Baldwin II (Latin Empire)

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Baldwin of Courtenay (* 1217 in Constantinople Opel , † 1273 / 1274 in Barletta ) was as Baldwin II. 1228-1261, the last reigning emperor in Constantinople Opel of the Latin Empire in Romagna ( Byzantine Empire ) from the house Courtenay . From 1231 to 1237 he shared the dignity of emperor with his reigning father-in-law Johann von Brienne and formally continued it after his expulsion from Constantinople until his death. He was also the reigning Count of Namur from 1237 to 1259 .

In 1260, Emperor Baldwin II said goodbye to the brothers Niccolò and Maffeo Polo on their trip to China to the court of Kubilai Khan. Representation from a copy of the Livre des merveilles du monde by Marco Polo made around 1410 . (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France )

Life

origin

Baldwin was the youngest child of Peter of Courtenay and the Jolante of Flanders . On his father's side he was a descendant of the French royal family of the Capetians , on his mother's side he was a nephew of the first two Latin emperors of Constantinople, Baldwin I and Henry .

After the childless death of Emperor Heinrich in 1216, Peter von Courtenay, as his brother-in-law, was proclaimed the new emperor by the barons of the Frankish-Latin Empire in Constantinople, which was established as a result of the Fourth Crusade in 1204. On April 9, 1217 he was in Rome by Pope Honorius III. anointed and crowned emperor. On the further way to the distant " Romania ", Peter was captured by Theodoros I Komnenos Dukas in Eprius , in which he probably died at the end of 1217. His wife Jolante, who had separated from Peter during the trip, reached Constantinople with her followers and took over the reign there on their behalf. Baldwin was also born here, probably in the late year 1217, perhaps also in the first days of January 1218. As emperor he used later in his seals the Greek titling "Baldwin the flame, the purple-born ruler" ( Βαλδουίνος δεσπότης πορφυρογέννητος ὁ Φλάντρας / Baldouinos despotes Porphyrogennetos ho Phlandras) with which he at his birth in the Porphyra -Kammer the Great Palace at Constantinople Opel referenced, which legitimized him to rule over Constantinople according to the Greek legal principle of the " purple birth ", especially the Greek counter-emperors of Nicaea and despotates of Epirus as well as the Bulgarian empire. In fact, Baldwin II was the only incumbent Latin emperor who was also born in Constantinople (apart from his son, who was only a titular emperor). It is also worth noting here Baldwin's reference to his descent from the Flemish house , with which he obviously wanted to have his empire legitimized according to the dynastic principle, although the rule of the House of Courtenay through an election of the barons and not because of its connection to the Flemish house was established.

The Latin Empire (red) in Romania during the reign of Emperor Baldwin II from 1228 to 1261.

Balduin's mother died in the late year 1219 and after the father's death in captivity had apparently also become certain at this point in time, the Latin barons took over the reign in Constantinople and initially succeeded the eldest son of the imperial couple, Count Philip II of Namur , to the throne on. After he had rejected her, however, the second son, Robert , came to Constantinople in 1221 to take over the dignity of the emperor. Under Emperor Robert, Latin rule over the Greek counter-pretenders collapsed militarily in 1224 and their previously closed territory was smashed with the loss of the areas of Asia Minor, Thrace and Thessaloniki . From then on, the actual rule of the Latins was limited to the strongly fortified Constantinople, the ancient Greek area around Thebes and Athens , as well as Euboea , the Aegean archipelago and the Peloponnese . Since the Latin princes in ancient Greece ( Duchy of Athens ), Euboea ( rule of Negroponte ), the archipelago ( Duchy of Naxos ) and the Peloponnese ( Principality of Achaia ) were then spatially separated from Constantinople, they have since been able to act effectively independently and recognized their feudal sovereignty Kaisers only formally, whose rule now in fact only existed over the city of Constantinople and its immediate surroundings.

Succession to the throne and early years

In a dispute with the barons, Emperor Robert left Constantinople in 1227, he died and by the summer of 1228 at the latest, after which Baldwin II succeeded him to the throne. In the deputy regent for the underage Emperor barons determined the from Burgundy originating Narjot de Toucy .

There are no reports of any kind about the early years of the young orphaned Baldwin, especially about the structure of his training. With regard to the defense of the acutely threatened empire, the barons relied mainly on support from the Latin West, above all from the Pope and from France. They may even consider enthroning an adult relative to Baldwin instead of. Finally, after the mediation of Pope Gregory IX , the barons turned . to Johann von Brienne , who after his disempowerment as King of Jerusalem by Emperor Frederick II hired himself as a general in papal services in Italy. The militarily experienced former leader of the Fifth Crusade (1217-1221) they wore the reign of Constantinople in the hope that he would recapture the territories that had been lost in the years before for the Latins. Brienne, who was already very old, demanded the transfer of the imperial dignity for life, which he was contractually guaranteed on April 9, 1229 in Perugia . The engagement of Baldwin II to Maria von Brienne , the eldest daughter of Johann, and a division of power with him upon reaching the age of majority had been agreed as additional contractual conditions.

John of Brienne came to Constantinople with a force of French knights in the late year 1231, where he was crowned. In the same year an earthquake shook the city. An expedition undertaken in 1233 against the opposing Emperor of Nicaea, John III. Vatatzes , with the attempt to conquer the port of Lampsakos , was discontinued after a few weeks without success, whereupon the following of the ruling emperor dispersed and returned to France. A combined counterattack by the Greeks in league with the Bulgarian ruler Ivan Assen II in 1236 could only be repulsed on the walls of Constantinople because of their dispute among themselves and thanks to the naval support of Venice. Subsequently, Emperor Johann concluded a two-year armistice with Johannes Vatatzes.

First trip to the west

Around the year 1235/36, Baldwin came of age and his marriage to Maria was formalized through a wedding. Immediately afterwards, his father-in-law sent him on a trip to the Latin West to solicit financial and military aid. A petition to the West Emperor Frederick II was excluded because he had entered into an alliance with the Greek rulers because of the political proximity of the East Emperor to the Pope. So Baldwin went first to Rome in the late year 1236 , where Pope Gregory IX gave him . Assured support and asked the French clergy to finance four hundred knights for Constantinople. The Pope also encouraged the King of Navarre, Theobald I , to embark on a crusade to Constantinople, to which some French barons actually responded positively. But in the end they should undertake their crusade to the Holy Land .

In the spring of 1237, Baldwin traveled from Rome to Namur via France . The county of Namur had once passed into the possession of the Courtenay family as his mother's inheritance. After the childless death of his older brothers Philip II († 1226) and Heinrich II († 1229), his sister Margarete , married Countess von Vianden, took over the administration there. As the last son of the family, Baldwin sued for possession of the county from his sister, who was only willing to give up after receiving compensation of 7,000 pounds. In March 1237 he was first recorded as "Margrave of Namur" (marchio Namucensis), in July as "Count of Namur" (comes Namucensis). With the possession of Namur, Baldwin attracted the enmity of the Counts of Luxembourg , who also descended from the old Count family of the Namurois and therefore registered ownership claims on it. In order to protect himself from them, he sought political proximity to France and to his cousin, Countess Johanna von Flanders . On April 22nd, 1238 Baldwin traveled to London , received from King Henry III. from England, however, only small donations and returned to France only a little later.

Louis IX of France receives the relics of the Crown of Thorns, the Holy Cross and the Holy Lance. Chroniques de Saint-Denis, 14th century. British Library, MS Royal 16 G VI, fol. 395.

In the meantime he probably learned of the death of his parents-in-law in the spring of 1237, with which he had become the sole emperor of Constantinople. There the barons under Anseau de Cayeux had taken over the reign and sold works of art and relics to Italian merchants for the purpose of making money, something that had been practiced since the conquest of the city by the Crusaders in 1204. This was also the case on September 4th, 1238, when the barons pledged the alleged crown of thorns , one of the most precious reliquary treasures of Christendom, to a Venetian merchant. When they were unable to repay the pledge after the contractually agreed four months, the crown of thorns became the property of the merchant. France's pious King Louis IX. found out about it and immediately sent an embassy to Constantinople, which was supposed to purchase the crown of thorns from the merchant. The barons, meanwhile again led by Narjot de Toucy , approved the sale of the relic to France in December 1238 and even gave it parts of the cross of Christ and the lance of Longinus . In the spring of 1239, the relics of Constantinople went on a journey, were presented to the public for several weeks for the " Serenissima " profitably in Venice and in August 1239 in Villeneuve-l'Archevêque by King Louis IX. to be received, which of the crown of thorns in Paris was to build a magnificent shrine with the Sainte-Chapelle . Baldwin had hardly any personal part in this, for his empire hardly profitable, prestigious cultural heritage of the Greek East, except that he wanted his approval to be understood as a gift to the King of France combined with corresponding consideration for Constantinople.

Between November 1238 and the spring of 1239 at the latest, Baldwin stayed again at the papal curia in Rome. There, on November 26, 1238, he contracted the conditions for the passage through his kingdom with the King of Hungary for the return journey to Constantinople; the sea route via Italian ports and the Adriatic was blocked by the western emperor Frederick II, who was in league with the Greeks. Furthermore, in a letter dated December 19, 1238, the Pope urged the clergy of England to divert a quarter of the funds available for the coming Orient Crusade for Constantinople. In the spring of 1239, Baldwin returned to France to complete the preparations for his journey home. He had actually been able to assemble an army of several hundred knights and tens of thousands of infantrymen, whose notable leaders were his cousin Humbert V von Beaujeu , Jocerand von Brancion, and Thomas von Vervins. Before leaving for St. John's Day (June 24, 1239), he handed over the county of Namur to the French crown as security for 50,000 Paris pounds. In addition to the financial gain, he also ensured the security of his western European property, since the Count of Luxembourg would hardly lend a hand to the Namurois as long as the protective hand of the King of France watched over it, although the Namurois belonged to the feudal association of the Roman western empire .

return

About Germany and Hungary pulling Baldwin has returned no later than the spring of 1240 by Konstantin Opel, where he to Easter April 15 in the Hagia Sophia was crowned. From then on, he recorded the full imperial title (Balduinus Dei gratiâ fidelissimus in Christo imperator a eo coronatus, Romaniæ moderator, et semper Augustus), while he had previously done this exclusively as “heir to the empire”. Equipped with his army from France and supported by Cuman associations , he immediately started the war against Johannes Vatatzes and conquered the fortress of Tzurulum (today Çorlu ), thus creating a territorial fore to Constantinople on the European side of the Bosporus . At the same time, a Venetian fleet won a naval victory against that of the Emperor of Nicaea. These successes were offset, however, by a counter-offensive by the Vatatz on the Asian side, which there captured the last positions of the Latins. Baldwin then had to end the fight after the knights of his French army had started their journey home after the end of their agreed armed service. In the early summer of 1241 he was forced to conclude a two-year armistice with Vatatzes, which he extended for another year in 1243. At that time the power-political position of the Latins of the East had deteriorated, without which Baldwin could have done something about it. His most important ally in the west, Pope Gregory IX, had died as early as 1241 and his successor, Innocent IV , had, through the prospect of a union of the Eastern Church with Rome, carefully approached Johannes Vatatzes, who had to appear as a more important partner than the de facto insignificant "city emperor" of Constantinople.

In the years that followed, Baldwin tried to improve his position primarily through an alliance policy. After the Bulgarian ruler Ivan Assen II died in 1241, he reached a peace treaty with his successor Koloman I Assen . He encouraged the Prince of Achaia, Gottfried II von Villehardouin , who was not only his brother-in-law but also his formal liege and who also held the imperial office of Seneschal of Romania, to a stronger engagement against the Greeks in Europe. To this end, he offered the prince the sale of his French family residence, Courtenay , about which he informed the French king in a letter dated February 20, 1241. This refused, however, has the necessary consent for this business.

Baldwin II offered himself in Asia to the Seljuk Sultan of Iconium as an ally against Vatatzes, which he reported in August 1243 in a letter to Blanka of Castile. Meanwhile, the Seljuks had already been badly beaten by the Mongols in a major battle last month , which is why they also preferred an alliance with Vatatzes. When the West Emperor Frederick II also dynastically connected himself to Johannes Vatatzes by marrying one of his daughters in the following year, Baldwin revised the anti-Staufer stance once prescribed by his father-in-law and sought a rapprochement with Frederick II by acting as a mediator in the Suggested conflict between this and the Pope.

Second trip to the west

Perhaps as early as the late year 1243, but by spring 1244 at the latest, Baldwin II began his second trip to the west, which, like his first, was primarily aimed at gaining financial and military support. He did not entrust the reign to his wife, but to Philippe de Toucy . First he traveled to Italy to act as an intermediary between the court of Emperor Frederick II and the papal curia in Rome. Incidentally, this activity represented the first personal meeting of the incumbent Latin emperors of the West and East. On Maundy Thursday , March 31, 1244, Baldwin was one of the witnesses of the oath of the negotiated contractual conditions for the reconciliation of the Roman Church with the Western Emperor by his representative, Count Raymond VII of Toulouse , Petrus de Vinea and Thaddäus von Suessa. After this successful negotiation, he spent the following year in the vicinity of the court of Emperor Frederick II, for whom he appeared as a documentary witness in June 1244. However, the peace efforts failed that same year after the Pope refused a reconciliation and fled to Lyon . On June 16, 1245, Baldwin was still in Modena, only to meet Emperor Frederick II for the last time the next day in Verona . Baldwin stayed here only for a short time, because on June 28, 1245 he was in Lyon at the side of the Pope at the opening of the church council that was to be held there . Should Baldwin have undertaken mediating activities here again, none of which have survived, these should not have been fruitful. Because at the final session of the council in July 1245, Emperor Friedrich II was formally deposed in his dignity. It is not known what attitude Baldwin took on this, but he was supposed to demonstrate a prostaufer attitude again at a later time.

At the council, Baldwin participated, among other things, in the annulment of the marriage of the Count of Toulouse with Margaret of Lusignan and then visited Cluny Abbey in November 1245 in the wake of the Pope . The Castilian Infant Alfonso X , who was a cousin of his wife, was also there. On his mediation, Baldwin moved to the Castilian court in Valladolid in August 1246 to live with King Ferdinand III. to seek support. The Knights of the Order of Santiago have promised him military aid for two years if he could pay for it. However, when Baldwin was unable to raise the agreed pay by August 1247, they withdrew their offer. In May 1247 he was again in London for a second time with King Henry III. from England to appear as supplicant, but received only one thousand marks from him as the cost of his journey home.

In June 1247 Baldwin was back in Namur, where he wrote a will on the twelfth of the month. The dispute with Luxembourg over the possession of the Namurois had flared up again at that time after the Countess Johanna von Flanders died in 1244 and the Flemish succession dispute broke out between her nephews from the houses of Avesnes and Dampierre over her inheritance . The Johann von Avesnes is there from King Ludwig IX. the property of the county of Hainaut were awarded in an arbitral award , and because the county of Namur was a fief of the Counts of Hainaut, Avesnes had consequently demanded homage from Baldwin. But after he did not want to commit such an act of submission, Avesnes had attempted to withdraw this fief from him in favor of the Count of Luxembourg, allied with him. Balduin's closeness to the French king and his partisanship for the Dampierre have protected him from this expropriation for the time being. And on August 26, 1248, the Pope pronounced a ban on expropriation in favor of Baldwin against Johann von Avesnes and the German anti-king Wilhelm who supported him , as long as his case had not been examined in detail by the court. On June 26, 1247, Baldwin documented in Paris and in July 1247 in Chambéry , possibly already on his journey home.

End of the Latin Empire

Baldwin returned to Constantinople probably in the spring of 1248, but this time without leading a large army with enough money. He had received only 20,000 Paris pounds from the French crown, for which he again provided the county of Namur as security, the sale of which he was again prohibited from selling. The political situation had deteriorated dramatically again during his absence. In 1246, Emperor John III. Vatatzes set with army power from Asia to Europe, chased the Bulgarians out of the strategically important Serres fortress and was then able to record large territorial gains as far as Macedonia . This victorious run had forced the Greek rulers of Epirus-Thessaloniki, who had previously rivaled him, to recognize his empire including submission to his sovereignty and made it only a question of time before he would undertake the final attack on Constantinople. More than ever, the heavily indebted Baldwin was now dependent on military support, so that in the year of his return he pledged his son and heir Philip, who was just a few years old, to a merchant family from Venice for an undisclosed sum. Immediately afterwards, in October 1248, he sent his wife on a trip to France, which was a condition of the French crown for the loan granted, which was supposed to raise funds there in his name and obtain the ransom of the son. To this end, he has given her full powers to sell the Courtenay property.

Michael VIII. Palaiologos expelled the Latins in 1261 and restored Byzantine rule in Constantinople. Georgios Pachymeres , Histoira, 14th century. Munich, Bavarian State Library.

From that time onwards, Baldwin was condemned to be largely incapable of acting, as he was only an observer of the events taking place around him and the imminent end of his empire. The cruising King Louis IX. von France had in 1249 attached greater importance to his undertaking to recapture Jerusalem than to divert personal aid to his cousin in Constantinople. In 1250, the West Emperor Friedrich II died, his sons were engaged in a contest to assert themselves against the Pope and therefore failed as possible allies. Pope Innocent IV, in turn, first made contact with Johannes Vatatzes in 1254 regarding the project of a church union, which was continued by their successors even after the death of the two in the same year. Since then there have been no reports of any support from Rome for the Latins of the East. Balduin's loss of importance as emperor is illustrated by the dispute between his nominal vassals, Prince Wilhelm II of Achaia and Grand Lord Guido I of Athens , which was not brought before him for arbitration, but the King of France. The prince of Achaia was the last hope of the Latins in the fight against the Greeks, at whose head from 1259 the Emperor Michael VIII. Palaiologos stood. In the groundbreaking battle of Pelagonia in September 1259, the Greeks were victorious and the prince of Achaia fell into their captivity. In the spring of 1260 Palaiologos made an advance in front of the walls of Constantinople for the first time, which it was just about possible to ward off. In the same year he had established diplomatic relations with Genoa , the great competitor of prolatein Venice for maritime supremacy in the eastern Mediterranean, which was now also beginning to resolve its conflict in the Aegean. The alliance between Greeks and Genoese was sealed in Nymphaion in March 1261 .

See main article: Recapturing Constantinople in 1261 .

On the night of July 24, 1261, the Greek general Alexios Strategopulos advanced unnoticed with a small army to the walls of Constantinople, actually with the task of exploring the situation there. The walls of the city were understaffed at this time, as the Venetians, who provided the brunt of the city's defense, and their fleet were absent on an expedition in the Black Sea. In the early morning of July 25th, the Greeks were able to occupy and open the golden gate of the fortress of the seven towers through which they could stream into the city. The Latins, taken by surprise, were barely able to organize an adequate defense and had therefore taken flight to their ships anchored in the harbor. Baldwin wanted to face the fight in the Blachernen Palace , but was then also rescued to a Venetian ship by his few remaining companions after he was wounded.

After 57 years, the rule of the Latins in Constantinople came to an end, where on August 15, 1261, Emperor Michael VIII. Palaiologos could solemnly move in, be crowned and celebrate the restoration of Greco-Byzantine rule including its Orthodox patriarchate .

Head of Hodegetria, whom Baldwin is said to have taken from Constantinople in 1261; Cappella della Madonna di Montevergine in Mercogliano

Fleeing Baldwin to the head of the great Hodegetria - icon have taken that once of Aelia Eudocia to have been brought from Jerusalem to Constantinople Opel and as the by Saint Luke portrayed cult image was considered. Owning the Hodegetria was very important at the time. It meant the true palladium of Constantinople and meant securing its protection and the hope of a return to the city that was so close to our hearts.
The icon remained in the family's possession. After Baldwin's death in 1273 or 1274, the icon became the property of his son Philipp von Courtenay and, after his death in December 1283, that of his only daughter, Catherine de Courtenay (* 1275; † 1307/08).

Last years in exile

Now, for his part, forced into exile, Baldwin first sailed to Euboea and from there on to Athens , where he borrowed money on October 22nd, 1261 and recorded it as "Balduinus, per Dei gratiam fidelissimus Imperator, à Deo coronatus Gubernator Romaniæ". In the spring of 1262 he reached the court of King Manfred of Sicily , who was himself an enemy of Michael VIII Palaeologus and promised him a great campaign to recapture Constantinople, provided the Pope would release him from his excommunication . Baldwin then went to Viterbo to see Pope Urban IV in order to achieve a reconciliation between him and the Staufer King of Sicily. But the Pope flatly rejected a reconciliation. Instead, he issued 1262 crusade calls to France and Poland in May and June with the aim of driving the "schismatic Palaiologos" out of Constantinople.

Baldwin arrived in France in the spring of 1263, where he was able to reunite with his wife and also his son Philip, who was ransomed from Venice in 1261 thanks to the generosity of the King of Castile. His wife had meanwhile lost the county of Namur to the Count of Luxembourg, but not without ceding control of the castles still there to the French crown, which in turn passed them on to the Flemish counts. In 1263 Philip von Courtenay had finally sold all the count's rights to Namur to the Count of Flanders for 20,000 Paris pounds. Thus, of all his possessions, only the ancestral seat of his family remained.

The restored Byzantine Empire after 1261. The last remaining dominions of the Latins are the Duchy of Athens and Naxos, the Principality of Achaia and the possessions of Venice (red).

In France, Baldwin had to recognize the hopelessness of a crusade to Constantinople, since neither King Louis IX. nor did any nobleman want to hear the papal appeal. Instead, he witnessed plans being made between the royal court and the Pope to overthrow King Manfred in Sicily in favor of the ambitious Prince Charles of Anjou . In a letter dated July 2, 1263, Baldwin wanted to send a warning to King Manfred about these plans, but this letter was intercepted in Rimini by a Guelf city ​​chief and leaked to the Pope in Orvieto . It is uncertain whether this letter had an influence on the Pope's written contact with Michael VIII. Palaiologos on July 18, 1263, in which a resumption of Union policy was sounded out. In any case, since then the Pope has not wanted to hear anything about a crusade in favor of Baldwin, instead denouncing him in a letter of 28 July 1263 to the French court as a follower of Manfred and warning against his intrigues. This partisanship for the Staufer cause cost Baldwin every reputation among the French and put him on a political sideline.

Baldwin could only rehabilitate himself by giving up his friendship with King Manfred and supporting Karl von Anjou. He did not participate in his Italian campaign with the decisive battle at Benevento (February 26, 1266); in June 1266 it was still in Paris. But in August 1266 he is already with the newly elected Pope Clement IV in Viterbo , from whom he was once again accepted into ecclesiastical favor. Under the leadership of the Pope, Baldwin finally sealed a dynastic-political alliance with the now King of Sicily Charles of Anjou, which was sealed on May 27, 1267 with the Viterbo Agreement . In this contract, the marriage of his son Philip to Beatrix , a daughter of Anjou, was agreed, who in return promised the return of the Courtenay to Constantinople and the conquest of the whole of Romania, of which the Anjou should have a third. To what extent Baldwin, paired with the hope of a return to Constantinople, which was also his hometown, ever gave these plans a realistic chance of realization is unclear. However, his relinquishment of all feudal sovereignty rights to the Principality of Achaia in favor of the King of Sicily, which is also laid down in the treaty, is significant, with which he additionally reduced the remnants of his “empire” that was still left to him. Lehnsrechtlich he remained suzerain of the Duchy of Athens, but in fact did not matter. A Latin titular emperor should never again exercise real sovereign rights in the Eastern Roman Empire.

Both Baldwin and his son Philip often had to do with their French possessions ( Courteney ), as they were temporarily in feud with Count Heinrich of Luxembourg and lived mainly on the pensions that Karl paid them out. Baldwin held a small court of ten knights and received 2,445 ounces of 45 tari a year for his maintenance

Only a few documents are available about the last years of Baldwin II's life; apparently he spent this alternately in France and southern Italy. In March, July and December 1269 it appears again in a document in Paris. According to a Venetian chronicle, he is said to have died in the fourth year of Doge Lorenzo Tiepolo (1271/72). However, he was still present on October 15, 1273 in Foggia at the wedding of his son. According to a document issued in Taranto in January 1274 , Baldwin had already died at that time, which can be confirmed by Charles of Anjou's order to build a marble tomb for him in the Chiesa Santa Maria de Episcopio of Barletta in October of the same year, which also commemorated him in a document in November in "shining memory" (claræ memoriæ). There is no trace of this tomb today. In a document of October 23, 1274 relating to the tomb in question, the commission from Karl Anjou to Maroldo de Curtesio is mentioned: “Fidelitati tue precipiendo mandamus quatenus Philippo de Sancta Cruce militi etc. ad ipsius requisitionem de marmoribus Curie que penes te sunt in quantitate sufficienti pro faciendo fieri sepulcro quodam in Barulo [Barletta], ubi corpus Balduini quondam Impcratoris Costantinopolitani dare memorie recordatur debeas assignare. .... In simili forma scriptum est. Magistro jurato Syponti Novelli. de assignando eidem philippo de marmoribus quondam Manfridi Malecte dicti Comitis Camerarii existentibus in Syponto. (Reg. N. 19 1274 B fol. 151.) "

While his widow Maria Courteney received, Philip took the imperial title, which he held until his death on December 15, 1283.

family

Baldwin II was betrothed to Maria von Brienne (* 1225, † 1275) on April 9, 1231 , whom he will probably marry in the year 1235/36. The only known child from the marriage was the later titular emperor Philipp von Courtenay (* 1240/41; † 1283).

literature

  • Robert Lee Wolff: Mortgage and Redemption of an Emperor's Son. Castile and the Latin Empire of Constantinople , in: Speculum 29 (1954) 45-84.
  • Kenneth Meyer Setton: The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571) - Volume 1. Philadelphia, 1976.
  • Jean Longnon: L'empereur Baudouin II et l'ordre de Saint Jacques, in: Byzantion, Vol. 22 (1952), pp. 297-299.
  • Eloy Benito Ruano: Balduino II de Constantinopla y la Orden de Santiago. Un proyecto de defensa del Imperio Latino de Oriente, in: Hispania, Vol. 12 (1956), pp. 3-36.

Web links

Commons : Baldwin II of Constantinople  - collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. a b c d General Encyclopedia of Sciences and Arts . First Section AG. Hermann Brockhaus, Leipzig 1867, p. 263 ( full text in Google Book Search).
  2. ^ Regione Puglia (ed.): Vita religiosa ed ecclesiastica a Barletta nel Medioevo . Barletta 1993, p. 58 (Italian, pugliadigitallibrary.it [PDF; accessed April 12, 2018]).
  3. See L'estoire de Eracles, in: RHC Hist. Occ. 2, p. 291.
  4. See Zacos, G. & Veglery, A .: Byzantine Lead Seals, Vol. 1 (1972), No. 114a-b, p. 114.
  5. Cf. Georgios Akropolites , Annales, in: PG 140, Sp. 1050.
  6. Two north French chronicles report the successor of Humbert V von Beaujeu in the Latin Empire as the successor to Emperor Robert. See Gesta Ludovici VIII, in: RHGF 17, p. 310; Chronicon Turnense, in: RHGF 18, p. 318. However, these are not confirmed by any geographically closer reports.
  7. See Tafel, GL Fr. & Thomas, GM: Documents on the older commercial and state history of the Republic of Venice, Vol. 2 (1856), No. CCLXXIII, pp. 265–270.
  8. See Richard von San Germano , Chronica, in: MGH SS 19, p. 364.
  9. See Auvray, L .: Les registres de Grégoire IX, Vol. 2 (1907), No. 3395, Col. 512.
  10. See Martène, E. & Durand, U .: Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, Vol. 1 (1717), Col. 998f.
  11. See Alberich von Trois-Fontaines , Chronica, in: MGH SS 23, p. 941; Balduin von Avesnes , Chronicon Hanoniense, in: MGH SS 25, p. 455.
  12. Cf. Reiffenberg, F .: Monuments pour servir a l'histoire provinces de Namur, de Hainaut et de Luxembourg, Vol. 1 (1844), No. VI, p. 9f, No. XII, p. 141.
  13. Cf. Matthäus Paris , Chronica majora, ed. by Henry Richard Luard in: Rolls Series 57, Vol. 3 (1876), pp. 480f, 486, 517f.
  14. Cf. Tafel, GL Fr. & Thomas, GM: Documents on the older commercial and state history of the Republic of Venice, vol. 2 (1856), no. CCXCVI, pp. 346–349; Teulet, A .: Layettes du trésor des chartes, Vol. 2 (1866), No. 2744, pp. 391f.
  15. See Teulet, A .: Layettes du trésor des chartes, Vol. 2 (1866), No. 2753, p. 395; Andrea Dandolo , Venetorum ducis chronicon venetum, ed. by Lodovico Antonio Muratori in: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, Vol. 12 (1728), Col. 349.
  16. See Wilhelm von Nangis , Gesta Sancti Ludovici, in: RHGF 20, p. 526ff; Chronicon, in: ibid., P. 548; Matthäus Paris, Chronica majora, ed. by Henry Richard Luard in: Rolls Series 99, Vol. 4, (1877), pp. 75f; Walter Cornut , Historia susceptionis Corone spinee, ed. by Paul Riant in: Exuviæ sacræ constantinopolitanæ, Vol. 1 (1877), pp. 45-56.
  17. See Auvray, L .: Les registres de Grégoire IX, Vol. 2 (1907), No. 4603, Col. 1170, No. 4634, Col. 1179, No. 4671, Col. 1194.
  18. See Auvray, L .: Les registres de Grégoire IX, Vol. 2 (1907), No. 4623, Col. 1175f.
  19. See Bliss, WH: Calendar of the entries in the papal registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland: papal letters, Vol. 1 (1893), p. 177.
  20. Cf. Alberich von Trois-Fontaines, Chronica, in: MGH SS 23, p. 946. Thomas von Vervins was a younger brother of Enguerrand III. by Coucy from Boves-Coucy
  21. See Alberich von Trois-Fontaines, Chronica, in: MGH SS 23, p. 947.
  22. In connection with his passage through Germany, an Erfurt chronicle wrongly called the emperor “Theobald”. Cf. Annales Erphordenses, in: MGH SS 16, p. 33. For his coronation cf. Notes sur la diplomatique de l'empire latin de Constantinople, ed. by Jean Longnon in: Mélanges dédiés à la mémoire de Félix Grat, Vol. 2 (1949), p. 18.
  23. For the title from a document drawn up on February 12, 1241 in Constantinople, cf. Histoire de l'empire de Constantinople;… par Du Fresne du Cange, vol. 1, ed. by Jean Alexandre Buchon (1826), No. VIII, p. 428f. Baldwin II counted his reign from the year of his coronation. For example, when he wrote in Athens in October 1261, he dated the document to his twenty-second year of reign (anno XXII Imperii nostri). See Acta Sanctorum , Vol. 4 (1707), pp. 768f.
  24. Baldwin reported the conquest of Tzurulum in a letter to the King of England. Cf. Matthäus Paris, Chronica majora, ed. by Henry Richard Luard in: Rolls Series 99, Vol. 4, (1877), pp. 54f.
  25. See Alberich von Trois-Fontaines, Chronica, in: MGH SS 23, p. 950; Matthäus Paris, Chronica majora, ed. by Henry Richard Luard in: Rolls Series 99, Vol. 4, (1877), p. 299.
  26. Cf. Du Chesne, A .: Historiæ Francorum Scriptores, Vol. 5 (1649), pp. 423f.
  27. Cf. Du Chesne, A .: Historiæ Francorum Scriptores, Vol. 5 (1649), p. 424ff; Teulet, A .: Layettes du trésor des chartes, Vol. 2 (1866), No. 3123, pp. 518f.
  28. Baldwin's participation in the negotiations of 1244 and the subsequent swearing-in of the treaty can be found in a letter from the Pope to the Landgrave of Thuringia on April 30, 1244 and from the Western Emperor to the King of England. See MGH Const. 2, No. 250, p. 340; Matthäus Paris, Chronica majora, ed. by Henry R. Luard in: Rolls Series 57, Vol. 4 (1877), pp. 332-336.
  29. See Huillard-Bréholles, J.-L.-A. : Historia diplomatica Friderici secundi, Vol. 6/1 (1860), pp. 195ff.
  30. See Chronicon Mutinense, ed. by Lodovico Antonio Muratori in: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, Vol. 15 (1729), Col. 561; Roland von Padua, Chronica, in: MGH SS 19, p. 82.
  31. See Vitæ Romanorum Pontificum, ed. by Lodovico Antonio Muratori in: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, Vol. 3/2 (1724), Col. 399; Matthäus Paris, Chronica majora, ed. by Henry Richard Luard in: Rolls Series 99, Vol. 4, (1877), p. 431; Wilhelm von Puylaurens , Historia Albigensium, in: RHGF 20, p. 770; Balduin von Avesnes, Chronicon Hanoniense, in: MGH SS 25, p. 454.
  32. See Teulet, A .: Layettes du trésor des chartes, vol. 2 (1866), no. 3367, p. 575; Chronicum cluniacense, ed. by Martin Marrier & André du Chesne in: Bibliotheca cluniacensis (1915), Sp. 1666.
  33. Cf. Matthäus Paris, Chronica majora, ed. by Henry Richard Luard in: Rolls Series 99, Vol. 4, (1877), p. 431; Close Rolls of the reign of Henry III, 1242-1247 (1916), p. 510.
  34. See De Laborde, J .: Layettes du trésor des chartes, vol. 3 (1875), no. 3604, p. 11f; Histoire géneálogique des ducs de Bourgogne de la maison de France, ed. by André du Chesne (1628), preuves p. 138f.
  35. Cf. Reiffenberg, F .: Monuments pour servir a l'histoire provinces de Namur, de Hainaut et de Luxembourg, Vol. 1 (1844), No. XIII, pp. 141f.
  36. See De Laborde, J .: Layettes du trésor des chartes, vol. 3 (1875), no. 3605, p. 12; De Wree, O .: La généalogie des comtes de Flandre, Vol. 1 (1642), pp. 207f.
  37. See Marino Sanudo , Secreta Fidelium Crucis, ed. by Jacques Bongars in: Gesta Dei Per Francos, Vol. 2 (1611), p. 73; Istoria del Regno de Romania, ed. by Charles Hopf: Chroniques Gréco-Romanes (1873), p. 115f; "Fragmentum", ed. ibid., p. 171ff.
  38. See De Laborde, Joseph: Layettes du trésor des chartes, Vol. 3 (1875), No. 3727, p. 50.
  39. See Jean de Joinville , Histoire de Saint Louis, in: RHGF 20, pp. 211f.
  40. Cf. Chronique de Morée aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles , ed. by Alfred Morel-Fatio (1885), p. 52.
  41. Cf. Chronique de Morée aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles, ed. by Alfred Morel-Fatio (1885), p. 54; Georgios Akropolites, Annales, in: PG 140, Sp. 1210f; Martino da Canale , Les estoires de Venise, ed. by Filippo Luigi Polidori, La cronique des Veniciens de maistre Martin da Canal, in: Archivo Storico Italiano, vol. 8 (1845), p. 480f; Wilhelm von Nangis, Chronicon, in: RHGF 20, p. 558.
  42. Michele Scaringella: La Madonna Odigitria o Maria Santissima di Costantinopoli e San Nicola venerati a Bari. (PDF) p. 6 , accessed on August 30, 2017 (Italian).
  43. ^ Margherita Guarducci: La più antica icone di Maria, un prodigioso vincolo tra Oriente e Occidente . Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca Dello Stato, Rome 1989, p. 68 (Italian).
  44. PP. Benedettini di Montevergine: Montevergine: guida-cenni storici . Desclée, Lefebvre e C. Editori, Rome 1905, p. 54 (Italian).
  45. Acta Sanctorum, Vol. 4 (1707), pp. 768f.
  46. Martino da Canale, Les estoires de Venise, ed. by Filippo Luigi Polidori, La cronique des Veniciens de maistre Martin da Canal, in: Archivo Storico Italiano, Vol. 8 (1845), pp. 498-503.
  47. Potthast, A .: Regesta Pontificium Romanorum, Vol. 2 (1895), No. 18332, p. 1489; Guiraud, J .: Les registres d'Urbain IV, Vol. 2 (1901), No. 131, 132, pp. 46ff.
  48. ^ Wauters, Alphonse: Table chronologique des chartes et diplomes imprimés concernant l'histoire de Belgique, Vol. 5 (1876), p. 182; Duvivier, Charles A .: La querelle des d'Avesnes et des Dampierre, Vol. 2 (1894), Preuves No. CCXCI, p. 523; De Laborde, Joseph: Layettes du trésor des chartes, Vol. 3 (1875), No. 4424, p. 417ff.
  49. ^ Wauters, Alphonse: Table chronologique des chartes et diplomes imprimés concernant l'histoire de Belgique, Vol. 5 (1876), pp. 285f.
  50. Martène, E. & Durand, U .: Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, Vol. 2 (1717), No. XI, Col. 23ff.
  51. Guiraud, J .: Les registres d'Urbain IV, Vol. 2 (1901), No. 295, pp. 134ff.
  52. Martène, E. & Durand, U .: Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, Vol. 2 (1717), No. X, Col. 23.
  53. Berger, Élie: Layettes du trésor des chartes, Vol. 4 (1902), No. 5157, pp. 174ff.
  54. Élie Berger: Layettes du trésor des chartes, Vol. 4 (1902), No. 5284, pp. 220-224; Del Giudice, G .: Codice diplomatico del regno di Carlo I. e II. D'Angiò, Vol. 2/1 (1869), No. IV, pp. 30-44.
  55. Berger, Élie: Layettes du trésor des chartes, Vol. 4 (1902), No. 5500, p. 331f, No. 5566, p. 375; Werveke, Nicolas van: Cartulaire du Prieuré de Marienthal, Vol. 1 ( Publications de la Section Historique de l'Institut Grand-Ducal de Luxembourg 38, 1885), No. 120, p. 99f.
  56. Andrea Dandolo, Venetorum ducis chronicon venetum, ed. by Lodovico Antonio Muratori in: Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, Vol. 12 (1728), Col. 382.
  57. ^ Genealogia di Carlo I. di Angiò: prima generatione, ed. by Camillo Minieri Riccio (1857), p. 115f, note 255.
  58. ^ Del Giudice, G .: Codice diplomatico del regno di Carlo I. e II. D'Angiò, Vol. 2/1 (1869), p. 41f, note 5, nos. 6-7; Histoire de l'empire de Constantinople;… par Du Fresne du Cange, vol. 2, ed. by Jean Alexandre Buchon (1826), No. II, p. 323ff.
  59. ^ Giuseppe del Giudice: Codice diplomatico del Regno di Carlo I. e II. D'Angiò dal 1265 al 1309 . In: 2 . Regia Università, Naples 1869, p. 42 (Latin, archive.org ).
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(Restoration of the Greco-Byzantine Empire in Constantinople by Michael VIII. Palaiologos )
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Henry V of Luxembourg