Pratica della mercatura

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The Pratica della mercatura (Italian for “Practice of Commerce”), also known as the “Merchant's Handbook”, is a comprehensive guide to trading in Eurasia and North Africa in the 14th century, as suggested to its author, the Florentine merchant, politician and high employee of the Bardi Bank , Francesco Balducci Pegolotti , was known. The designation of Pegolotti's work as 'trading practice' goes back to the publisher of the 18th century, Pegolotti himself called it libro di divisamenti di paexi e di mixure di mercatantie . The original has not been preserved; there is only one copy, completed in 1472, which is now in Florence . Originally, the term Pratica della mercatura is a generic term that includes a number of such works, the oldest of which dates from the 13th century.

Folio 1r of the commercial practice in the only surviving copy from 1472. There you can find the original title of the book: "Questo lib [r] o è chiamato libro di divisamenti di paexi e di mixure di mercatantie". Then the manuscript continues: "ed ['] altre chose bixognevoli di sapere a merchatanti di diverse parti del mondo E di sapere che uxano le merchatantie e chanbi E chome rispondono le merchatantie da uno paexe a un altro E da una terra a un' altra E ssimile s'intendera quale è migliore una merchatanitia che un'altra E d ['] onde elle vengono E mosterreno il modo a chonservarle più che ssi può “. Finally, there are explanations about “francescho balducci” itself and a kind of table of contents that fills the following 18 folia (on f. 1r “le rubriche”, from the abbreviations to “Tana con Vinegia” at the end of the page).

The author, life and account in the manuscript (around 1290 to 1349)

Pegolotti wrote his work between 1335 and 1343. Its original title was Libro di divisamenti di paesi e di misure di mercatantie , which can be translated as 'Book of Descriptions of Countries and Measures for Goods'. Its more common name, however, is that of the first edition from 1766, namely as "Pratica della mercatura".

Pegolotti's work is based on his decades of experience as a highly rated employee of Bardi -Bank, one of the largest banks of his time, as well as on various local documents, statutes and price lists that were available to him at the time. On the other hand, experiences from his important political offices, but also negotiations and personal contacts in north-western Europe, Tuscany and the eastern Mediterranean flowed into his work.

Rise in the society of the Florentine Bardi: Antwerp, London (until 1321)

Born before 1290 (Evans, p. Xvii), he completed an apprenticeship before 1310 and rose to a high level thereafter. He visited Antwerp , where he successfully negotiated for the Bardi with the Duke of Brabant . From there he left for London in April 1317 , where he initially worked under Doffo de 'Bardi, one of the masters of commercial and financial society. From the end of the year Pegolotti managed the English branch of Bardi independently until 1321; According to the long price list that he left behind in his 'trade practice', he was mainly active in the wool trade (ed. Evans, pp. 258–269), which formed the basis for the profitable cloth trade. He was also responsible for the transfer of papal revenue. In this function he was responsible for credits up to the royal level, but also appears in commercial transactions and especially in connection with the papal treasury - between September 6, 1318 and January 5, 1321 alone, 41,800 florins were transferred from London to Avignon ( S. xix), where the Pope resided at that time ( Avignon Papacy ). Pegolotti (presumably) crossed France in 1322 and returned to Tuscany. From King Edward III at the end of 1321 he received a letter of safe conduct so that he could leave England. With English wool he ended up in Livorno .

Famagusta (1324–1329 / 30 and 1335–1339 (?))

On May 21, 1324 he also obtained a privilege from the King of Cyprus . This was extended several times until it was extended on August 3, 1327. At the same time he himself was the procurator in Famagusta, the last instance in questions of the Florentine citizenship. This time on the island, which lasted at least until 1329, is reflected as a very extensive material in Pegolotti's trading practice. The section on Famagusta is one of the most extensive in the work (Evans, p. Xxi). He also goes into the trade there in unusual depth and in the greatest detail, for example with sugar, which was so popular that it was recognized as a dowry in the highest circles. In doing so, Pegolotti even discovered inaccuracies through measurements he had made himself. He is also likely to have acquired extensive knowledge of Asia Minor and probably also Constantinople , the Black Sea and Alexandria in conversations . He stayed on the island at least until 1329. In 1331 he reappeared in Florence, where he rose to the Gonfaloniere di Compagnia (June 28th this year). He was back in Cyprus by 1335 at the latest, from where he obtained a privilege from the King of Armenia on January 10, 1336 . After working for the Bardi for over twenty years, his annual salary was 200 florins.

Florence, political career, liquidator of the Bardi (1331–1335 and 1340–1349)

In 1340 he reappears in Florence, at his place of residence in S. Frediano, nothing is known about the years in between. Again he received a high political office and in 1341/42 became Gonfaloniere di Compagnia for the second time ; while he survived the consequences of a suppressed uprising against the oligarchic regiment in the city harmless, although the Bardi were involved in it. He did not appear in the sources until 1346, when he rose to the highest office that he achieved in his life, for he sat before the priors as the 'standard bearer of justice', as the Gonfaloniere della Giustizia . He was entitled to punish violations of the constitution, the Ordinamenti di Giustizia - whether he ever did this, however, is unknown. It is clear that some of his closest relatives also became priors, such as a second brother and a nephew, but also his son, his grandson and his great-grandson.

His name appears for the last time in connection with the Bardi in 1347, namely with the liquidation of the bankrupt bank. Like many banks of that time, it was due to the refusal or inability of magnates to service loans. In this case it was the King of England.

Much of his political and economic knowledge flowed together in Pegolotti's work. He himself worked for another trading and banking house, the Alberti, by 1348 at the latest, a collaboration that ended the plague .

Perhaps whose behalf he had on May 5, 1347 at the notary Ser Filippo di Ser Benintendi a testament fit down. After his death, probably in 1349, and the reading of the Actum, his last will was handed over to the executors, namely Banco di Ser Bartolo, Priorozzo and Niccolaio, his sons, all from the community of S. Niccolò. With the consent of the Franciscan Brother Bernardo de 'Pegolotti, the persons listed in the document should be benefited. In addition to the Franciscans, the poor were taken into account, but also his widow Tessa and their son Pegolotto, who was placed under the protection of the executor.

The only surviving copy (1472)

The only surviving manuscript that served as a template for both printed editions is in the Biblioteca Riccardiana in Florence under the signature Ricc. 2441 . It is a leather-bound large quart band . It says that it was made on March 19, 1472 by Filippo di Niccolaio Frescobaldi of a copy, which in turn had made an Agnolo di Lotto dall'Antella, as the title page claims. According to the title page, this in turn came from a copy of the autograph of “Francesco Balducci”.

The manuscript comes from a single hand, apart from a few explanatory entries from a hand probably from the 16th century, which briefly annotated a list of spices. The original order of the first template is not adhered to, as if the sheets had been rearranged, as Evans (p. Xii) writes. This can be seen, for example, from references to topics already presented, which, however, only follow later in the traditional version. As far as possible, Evans has restored the original context in his edition. In the end the copy simply breaks off, the reason is not clear; Nor whether Pegolotti broke off himself or one of the copyists. To restore order, apparently after the pages were mixed up, an index was placed at the beginning of the manuscript.

Regrettably, Evans modernized the text, as was customary, i.e. both spelling and uppercase and lowercase letters, punctuation marks and paragraph formation, used fonts or small caps, etc. in a rather arbitrary manner, so that the edition was only used for linguistic or book-scientific analyzes is to be used partially.

Templates, sources of information, reliability

Pegolotti did not write his work in one go, but rather it arose during his work for the Bardi, as can be narrowed down using the currently ruling men who are named. But the work can not only be traced back to his rich memories. For example, he seems to have had access to an earlier, much more modest compilation which was made in Pisa in 1279 and which can be found today in the Biblioteca Comunale in Siena under the title Memoria de Tucte le Mercantie (based on ed. Evans, p . xxxv, note 2 under the signature Codice C, VI, 8). This is the oldest Pratica della mercatura . In addition to the Capitoli della Compagnia di San Domenico di Siena , a small number of letters from the Tolomei archive, some transcripts from the Spedale di Santa Maria della Scala, the work, which has only survived in one copy from the 17th century, provides an introduction, which Evans partially Pegolittis compares information. This concerns p. 350 in the Memoria and p. 71 and 75 in Pegolotti's work, a total of 16 entries. Apparently these entries were translated by Pegolotti. For example, the template says “Seta libbre cinquecento per una sportata” and Pegolotti says “Libbre 500 di seta per una sporta”. After this passage, the two works are no longer remotely identical. Pegolotti has occasionally summarized provisions, but only differs when it comes to the amount of granulated sugar. Evans himself considers the original to be evident, but restricts the fact that an interim version could have reached Pegolotti (p. Xxxvii).

He himself expressly wanted to write down the things that were useful for those traders who had to do with goods and exchange rates in different parts of the world. This meant that numerous and sometimes extensive lists had to be created. The information he intended could therefore be based on his own experience, probably not available in lists, such as the usual tips in Naples for the office holders there, but also on extensive official lists from customs offices, which he must at least have looked at.

These templates prove the reliability of the work. Two sections can each be assigned to a template with which his work could be compared, namely a list and a certificate. The long list of brokerage fees that fills pages 204 to 209 at Evans can be traced back to a corresponding Pisan tariffa , which has been preserved as the Breve dell'Ordine del Mare . The two lists differ only slightly from each other, but Pegolotti often replaces Pisan expressions with those from his hometown of Florence, and he even corrects the list in two places. On the other hand, there are some obvious mistakes, such as confusing “senape” and “sapone”, that is, “mustard” and “soap” (ed. Evans, p. 26 f.). Since the copyists who copied Pegolotti's original work one after the other had otherwise worked very carefully, these very frequent deviations and errors could be due to the fact that Pegolotti himself had a faulty copy of the Pisan original.

A less clear derivation from a source is the case of the Florentines' trade privilege in Antwerp, which Pegolotti negotiated himself (see Evans, pages 251 to 254). Although this is lost, the very similar privileges for the Germans and the Genoese, both issued on October 28, 1315, are available in print. The extremely strong correspondence with the document for the German dealers reinforces the assumption that Pegolotti also had the original or a copy here. Here, too, Pegolotti translated terms into Florentine, but only made two mistakes. In one case, an 18 became an 8, in the other case an entry on seal oil was omitted. These facts show the reliability of Pegolotti's text as a whole, especially since he could only have had a copy - the original had to be kept in Antwerp. Only second-hand information needs to be treated with caution, as Evans (p. Xxviii) stated.

Another source for Pegolotti's compilations are the statutes of the Florentine Calimala , the cloth merchants' guild . They were available to Pegolotti in a version that developed between 1338 and 1342. The similarities are not only related to the structure, but also extend to individual formulations. On the basis of the surviving versions, this in turn allows a more precise classification of the years that could be used to incorporate the information there in Pegolotti's work (ed. Evans, pp. Xxx – xxxiii). Further investigations showed that the entire section about Florence was made between 1332 and 1345 (p. Xxxiv).

In all of this, it must be taken into account that Pegolotti was not a private person who wanted to put together a compendium for traders, but that he did this on behalf of the largest bank of their time, or at least in their service. It can thus be assumed that the opus should serve to improve the work of its employees (ed. Evans, p. Xxxvii). Pegolotti for his part probably had a large number of documents from the Bardi area and the house itself. The Bardi archive, however, has almost completely disappeared. A comparison with the archive of the businessman Francesco Datini , which has survived almost completely but is mostly more than half a century younger, shows further connections. There you can find Florentine price lists and tariffs , tax lists from Pisa, etc. They were hung on the wall of the office. Possibly such lists, but also contracts, were ready for use on a kind of shelf. The changing linguistic style in Pegolotti, for example between the commercial description and the legalistic interpretation, indicates such direct use.

However, Pegolotti collected his information over a long period of time, so that in some places it was already out of date in his time. As a result, he was accused of forgery. The fact that the author was reliable, however, could be proven down to the individual sections of the routes he presented, such as the route to Tana.

Early effects

Pegolotti's work was likely used by the author of the Venetian trade manual Tarifa zoè noticia dy pexi e mexure di luogi e tere che s'adovra marcadantia per el mondo in the 1340s. This work consisted of three parts, with the middle part, which fills pages 41 to 70, dealing with Constantinople, Tana, Sara, Negroponte, Famagusta, Candia, Alexandria, Damascus, Mallorca and Venice itself. The first part contained a shortened passage to the same places, but Trapezunt, Messina, Ancona, then Montpellier and the fairs of Champagne were added. The third part (pp. 70–75) dealt with spices and other goods (“Chognoscimento de splezie et altre merze”). Immediately before that, on p. 70, another hand had inserted “Gaieta con Veniexia”. The first part is probably a summary of the second, with facts coming from a treaty from 1345. This passage could probably have originated at the same time as Pegolotti's work. However, the author did not use Pegolotti directly, as numerous parallels in the structure, as well as corrections suggest, but rather, in contrast to Giorgio Chiarini, who was clearly copying, it was more a 'milieu relationship' than such direct contact (ed . Evans, S. xlix). As the later addition to Gaeta shows, it was still customary to freely use other authors and thus to put one's own work in its place in the everyday life of the merchant. Hence the assumption that Pegolotti's authorship was only a construct of the later copyists, although Pegolotti's work is too strongly shaped by his own experiences and his enormous knowledge.

Pegolotti's opus later served as the source for a later work with the same title, the Pratica della mercatura , compiled by Giovanni di Bernardo da Uzzano in 1442 . Evans was even able to prove in individual cases that he had corrected information from Pegolotti, for example when comparing the dimensions of the Stiva and Chiarenza (which could also be due to copying errors); on the other hand, Uzzano made more serious mistakes. For example, Uzzano reads “miglioresi” instead of “mille”, “188” instead of “tarì 38” (the latter a coin) or even “dassi” for “d'argento”; apparently he incorrectly resolved abbreviations (ed. Evans, p. xliii). Conversely, this shows that Pegolotti's text must have contained more abbreviations than the copy received.

Soon afterwards Pegolotti was consulted by the author of the Libro che tracta di mercatantie et usanze de 'paesi , which was probably compiled by Giorgio Chiarini in 1458 and later included in Luca Pacioli's Summa de arithmetica . There are three copies of this manuscript, the oldest of which dates from 1458 (ed. Evans, p. Xliii). This was probably printed in 1498, even if this edition appeared without a year, but was included in Fra Luca Pacioli's handbook as early as 1481. Evans was again able to show that Chiarini's and Pegolotti's text have a large number of parallels (p. Xliv f.). In the case of a list, Evans was even able to prove that Pegolotti not only included a list in two places - which he did only once - but that both authors had the same error. At the same time, they maintained a common structure down to the last detail. Pegolotti used two lists, Chiarini a third. This can best be explained by assuming that all three came from a common stemma, a family of documents.

content

Pegolottis "dichiarigioni" on f. 11r (ed. Evans, p. 14)

First, the author provides “dichiarigioni”, explanations from which it emerges what the names of certain measures or monetary units are in Florence and “in prulare”, but also in numerous other languages ​​and dialects, as well as the respective abbreviations, especially for measures and weights , but also coins etc. (ed. Evans, p. 14ff). He then explains some of the key commercial terms and provides translations in various languages. He is most detailed with the term for the marketplace, resp. the customs office, for which he provides around 20 translations - for the area between “Persia” and “Tana” or “Erminia” and “Cipri” in the east, and “Inghilterra”, “Tunizi in Barberia” or “Ispagna” in the west. He also lists the different names for the trading company in Tuscan, Genoese, French, then 'different languages' and in Flemish: “Fondaco e bottega in Toscana. / Volta in genovesco. / Stazione in francesco. / Magazzìno in più linguaggi. / Celliere in fiammingo. ”He proceeds in a similar way with the broker, listing three terms from“ several languages ​​”and“ Messetto ”in Venetian:“ Sensale in più linguaggi. / Curattiere in più linguaggi. / Mezzano in più linguaggi. / Messetto in vinizianesco. ". This is followed by an explanation of their usual activities. At the same time, he opens up the spatial and linguistic horizon in this section when he explains about large cargo ships in Egypt: “Giermo vuol dire in saracinesco grossi navili che portano le mercatantie da Damiata su per lo fiume insino al Cairo di Bambillonia e dal Cairo su per lo detto fiume insino al mare dell'India. ”So he names a type of ship with his Arabic name that shipped goods from Damiette to the Indian Ocean via Cairo (ed. Evans, p. 19). Before he goes into the travel routes, he says to the interpreters : "Turcimanno in più linguaggi, calamanci in tarteresco, sono gente che temperano e dànno a intendere linguaggi da uno linguaggio a un altro che non sì intendessoro insieme."

Routes and cities

Itinerary from Crimea to Beijing

These rather brief notes are followed by a huge section with the trade routes, which can be accessed via the "rubrics" that Pegolotti supplies at the beginning. The respective carte could be found from here. So they acted like a kind of table of contents. These routes comprise over 250 pages in the edition and thus the lion's share of the work, which in addition to 443 pages of text edition also comprises 46 pages of introduction. Pegolotti not only provides a list of routes and trading cities frequented by Italian traders, but also the imports and exports of various important trading regions, then the trade practices and means of transport that prevail in each of these regions, and finally the comparative value of the leading coins, weights and measures (ed. Evans, pp. 21-277).

The longest journey, which Pegolotti describes as the first, takes more than nine months from the Crimea to China ( Cathay ), more precisely from La Tana ( Azov ) north around the Caspian Sea through Uzbekistan to Beijing , or, as Pegolotti calls it, according to Gamalecco (Evans, pp. 21-23). The route led through Astrakhan on the lower Volga and today's ghost town of Otrar . The author names the number of day trips, the usual means of transport and, in two places, the storage options for goods, which are the reason for alternative routes. The author names the stages including distances in days: from Tana to “Gintarcan” 25 days with ox cart , then 10 to 12 days with a horse cart ; this is followed by a river trip of one day to "Sara" (perhaps Saray, later destroyed by Timur ), another of 8 days to "Saracanco" (on the northern edge of the Caspian Sea, probably destroyed by Cossacks in the 16th century ), where one could also get there by land and water. But the trip over water is cheaper. From there it goes on a camel cart within 20 days to Köneürgenç (?) Which Pegolotti calls “Organci” and which is located south of the Aral Sea - this is cheaper because there is more space for the goods -; further it go by camel carts 35 to 40 days to "Ioltrarre" (Otrar near the Syr Darya ). But if you travel from “Saracanco” directly to “Oltrarre” (name variant!) Because you are not carrying any goods, you should save yourself the detour via “Organci”. From “Oltrarre” it takes 45 days on donkeys “e ogni dìe truovi moccoli”, meaning armed men, Tatars or Mongols . Elsewhere, Pegolotti explains this term himself: “moccoli, cioè tartari scherani” (ed. Evans, p. 29). From there the path leads 70 donkey days to “Camexu” ( Ganzhou ), then again to a river called [Gap], then 45 days on horseback. From there you can go to “Cassai” ( Hangzhou ) to sell your silver there. There is also a lot of storage space for goods there. With the money that you get in “Cassai” for your silver, you can travel on. This was paper money ("moneta di carta"), the so-called "moneta basilisci", for which Pegolotti also gives the exchange rate in China (this paper money existed from 1287 to 1402). From “Cassai” it finally goes to “Gamalecco” (Beijing) within 30 days, which is the capital (“mastra città”) of the country “Gattaio”.

After this route, at Pegolotti there are indications of what you need for the trip and which goods are suitable there. The first thing he says is that it is customary to grow a long beard and not to shave under any circumstances. One should equip oneself with interpreters (“turcimanni”) in La Tana and by no means take the cheapest ones. In addition, you need at least two servants (“fanti”) who have a good command of Cuman. The trader's attention is drawn to the fact that he would be considered more respectable if he took a woman with him on this trip, but who should be fluent in the Cuman language. From there to Gittarcan he should stock up on food for 25 days, especially flour and stockfish , because meat is available everywhere. The route to Gattaio is “sicurissimo”, i.e. “extremely safe”, but if the trader dies there, the entire property falls to the “uficiali del signore” of the country through which he had traveled until the time of his death - unless his brother or “stretto compagno” travels with him. Another danger would be a change of the throne if there was no direct successor to the ruler, because by then the 'Franks' had been in danger (“v'è stata fatta novitade a'franchi”). Then the author gives some essential information about the cost of the trip, then about dimensions and weights, about silk prices, but also that the way from Tana to Sara is less safe.

Local regulations and customs, dimensions and weights

The manuscript contains main headings for numerous trading venues. Many others are listed on the side. Under each heading there are lists of the most important goods with information on weights and measures, laws and customs of trade, prices and customs duties. Pegolotti adds tables comparing the weights and dimensions of each city with those of other cities to make calculations easier.

The focus is accordingly different when Pegolotti begins his actual overview with “Tana nel Mare Maggiore” and “Caffa” (ed. Evans, pp. 23–26). Here he only delivers “pesi e misure” ('weights and measures'), as he himself announces, but also which goods are measured in which unit, followed by information about local taxes. In the case of La Tana, these were only due upon entry, while nothing had to be paid upon exit. It is very often compared with Genoese measurements, but also with Venetian measurements. For example, one “cascito” corresponded to five “staia” in Venice, a common measure of measure. In the Genoese “Caffa”, taxes of “3 per centinaio” were due on entry and exit. Only the Genoese paid 3½% each, namely ½% to the Genoese community, 3% to the "signore di Caffa". The “moggio” of Kaffa corresponds to “4 1/3 staia” in Venice.

In the case of Tabriz in Persia ("Torisi di Persia"), Pegolotti gives the weights and measures in the usual way, but deals in more detail with the gold and silver coins in circulation there, their fineness and the exchange rates there. Then he lists the trade taxes and fees that arise for goods from “Laiazo d'Erminia” ( Aigeai ), and finally the dimensional relations between Tabriz and other cities, such as Pera or Famagusta , Venice or Genoa (ed. Evans, p . 26-31). The author proceeds in a similar way with “Trabisonda” ( Trebizond ), Constantinople and Pera, where he goes into particular detail on the “lunghezze di panni”, the length of the shawls there. In keeping with the importance of the Byzantine capital, it deals with a large number of goods, including almonds , dates and nuts, salt and olive oil , grains and wine. Finally, as always, the coin ratios, the local commercial law, and above all the local taxes differentiated according to type, he even weighs the advantages and disadvantages of the various measuring methods. With all this, the comparisons of the dimensions cover practically the entire known trading area in the Mediterranean and North Atlantic to London (see page 54).

Pegolotti continues this overview, followed by “Mare Maggiore”, “Alto luogho di Turchia”, “Setalia di Turchia”, then “Ermenia” ( Armenia , pp. 59–63), “Acri di Soria”, with which he himself Already turned towards the most important trading center in Syria (up to p. 69), finally “Alessandria” in Egypt (up to p. 77). He devotes a particularly detailed section to Cyprus, above all to Famagusta, who is so well known to him (pp. 77–102). He deals with Rhodes and Crete (“Candia”) rather succinctly, and Sicily again in somewhat more detail (pp. 107–116). Then he jumps back to the eastern side of the Adriatic with “ Chiarenza ”, “Stiva” and “Nigroponte” to then talk about Sardinia (pp. 119–122) and Mallorca (pp. 122–130). This is followed by Tunis (up to p. 136), and he just touches Tripoli and Djerba. Pp. 137 to 154 cover Venice, then Pegolotti joins Friuli (“Frioli”), finally Ancona (pp. 156–161) and Apulia (pp. 161–176). After a very brief section on Salerno , he devotes himself to Naples (up to p. 190) and especially Florence (up to p. 203), Pisa (up to p. 214) and Genoa (up to p. 224). Extending further west, Nimes and Montpellier (“Nimissi e Monpolieri”), Avignon (“Vignone”) and Aigues-Mortes (“Aguamorta”) follow up to p. 231, soon to be followed by the fairs of Champagne (p. 233–236), only very briefly Paris (p. 236), then Flanders, subdivided into Bruges (pp. 237–250), very briefly Brabant, more detailed Antwerp (pp. 250–254). This is followed by “Londra d'Inghilterra” (pp. 254–258), then primarily the wool from “Inghilterra” (pp. 258–269). Finally, there are very short sections about “Roccella di Guascogna”, “Sobilia di Spagna”, then the “Reame di Morrocco di Spagna”, “Salle Reame di Morrocco” and finally in the same realm “Arzilla”.

Lists and tables, procedures, goods knowledge

Folio 223r of the Commercial Practice. It bears the title “Alleghare argento”, “alloy silver”.

Without further ado, the author changes his previous spatial principle to one that is goods or factual, starting with the measurements for cloth (pp. 277–286). Later he turned to metal alloys and the fineness of gold and silver coins (from p. 287–292), spices and their packaging (p. 293–300 and 307–319), silk (from p. 300).

Pegolotti supplies the first known compound interest tables . He titled it with "Source che vegnono guidardonate le lire cento in uno anno o più a diversi pregi ...", whereby his aim is to table in 8 steps of half a percent each how 100 lire can be achieved within 20 years with interest rates of 1 to 4.5% develop) (p. 301 f.). The author also deals with the usage of the sale and purchase of grain (from p. 319) or the renting of ships (from p. 322). Towards the end there is an Easter table for the years 1340 to 1465 (p. 324 f.), Then arithmetic aids, a moon table, “Ricetta d'affinare oro” (p. 331–338), then alloying silver (p. 339–352) , or gold (pp. 352–358) etc.

Finally, from pp. 360 to 383, the conclusion is a product knowledge (“Conoscere le mercatantie”) with the express aim of protecting oneself from fraud (“inganno”). These goods include “giengiovo” ( ginger ), “cannella” ( cinnamon ), “verzino” ( brazil wood ), but above all “zucchero” (p. 362–365). This is followed by “ciera” ( wax ), but also cotton , alum , mastic , or even salt, aloe , saffron or dates .

Editions (1766 and 1936)

Pegolotti's work was first edited by Gianfrancesco Pagnini in 1766 as part of his opus Della Decima e delle altre Gravezze, della Moneta e della Mercatura de 'Fiorentini fino a secolo XVI , his four-volume history of the finances of Florence, published by G. Bouchard in Lisbon and Lucca 1765 and 1766. The copy of Pegolotti's work, which was only given the title Pratica della mercatura through Pagnini , appeared anonymously at the time, but its editor soon became known. The Pratica appeared as volume 3 of his work, volume 4 presented the practice of Giovanni da Uzzano from the 15th century. In 1970 a reprint was published by Kraus Reprint Co., New York. Only short sections have appeared in French and English translations.

The 1936 edition by Allan Evans, which only replaced Pagnini's significant work after 170 years, has been considered a standard work ever since. He wrote his dissertation on Pegolotti's work, completed in 1931 at Harvard University , which also included a translation into English. The edition was published by the Mediaeval Academy of America . It contains glossaries of goods, place names, coins and money, etc., but no translation.

literature

  • Jean-Claude Hocquet: La pratica della Mercatura de Pegolotti et la documentation d'archives: une confrontation , in: Radovi 1. Medunarodnog kongresa za Povijesnu metrologiju, Zagreb 1975, pp. 49-84.
  • Kurt Weissen : Dove il papa va, semper è caro di danari. The Commercial Site Analysis in Italian Merchant Handbooks and Notebooks from the 14th and 15th Centuries , in: Markus A. Denzel , Jean Claude Hocquet, Harald Witthöft (Ed.): Kaufmannsbücher und Handelspraktiken vom Late Middle Ages to the beginning of the 20th century , Steiner, 2002 , P. 65 f.
  • Notices of the Land Route to Cathay and of Asiatic Trade in the First Half of the Fourteenth Century , in: Henry Yule (Ed.): Cathay and the Way Thither , Vol. 3: Missionary Friars — Rashíduddín — Pegolotti — Marignolli , Hakluyt Society , London 1914, pp. 135-173. ( Digitized version )
  • Maria Elisa Soldani: Pegolotti, Francesco di Balduccio , in: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani 82 (2015).
  • Francesco Balducci Pegolotti , Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1998.

Web links

Commons : Copy of the Libro di divisamenti di paexi e di mixure di mercatantie from 1472  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Remarks

  1. ↑ See Jaime Estevão dos Reis: Os manuais de mercadores da Idade Média. Uma análise comparada do Zibaldone da Canal eo la pratica della mercatura , in: Revista de História Comparada 9 (2015) 43–68. Overall, the economic records, whether production, distribution or consumption, are still comparatively poorly researched. See Laurent Feller: Les écritures de l'économie au Moyen Âge , in: Revue historique 693 (2020) 25–65.
  2. ↑ Shown in Evans, Plate I, p. 2.
  3. ↑ State Archives of Florence , Notarile Antecosimiano , 6743, c. 88r, 92v.
  4. ↑ ed. Evans, p. Xi.
  5. ↑ Christopher Kleinhenz (ed.): Medieval Italy. An Encyclopedia , Routledge, 2004, p. 871.
  6. ↑ Robert S. Lopez, Gabriella Airaldi (ed.): Il più antico manuale italiano di pratica della mercatura [Memoria de tucte le mercantie) , in: Miscellanea di studi storici 2 (1983) 99-133.
  7. ↑ Printed: Francesco Bonaini: Statuti inediti della Città di Pisa dal XII al XIV secolo , 3 vols., Florence 1854–1857, vol. III, pp. 589–594 ( digitized, p. 589 ). Evans created a collation from both documents, the Breve and the Pratica des Pegolotti .
  8. ↑ The Genoese version appeared in Turin in 1857: Liber Jurium Reipublicae Genuensis , Vol. II (Historia Patriae Monumenta, IX), Col. 461–469; the German version in Halle 1879: Konstantin Höhlbaum : Hansisches Urkundenbuch , Vol. II, pp. 103-109 ( digitized, p. 103 ).
  9. ^ Edition of the Statuto dell'arte di Calimala by Paolo Emiliani-Giudici: Storia dei comuni italiani , 3 vols., Florence 1864–1866, vol. III, pp. 171–428.
  10. ^ John Paul Bischoff: Pegolotti: An Honest Merchant? in: Journal of European Economic History 6 (1977) 103-108 ( online ).
  11. ↑ So Sergej Karpov was able to prove this accuracy while researching his Instructions on the trip to Tana about the dealer Giacomo Bragad, who wrote to his nephew Andriolo Malipiero (Сергей Павлович Карпов: Из Таны в Ургенч [From Tana to Urgentsch] Srednie veka 61 (2000), p. 223) For Tana cf. Ievgen Alexandrovitch Khvalkov: Tana, a Venetian and Genoese Black Sea Trading Station in the 1430s. A Social and Economic History , MA thesis, Budapest, 2011 ( online ).
  12. ^ David Eugene Smith: Rara arithmetica. A Catalog of the Arithmetics written before the year 1601 , Boston 1908, pp. 10 f., Reprint New York 2007.
  13. ↑ England and Scotland were sources of supply for wool, with a number of monasteries listed including Newbattle , Balmerino , Cupar , Dunfermline , Dundrennan , Glenluce , Coldingham , Kelso , Newminster at Morpeth , Furness , Fountains , Kirkstall , Kirkstead , Swineshead , Sawley and Calder.
  14. ↑ Illustrated in Evans, Plate IV, between pp. 350 and 351.
  15. ↑ digitized version .
  16. ↑ Guido Antonio Zanetti: Nuova Raccolta delle Monete e Zecche d'Italia , 5 vols., Bologna 1775–1780, vol. 1, p. 356. The place of publication was not Bologna, but Florence.