED stops financial aid for West German offshoots in Die Zeit , December 22, 1989.
  76. ↑ Tim Peters : The anti-fascism of the PDS from an anti-extremist point of view. Wiesbaden 2006, p. 86.
  77. ↑ antifa-rundschau, No. 44, October to December 2000, cited above. According to: German Bundestag, Drucksache 14/6388, 14th electoral period, June 15, 2001, Minor question from MP Ulla Jelpke and the parliamentary group of the PDS.
  78. ↑ German Bundestag, printed matter 14/6388, 14th electoral period, June 15, 2001, small question from the MP Ulla Jelpke and the parliamentary group of the PDS.
  79. ↑ See: Berlin Association of Those Persecuted by the Nazi Regime - Bund der Antifaschisteninnen and Antifaschisten, Our story .
  80. ↑ See DRAFD's self- statement on their HP: drafd.de .
  81. ↑ Today the alliance “Stand up against racism - your voice against right-wing agitation!” Presented itself. VVN-BdA, accessed on March 3, 2019 . Appeal and supporters. Stand Up Against Racism, accessed March 3, 2019 .
  82. ^ Svenja Bergt: NPD rally in Berlin: Nazis are allowed to demonstrate in Mitte. In: taz.de . January 28, 2009, accessed March 3, 2019 .
  83. ↑ 5000 reasons for NPD ban. (No longer available online.) In: npd-verbot-jetzt.de. January 22, 2009, archived from the original on July 30, 2016 ; accessed on March 3, 2019 .
  84. ↑ 5000 statements - 5 thoughts and a thank you. (No longer available online.) In: npd-verbot-jetzt.de. April 14, 2010, archived from the original on April 23, 2016 ; accessed on March 3, 2019 .
  85. ↑ Federal Ministry of the Interior (ed.): Verfassungsschutzbericht 2003 . April 2004, ISSN  0177-0357 , p. 128 ( Online ( Memento from April 25, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) [PDF; 3.9 MB ; accessed on March 3, 2019]).
  86. ↑ Committed to the legacy of the founders . on the VVN-BdA website, April 12, 2011, accessed on March 27, 2013.
  87. ↑ Constitutional Protection Report 2011. (PDF; 6.8 MB) (No longer available online.) Bavarian State Ministry of the Interior , 2012, p. 215 , archived from the original on September 6, 2012 ; accessed on March 3, 2019 .
  88. ↑ antifa , March / April 2013, supplement from the association , p. 1.
  89. ^ Constitutional Protection Report Bavaria 2013 , p. 164.
  90. ↑ Political report to the delegates at the 2014 Federal Congress .
  91. ↑ 1,000 new members for the VVN-BdA
  92. ^ Anti-fascist instead of left-wing extremist , Süddeutsche Zeitung, October 2, 2014.
  93. ↑ Johannes Filter: Judgment on detours: Secret service decides on non-profit status. In: FragDenStaat . May 5, 2020, accessed July 5, 2020 .
  94. ↑ Bavarian State Ministry of the Interior: Report on the Protection of the Constitution 2018, p. 235, available online here (PDF; 4.28 MB)
  95. ↑ Markus Drescher: "We have other things to do". new germany, November 26, 2019, accessed on November 26, 2019 .
  96. ↑ a b Claudia van Laak in conversation with Ulrike Winkelmann: “The tax office had no leeway”. In: deutschlandfunk.de. December 12, 2019, accessed February 16, 2020 .
  97. ↑ Auschwitz Committee: Withdrawal of the non-profit status of the VVN is a scandal , mdr.de , November 23, 2019
  98. ↑ Anyone who wants to be non-profit must renounce extremism. BZ, November 24, 2019, accessed November 26, 2019 .
  99. ↑ Christoph Gunkel: Auschwitz survivor Esther Bejarano: "What can be more charitable than anti-fascism?" In: spiegel.de. November 29, 2019, accessed January 27, 2020 .
  100. ↑ Tax office rejects objection of the VVN-BdA , Neues Deutschland, June 30, 2020
  101. ↑ See e.g. E.g .: Torben Fischer / Matthias N. Lorenz (eds.): Lexicon of 'coping with the past' in Germany. Debate and Discourse History of National Socialism after 1945 , Bielefeld 2009
    Norbert Frei : Politics of the Past. The beginnings of the Federal Republic and the Nazi past , Munich 1996
    Peter Reichel : Coming to terms with the past in Germany: Dealing with the Nazi dictatorship from 1945 to today , 2nd updated edition Munich 2007.
  102. ↑ Ernst Wolfgang Becker (ed., Arr.), Theodor Heuss, educator for democracy. Letters 1945–1949, Munich 2007.
  103. ↑ Susanne Wein, Everything explored? National Socialism in Württemberg and Hohenzollern. Literature report and bibliography, Stuttgart 2013.
  104. ↑ Gero Neugebauer: Extremism - Left-Wing Extremism - Right-Wing Extremism: Definitions of Terms and Problems , Berlin 2008.
  105. ↑ To z. Partly extensive criticism of theory and attribution process see z. For example: Christoph Butterwegge , Wilhelm Heitmeyer , Hans-Gerd Jaschke , Gero Neugebauer , Richard Stöss or Wolfgang Wippermann (“completely disparate political theories and practices under the e-label”, “unsustainable”, without “consensus in political science - apart from from the IM of the Protection of the Constitution ”,“ legitimizing function for the practice of the VS and for the expansion of the competence of executive apparatuses ”(Holger Oppenhäuser, The concept of extremism and the production of political normality, in: Elena Buck / Anne Dölemeyer / Paul Erxleben / Stefan Kausch / Anne Mehrer / Mathias Rodatz / Frank Schubert / Gregor Wiedemann (eds.), Order. Power. Extremism: Effects and Alternatives of the Extremism Model, Wiesbaden 2011, pp. 35–58, here: p. 46)) . In particular, the criticism is directed against the writings of Armin Pfahl-Traughber, formerly an employee of the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution , and the political scientists Eckhard Jesse and Uwe Backes.
  106. ↑ Wolfgang Rudzio : The erosion of demarcation. On the relationship between the democratic left and communists in the Federal Republic of Germany . Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen 1988, p. 111 ff.
  107. ^ Eckhard Jesse: German Communist Party (DKP) . In: Frank Decker , Viola Neu (Ed.): Handbook of German political parties . 2. revised Edition, Wiesbaden 2013, p. 238 (240)
    see also a dissertation by a CDU politician from 2006: Tim Peters : The antifascism of the PDS from an anti-extremist perspective (= research on politics ). With a preface by Eckhard Jesse, Wiesbaden 2006, p. 24.
  108. ↑ See e.g. E.g .: vigil on November 8, 2014 in Bergisch Gladbach. Speech by Olaf Seiler, VVN-BdA, DGB Cologne-Bonn, koeln-bonn.dgb.de
    DGB district Baden-Wuerttemberg Region North Baden, call VVN-BdA Sinsheim, March 19, 2014, nordbaden.dgb.de
    DGB North Rhine-Westphalia South Westphalia, March 16, 2015, memorial tour ,     suedwestfalen.dgb.de .
  109. ↑ VVN-BdA district association Cologne, January 16, 2011, SPD decision on incompatibility with the VVN repealed! .
  110. ↑ VVN-BdA district association Munich, call “Munich stays colorful! Call for a protest on March 30, 2015 “
    spd-augsburg.de , SPD Augsburg, press releases, November 3, 2013, VVN-BdA memorial service for the 235 concentration camp victims at     Andrea Schiele's Westfriedhof
    . AsF Baden-Württemberg, accessed on March 3, 2019 .
  111. ↑ "The VVN-BdA as a Trojan horse?" - FDP and CDU campaigns against the VVN-BdA are not accepted. VVN-BdA Landesvereinigung NRW, February 22, 2010, accessed on March 3, 2019 .
  112. ^ A b Rudolf van Hüllen : The VVN-BdA: a Trojan horse for the commitment against right-wing extremism. (No longer available online.) Bund Resistance and Persecution, archived from the original on August 19, 2018 ; accessed on August 19, 2018 .
  113. ^ German Bundestag: Answer of the federal government to the minor question of the MP Ulla Jelpke and the parliamentary group of the PDS, BT-Drs. 14/6672 of July 6, 2001 (PDF; 60.1 KB)
  114. ↑ Bavarian State Ministry of the Interior: Bavarian Constitutional Protection Report 2017 , cf. P. 222 ff. (PDF; 4.73 MB)
  115. ↑ a b Hamburg Citizenship: Answer of the Senate to a small written question from MPs Alexander Wolf et al. Printed matter 21/1364 from 08/28/2015, cf. P. 222 ff. (PDF; 4.73 MB)
  116. ↑ Object of observation of the secret service. VVN-BdA Hessen, March 13, 2018, accessed on August 19, 2018 .
  117. ^ VGH Munich, decision v. 02/07/2018 - 10 ZB 15.795, available online here