Sulaymān al-Bārūnī

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sulayman al-Baruni 1908

Sulaymān al-Bārūnī , from 1916 Sulaymān al-Bārūnī Pasha ( Arabic سليمان الباروني, DMG Sulaymān al-Bārūnī ; born in 1870 or 1872 in Tripolitania , Ottoman Empire ; died April 30 or May 1, 1940 in Mumbai , British India ) was an Ibadite religious scholar, military leader and politician of Berber descent.

Sulaymān al-Bārūnī played a decisive role in the resistance of the Libyan population against the Italian occupation during and after the Italo-Turkish War until the end of 1921 .

Between 1912 and 1913, al-Bārūnī served as head of government of the short-lived Tripolitan State (1912–1913) and was one of the four heads of the Tripolitan Republic from 1918 to 1920 . From 1927 to 1928 he was Prime Minister of the de facto independent Imamate Oman and later from 1938 to 1939 Interior Minister of the Sultanate of Muscat and Oman .

At the time of the Ottoman Empire , al-Bārūnī was a member of the Heyet-i Mebusan , the Ottoman House of Commons , from 1908 to 1912 , and a senator in the Ottoman Senate, the Heyet-i Ayan , from 1914 to 1922 .

Origin and family

Sulaymān al-Bārūnī came from a traditional Ibadi - Berber family from the Nafusa Mountains with branches on the island of Djerba and in the M'zab Valley . The family name al-Bārūnī is traced back to Imam Abū Hārun Mūsā ibn Hārūn , an Ibadian scholar who lived in the Nafusa Mountains at the end of the 10th century and beginning of the 11th century AD . From Abū Hārūn the dialectal variant al-Bārūnī emerged. His father ʿAbdallāh b. Yahyā al-Bārūnī (born before 1823; died April 16, 1913) was a locally respected religious scholar, poet and teacher in the Zaouia Bachābcha near Yafran . He presided over the Ibadite scholar council, the ʿAzzāba , of the Nafusa Mountains as sheikh.

The Nafusa Mountains in Tripolitania in modern-day Libya are known as al-Bārūnīs birth region, with some sources specifying the city of Jādū , formerly Fasātū , in the municipality of al-Jabal al-Gharbi as the exact place of birth, while others name the village of Kabaw in the municipality of Nalut .

Sulayman al-Bārūnī had at least two brothers. Yahyā al-Bārūnī served in the time of the Tripolitan Republic, 1918–1922, as Kaymakam and Vice-President of the Shūrā Board of the short-lived state. Another brother, Aḥmad al-Bārūnī, was also a religious scholar and held the office of Qādī of Nalut and ar-Ruḥaybāt .

Al-Bārūnī left behind his wife Amīra bint al-Ḥādj Saʿīd, two sons, Ibrāhīm and Saʿīd, and his daughters Zaʿīma and ʿAzīza. His son Ibrāhīm (born in 1911) worked as a teacher and advisor to the Omani Ministry of Education, as well as an employee at the Iraqi royal court. In May 1947, the al-Bārūnī family returned to Libya and settled in Tripoli .

His daughter Zaʿīma al-Bārūnī (1910–1976) grew up in Istanbul and was also a writer after the death of her father and the return of the al-Bārūnī family to Libya. In independent Libya, she headed the Office for Combating Illiteracy and founded the National Women's Alliance .

Life

There is also different information about al-Bārūnī's date of birth. While most publications mention 1870 as the date of birth, there is also a few mention of 1872.

Youth and Studies

After receiving religious instruction in his homeland, al-Bārūnī studied from 1887 at the University of Ez-Zitouna in Tunis , where reform-minded scholars such as Muhammad an-Nachlī and ʿUthmān al-Makkī were among his teachers. In Tunisia, al-Bārūnī established close contacts with political activists and supporters of nationalism , including ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz ath-Thaʿālbī .

In 1893 he went to Cairo , where he studied at Al-Azhar University for three years . There he lived in an Ibadite community and was taught by two teachers from the island of Djerba , ʿUmar al-ʿAwwām and Ramadān ibn Yahyā al-Laynī.

He then went to Beni Isguen in the Algerian M'zab Valley in 1896 to be instructed by the Ibadite scholar Muhammad ibn Yūsuf Atfaiyasch and his nephew Abū Ishāq Ibrāhīm Atfayyasch .

Prison stay and time in Egypt

After his return to Tripolitania in 1899 Sulaymān al-Bārūnī was arrested by the Ottoman authorities on suspicion of subversive activities, but released after a little over two months. After being arrested again in 1901, he was sentenced to five years' imprisonment. He was accused of carrying out subversive actions against the Sultan Abdülhamid II and of planning the establishment of a Berber-influenced emirate in the Nafusa Mountains, with the reintroduction of an Ibadit imam. Al-Bārūnī, who only criticized the Ottoman Sultan after the Young Turk Revolution in 1908, pleaded his innocence and was supported by Muhammad ibn Yūsuf Atfaiyasch. The mozabitische scholars reached after about a year and a total of seven letters to Abdulhamid II. The release of al-Bārūnīs in 1902.

Thereupon he founded his own madrasa and library in Yafran in 1904 , but his criminal case was reopened in the same year and al-Bārūnī was sentenced to another six months in prison.

After serving his prison sentence and rehabilitation, al-Bārūnī went to Egypt in 1906, where he began working as a publisher. Instead of going to Istanbul as ordered, he founded his own publishing house in Cairo, al-Matbaʿa al-Bārūnīya or Matbaʿat al-Azhār al-Bārūnīya and published the newspaper al-Asad al-Islāmī between August 1907 and April 1908 . The distribution of his newspaper was banned both in the Ottoman provinces and in the French area of ​​influence in the Maghreb .

As a publisher, he mainly published works by Ibadi, some of which he edited or reissued himself. Due to Ottoman influence, his activities as a publisher in Egypt were finally stopped.

Ottoman MP

After the Young Turks Revolution in 1908, al-Bārūnī was elected to the reopened Ottoman House of Representatives, where he represented his home region al-Jabal al-Garbi . Al-Bārūnī then went to Istanbul , where he, as one of initially eight Libyan MPs, took part in the constituent session of the House of Representatives on December 17, 1908. Muhammad ʿAlī as-Salībī states that al-Bārūnī was not elected, but was appointed a deputy by Sultan Abdülhamid II. In Turkey he was in close contact with the later Iraqi King Faisal I and the deputy from Basra , Tālib an-Naqīb .

Resistance to the Italian occupation as a military leader

After the Italian preparations for an occupation of Libya became known in the late summer of 1911, al-Bārūnī traveled together with the Libyan Farhāt az-Zāwī and the Ottoman military men Enver Pascha and Mustafa Kemal to his homeland Tripolitania in order to host an armed resistance against the local and Ottoman troops prepare for impending invasion. He initially managed to gather around 50 tribal leaders loyal to him and around 1,000 fighters. Weapons could be brought to Tripolitania via the Ibadi community on the island of Djerba .

After the Italian landing in Tripolitania on October 11, 1911, the first guerrilla attacks by al-Bārūnī's troops on Italian positions took place near Tripoli on October 23 . The Ibadite leader thus became one of the main actors in the Italo-Turkish war .

Sulaymān al-Bārūnī received support from various ethnic and denominational groups. In addition to fighters from the Tuareg and Tubu , Sudanese and tribes from the vicinity of Lake Chad joined al-Bārūnī's army. The Algerian Sufi sheikh of Qadiriya - Order Mohamed El Hachemi Cherif supported his jihad also financially and with the deployment of 350 fighters. In addition, there were troops from the Libyan Sanūsīya order. Women from the ranks of the Ibadi Berbers and the Tuareg are also said to have fought in the resistance army.

In the course of the war, al-Bārūnī and az-Zāwī were able to mobilize a good 20,000 to 30,000 strong troops against Italy together with the Ottomans.

In April 1912 al-Bārūnī was re -elected as a member of parliament , but the Ottoman House of Representatives was dissolved again in August 1912 - in al-Bārūnī's absence.

After Tripoli was conquered by the Italians at the end of 1911, the Ottoman high commander Neşet Bey was forced to retreat inland to Gharyan , where he set up a base with al-Bārūnī. The second important base in Benghazi was commanded by Aziz Ali al-Misri , while Enver Pascha and Mustafa Kemal were responsible for the Darna region . Since the alliance between the Ottomans and local forces had neither sufficient artillery nor aircraft and suffered heavy losses, the Ottoman Empire withdrew from the war in October 1912. On October 18, 1912, the Peace of Ouchy between Italy and the Ottoman Empire was signed near Lausanne . At the same time, the leaders of the Libyan resistance and local notables met in the Tripolitan al-ʿAzīzīya for the congress of al-ʿAzīzīya . There it was split into two groups: while one, around Farḥāt al-Zāwī, tended to give up and wanted to negotiate with the Italians for the status of a protectorate, the group around al-Bārūnī pushed for a continuation of the armed struggle and the achievement of independence or at least an autonomy within the Ottoman Empire.

After no agreement could be reached at the congress of al-ʿAzīzīya, a group of resistance leaders and sheikhs, including az-Zāwī, moved to Tripoli to surrender to the Italians.

Continuation of the resistance as head of state

On October 19, 1912 Sulaymān al-Bārūnī proclaimed an independent Tripolitan state, which was controlled by a national government (ar. 'Al-Ḥukūma al-Waṭanīya') with him as head of government. The state borders were not precisely defined, but al-Bārūnī claimed in his declaration a territory from the Tunisian border in the west to El Agheila in the east together with the Fezzan region in the south. The effectively controlled national territory was limited to the Munizip al-Jabal al-Gharbi , the Nafusa Mountains and the coastal city of Zuwara and Gharyan south of Tripoli. According to Rachel Simon al-Asābiʿa formed the capital about 18 km south-west of Gharyan, where al-Bārūnī lived. Other sources speak of Yafran as the capital.

The administrative structure of the Tripolitan state was strongly based on that of the Ottoman Empire. There was an administrative council ( Maǧlis Idāra ), local governors ( Kaymakam ) and local chiefs ( Müdür ), as well as a religious hierarchy consisting of muftis , qādīs and sheikhs .

As Katrina Anderson Yeaw and Anna Baldinetti show, al-Bārūnī made contact with the Italians and tried to achieve recognition of independence, or at least autonomy, for his state. This should be dominated by Ibadi and offer privileges for the Berber population, while Laura Veccia Vaglieri even speaks of the renewed idea of ​​founding an Ibadi emirate.

After many Libyans withdrew from the resistance, the strength of Sulaymān al-Bārūnī's army fell to 5,000 to 15,000 men and operated on two flanks. While al-Bārūnī commanded the western flank, the eastern flank was led by Nūrī as-Saʿdāwī . On November 16, 1912, the Italian troops succeeded in conquering al-ʿAzīzīya and on December 9 of the same year in taking Gharyan. Al-Bārūnī then decided to retreat with his troops to the mountain regions and stay there in the hope of not being tracked down by the Italians. Even after smaller Italian offensives in early 1913, al-Bārūnī did not revise this decision, which led to great criticism from the ranks of his army, including failed attempts at assassination on him.

Faced with accusations of inaction, he established diplomatic contact with Italy in January 1913 and sent a Tripolitan delegation to London and Paris to seek recognition of the independence of his state. When this failed, al-Bārūnī had insisted on a ceasefire agreement with Italy, combined with status as an Italian protectorate.

In March 1913, General Clemente Lequio began an offensive on the last positions of al-Bārūnīs encircled troops in the Nafusa Mountains, which at that time still consisted of about 4,000 fighters.

On March 23, there was the last major skirmish between Italian units and the resistance fighters, the Battle of al-Asābiʿa , in which al-Bārūnī was injured and forced to flee. In the following days, Yafran and the surrounding villages were taken before, on April 12, 1913, Nalut, the last bastion of the Tripolitan resistance, was finally under the Italian flag. In the Fezzan region, however, the fighting continued. So could Ghadames be taken on April 27, while some caravan inland towns capitulated only in July 1913th

Escape to Tunisia and appointment as Ottoman senator

Sulaymān al-Bārūnī fled to Tunisia on April 9, 1913 together with some tribal leaders. His tripolitan state, founded only six months earlier, which Rachel Simon describes as a fragile formation of tribal leaders and local notables, also fell apart. In Tunis, al-Bārūnī and his followers started a last attempt at diplomatic negotiations with Italy over Count Carlo Sforza , which, however, was rejected.

After a large migration of Libyan tribes to Tunisia, the Italian authorities finally gave in and asked al-Bārūnī to ask the tribes to return to Libya. In return, according to Anna Baldinetti, al-Bārūnī was granted an amnesty and the autonomy status of his Berber region.

Al-Bārūnī did not return to Libya, however, and settled with his family in Radès , where he made contacts with the young Tunisian movement . Among other things, through BeziehungenAbd al-ʿAzīz ath-Thaʿālbī he established relationships with influential activists such as ʿAlī Bāsch Hāmba or the Algerian-Mozabite scholar Ibrāhīm Abū l-Yaqzān .

In August 1913 he went to Istanbul. There he was appointed a member of the Ottoman Senate, according to Rachel Simon even as a senator for life , and received the title of pasha for his services .

After the news of the death of Muhammad ibn Yūsuf Atfaiyasch in March 1914, al-Bārūnī traveled to the M'zab Valley to pay his last respects to his former teacher. At the same time he acted as a mediator between the Mozabites and the Ottoman Empire. Al-Bārūnī received a grant of 70,000 FF from the local leadership . During this trip, which he undertook together with the Ibadite Sheikh ʿUmar al-ʿUnq , he also visited Algiers and Tebessa and stayed again in Tunisia. It was during this period that the first rumors arose that al-Bārūnī was planning an attack on the French colonial troops in Algeria.

On his return to Istanbul in the spring of 1914, he also visited European countries and came to London.

Mission in Cyrenaica

In early August 1914, al-Bārūnī took part in a secret meeting with the Ottoman Minister of War Enver Pasha , where he was tasked with raising troops against Great Britain . To this end, he left Istanbul on August 12 for Cairo, where he tried to motivate pan-Islamic and anti-British groups to take action against the British authorities.

Together with Nuri Pasha , Enver Pasha's younger brother, al-Bārūnī reached the Kyrenaika in early September 1914 , where they came into contact with representatives of the Sanūsīya order.

Determined to bring the leader of the Sanūsīs Ahmad al-Sharif and the tribes of the Cyrenaica to an attack on the British in Egypt and Sudan , al-Bārūnī aroused the distrust of the population, as he was seen as a competitor to the Sanūsīya and as an influence perceived from the outside. After he had made a reputation as a "rebel," the leader of the Sanūsīs in Fezzan, Muhammad al-ʿAbid , issued an arrest warrant for al-Bārūnī in November 1914. After concrete plans for an attack on Egypt, it was carried out by Ahmad al-Sharif shortly afterwards and al-Bārūnī was arrested in Sallum . In December 1915, according to Rachel Simon, he managed to escape to Turkey on board a German submarine , after the Sanūsīya Brotherhood actually attacked Egypt with the help of Ottoman support. According to Laura Veccia Vaglieri, al-Bārūnī managed to escape from captivity as early as January 1915.

Between late 1915 and early 1916, rumors increased that the Tripolitan was planning an attack on Algeria with an 8,000-strong army. However, this event never occurred.

Return to Tripolitania and foundation of the Tripolitan Republic

After his return to Turkey, the Ottoman Senator al-Bārūnī forged new plans to continue the armed struggle against the Italian forces in Libya. For this purpose, Sultan Mehmed V appointed him governor ( Vali ) of Tripolitania and commander in chief of the Ottoman troops on site. Nominally, he also carried the title of Ottoman governor of the French-occupied Algeria and Tunisia. On October 8, 1916, al-Bārūnī arrived on board a German submarine on the Libyan coast.

When the Sanūsīs began negotiations with Great Britain and Italy at the end of 1916 and withdrew from the war, only al-Bārūnī and Ramadān as-Suwayhlī remained as central actors of the Ottomans in Libya.

While the Ottoman military from then on only exercised effective control in Tripolitania and could not militarily benefit from the weak phase of the Italians, al-Bārūnī's troops suffered a severe defeat in western Tripolitania on January 17, 1917, which led to its end That same month was replaced by Nuri Pasha as high commander.

After the position of the Ottoman local forces improved again in mid-1917, there was a power struggle between Nuri Pasha and Sulaymān al-Bārūnī, who was accused of misappropriating funds. This culminated in al-Bārūnīs going it alone from late 1917 and Nuri Pasha's withdrawal from Libya in January 1918. There was also a rift with his successor Ishaq Pascha .

After the surrender of the Ottoman Empire and the end of World War I in November 1918, the Tripolitan Republic was proclaimed on November 16, 1918 on the initiative of local rulers, including Sulaymān al-Bārūnī . It thus formed the first republic in an Arab country. The founding of the state was supported by backward Ottoman officials as well as the Egyptian king Fu'ad I and his compatriot Abdel Rahman Azzam . Al-ʿAzīzīya was chosen as the capital . Owing to the fact that the sheikhs and tribal leaders present could not agree on a head of state, the Council of Four , consisting of Ramadān as-Suwayhlī (representative of East Tripolitania), Sulaymān al-Bārūnī ( Jabal Gharbi ), Ahmad al-Murayyid (Central Tripolitania ) and ʿAbd an-Nabī Bilchayr (Eastern hinterland). The council of four was subject to a consultative body ( Maǧlis aš-Sūrā ) with 24 members and a council of ʿUlamā ' . At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 , the founding of the Tripolitan Republic hardly met with approval. In April 1919, however, negotiations between the Italians and representatives of the republic began.

On June 1, 1919, the Italian Parliament passed the Legge Fodamentale, a Tripolitan Statute, which provided for a special Libyan-Italian citizenship, a local parliament and largely autonomy under an Italian governor for the Tripolitan Republic. The Legge Fondamentale was extended to the Cyrenaica in October 1919, but found no practical application in either area. JE Peterson and Klaus Landfried rate this as a de facto recognition of the independence of the new state by Italy. As a result, the young Tripolitan state split into two groups. While one group pushed for further negotiations with Italy and for full independence of the republic to be achieved, another group, including al-Bārūnī, accepted the Legge Fondamentale with the aim of achieving autonomy under Italian rule.

In the middle of 1920 fighting broke out between the supporters of Bilchayr and those of as-Suwayhlī. The Sanūsīya Brotherhood, which controlled Cyrenaica , accepted the Legge Fondamentale contractually on October 25, 1920. These circumstances led to the meeting of the Tripolitan politicians and notables for the Gharyan Conference in November 1920. There, the establishment of an Arab emirate in Tripolitania and the appointment of a spiritual head of state discussed. A union of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica did not find a majority, just as little as a head of state could be agreed upon. Al-Bārūnī, still in the hope of establishing a Berber emirate, refused to participate in the conference and was consequently politically disempowered, whereby he also lost support within the Berber minority.

The government of the Tripolitan Republic was henceforth provided by a newly formed fourteen-member reform committee, led by Ahmad al-Murayyid.

Due to the profound split, a civil war broke out under the new government in Tripolitania in early 1921. Al-Bārūnī and the Ibadi-Berber forces were described as traitors and heretics and were pushed back to the coast in the border area with Tunisia until July 1921.

Exile in Tunisia and arrest in France

After the election of Idrīs as-Sanūsī to the Emir of Tripolitania and the Cyrenaica in late 1921, al-Bārūnī was exiled on December 22, 1921 and went to Tunisia. As a result of the fascists' seizure of power in Italy and an aggressive crackdown on Libyan independence movements, the Tripolitan Republic collapsed between late 1922 and early 1923. The last areas of Tripolitania were conquered in 1924. At no time did the republic obtain full recognition of its independence by Italy.

In 1922 in Tunisian exile and later in Istanbul and Ankara , al-Bārūnī acted as a mediator between the Turkish national movement and the Mozabites , represented by İsmet İnönü and Sālih ibn Yahyā . The aim was to work for an independent state in the M'zab Valley at the Conference of Lausanne 1922/1923 , at which al-Bārūnī was present as a Turkish delegate. In December 1922 he tried to get back to Tripoli via Lausanne and Naples , but the Italian authorities refused to do so. After a subsequent visit to France , al-Bārūnī was prevented from leaving and spent over a year in Marseille and Paris . Ibrāhīm Abū l-Yaqzān, who at this time acted as his mouthpiece in the Arab world and sent reports from al-Bārūnīs to Arab newspapers, tried unsuccessfully to obtain a residence permit for Tunisia. The request to travel to Algeria or to British-Muslim branches was also not granted. He was only allowed to leave France in June 1924 when the Grand Sherif of Mecca Hussein ibn Ali invited him to the Hajj .

Pilgrimage and stay in Oman

After arriving in Mecca in August 1924, he was elected to the preparatory committee for the second Hajj Congress to elect an Islamic caliph . In the same month he traveled to Muscat with Omani pilgrims and at the invitation of Sultan Taimur ibn Faisal . There he accepted a post as an advisor at the Sultan's court and quickly fell ill with malaria . He was refused medical treatment in Karachi by the British authorities. Instead, at the invitation of Imam Muhammad ibn ʿAbdullāh al-Chalīlī, al-Bārūnī went to the de facto independent Imamate Oman in the interior, which had split off from the rest of the Sultanate and was beyond the control of the Sultan.

In August 1925 he undertook an extensive tour through the Omani heartland and visited the cities of Ibra , Izki and al-Qabil , before he met Imam al-Ḫalīlī in Nizwa in September of the same year and was allowed to give the Friday sermon there at the University of Nizwa. After further trips via Suma'il , Rustaq to al-Hamra and participation in a scholars' conference in Bahla , which lasted until October 28, 1925, al-Bārūnī had achieved a prominent position among the Omani scholars and was in added the ranks of the Ibaditic ʿUlamā '. He was also active as a writer and poet. According to Pessah Shinar and JE Peterson, al-Bārūnī also mediated between Abd al-Aziz ibn Saud and the Hashimites in 1925 . Imam al-Ḫalīlī delegated him to the Islamic General Congress for the Caliphate in 1926 in Egypt, but did not receive an entry visa.

In 1927 Sulaymān al-Bārūnī was finally appointed to the newly formed Council of Ministers and appointed Prime Minister of the Imamate of Oman, where he was specifically responsible for state finances. Al-Bārūnī's extensive reform efforts met with fierce resistance from the conservative elite. Perceived as overzealous, linked with allegations of violating religious principles, and again suffering from malaria, al-Bārūnī resigned the post of prime minister after only a year and returned to Muscat in 1928.

Stay in Baghdad

Since al-Bārūnī and his family in Oman found it difficult to get over their malaria diseases, he accepted the invitation of King Faisal I to the Iraqi court in Baghdad in 1929 , where he and al-Bārūnī's son Ibrāhīm got a job.

During his stay in Iraq, al-Bārūnī was in contact with numerous Arab politicians and personalities. He entertained the possibility relations with the Libyan politician Bashir as-Sa'dawi (1884-1957) and from him in Damascus founded al-Laǧna at-Tanfīḏīya li-l-Ǧālīyāt aṭ-Ṭarābulusīya al-Barqāwīya (dt .: the tripolitanisch cyernaikischen Executive Committee Municipalities ). During this time he wrote for many Arabic-language magazines, including for Raschīd Ridās al-Manār , Abū Ishāq Ibrāhīm Atfayyaschs al-Minhāǧ and Muhibb ad-Dīn al-Chatībs al-Fatḥ , focusing primarily on political subjects such as the Resistance to colonialism in Libya, expressed.

He also wrote articles on behalf of Prince Idrīs as-Sanūsī . After a conference in Damascus in September 1937 on the topic of the Arab Association, a dispute broke out between its organizer, the Druze Prince Shakīb Arslān , and Sulaymān al-Bārūnī. The reason for this was that the Maghreb region had not been included in Arslān's plans for Arab unification, to the displeasure of Libyan and other pro-Arab activists from North Africa. The dispute, led by public letters, lasted for more than a year and culminated in a reprimanding of al-Bārūnī by the Syrian diplomat ʿUmar Bahāʾ ad-Dīn al-Amīrī , president of the Dār al-Arqām association , who put him at the risk of a diplomatic incident pointed out.

Al-Bārūnī is also said to have been enrolled in 1934 to study law at the University of Baghdad.

Return to Oman and old age

The al-Bārūnī family stayed in Iraq until 1938, when they returned to Muscat at the invitation of the new sultan Said ibn Taimur . In the same year, al-Bārūnī was appointed Minister of the Interior there, but was replaced by Ahmad ibn Ibrāhīm Bu-Saʿīd the following year. According to various sources, al-Bārūnī's role in the Omani Sultanate was then limited to that of an adviser. After the start of World War II, in September 1939, al-Bārūnī turned to France and offered his help for military actions against the Italians. He asked for an entry permit to Tunisia. At the end of April 1940 he set off on a trip to India with the Omani sultan. On April 30th, according to other sources on May 1st, Sulaymān al-Bārūnī died of a heart attack in Mumbai. Six weeks after his death, his family in Muscat received a telegram from the French authorities demanding that al-Bārūnī be present immediately in Algiers to plan subversive activities in Libya.

The British India Office kept a 420-page book on al-Bārūnī and his activities, including numerous intercepted correspondence and intelligence records.

Think

Political positions

Both Amal N. Ghazal and JE Peterson divide al-Bārūnī's religious-political mindset into two phases.

In the period before the First World War , al-Bārūnī was ideologically to be attributed primarily to Pan-Islamism and, in particular, to Panosmanism . Al-Bārūnī was one of those who “believed in Muslim nationalism within the Ottoman framework”. In this regard, the Tripolitan state proclaimed in 1912 was largely based on the Ottoman administrative structure, in which typical titles such as Kaymakam or Müdür were awarded for them. During the First World War in particular, al-Bārūnī had the opportunity to become loyal to the Ottoman Empire and to reject European nations at the same time.

JE Peterson regards the time at the beginning of the 20th century as an evolutionary process of the emergence of modern, political thought in the Arab world, in which there was still no clear response from the Arab population to the confrontation with European culture and politics. As a result, in addition to the pan-Islamism that dominated at the end of the 19th century, the pan- Arab current also developed. Al-Bārūnī's work in Tripolitania in the 1910s and 1920s took place in an intermediate period in which pan-Islamism and pan-Arabism could not yet be clearly distinguished from one another. Pan-Islamism, to which al-Bārūnī was to be assigned at the time, also took up secular arguments of Arab nationalism and used the Islamic religion as legitimation for this. Above all, the Young Turks , with whom al-Bārūnī were in close contact, associated the ideology of nationalism more with a geographical delimitation of the area of ​​the Ottoman Empire than the Islamic concept of Dār al-Islam . While a gradual separation of pan-Arabism and pan-Islamism took place in Mashreb in the course of the First World War, especially as a result of the Arab revolt , in the Maghreb they were inseparably linked well into the 20th century. Rather, both the reference to the Islamic religion and to nationalism would have served as an argument for loyalty to the Ottoman Empire and the fight against Christian colonialism . Al-Bārūnī's biography is emblematic of this, according to Peterson.

In a second phase, after the end of the First World War and the fall of the Ottoman Empire, al-Bārūnī increasingly appeared as a representative of Arab nationalism. JE Peterson, in his role as leader of the resistance against the Italians, even describes him as a “prototype of an Arab nationalist”, who ultimately was denied his reputation as a Pan-Arabist due to his exile and later isolated life in Oman . Rather, this given political stance was also an instrument of al-Bārūnī for his success as a Berber Ibadit , both in the unification of the Arab-dominated Tripolitania and the resistance against the colonial powers as well as in the discourse of the all-Arab network.

Peterson compares al-Bārūnīs ideological change here above all with the biographies of Raschīd Ridā and Aziz Ali al-Misri . Both were initially representatives of pan-Islamism and advocates of unity within the Ottoman Empire, but after its fall they pleaded for strong Arab nation states. This ideological conviction ultimately led al-Bārūnī and Ridā to take up politics. Al-Bārūnī was basically a political idealist, but was by no means ideologically arrested, but also pursued realpolitik and acted strategically as a military leader. One example is his entry into negotiations with the Italian invaders after they passed the Legge Fondamentale for Tripolitania in June 1919, which promised the local population Libya's autonomy . Al-Bārūnī's efforts here, however, were more aimed at achieving an autonomous status for his Ibadi-Berber home province, for whose independence he campaigned at the turn of the century and during his stay in Cairo. Peterson justifies this approach with al-Bārūnī's upbringing and the traditional, defensive, inward-looking attitude of the Ibadis. Laura Veccia Vaglieri even describes the establishment of an independent or at least autonomous Berber emirate as al-Bārūnī's “ultimate goal”, although the term “Berber nationalist” appears justified for him.

Similar to Raschīd Ridā, al-Bārūnī's main focus at the end of his life was no longer on the political implementation of his convictions, but much more on the writing and conveying of religious and philosophical texts, which is why Peterson calls both basically "men often he pen".

Religious positions

With regard to al-Bārūnī's religious views, he said, although he grew up in a strictly conservative, Ibadi environment, he had already sympathized with the reform ideas of the Islamic movement at a young age . Ghazal sees the reasons for this primarily in the literary Nahda movement in the Arab world that emerged at the end of the 19th century , with which al-Bārūnī came into contact, especially during his study visit to Cairo. The University of Ez-Zitouna in Tunis was also the center of reform thought at the time. Amal N. Ghazal describes al-Bārūnī's path in life as emblematic of the change in the Islamic-intellectual sphere at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, whereby the burgeoning reform Salafism brought young religious scholars, mostly from conservative circles, through correspondence a large network, free of ethnic and denominational differences. The rejection of Sufism and colonization by European powers were crucial in common. Al-Bārūnī was an advocate of a non-denominational unification of Muslims as well as the dissolution of the various Islamic schools of law ( madāhib ) and had, among other things, good connections to thought leaders such as Muhibb ad-Dīn al-Chatīb , for whose newspapers he wrote articles.

Al-Bārūnī's reform ideas met with rejection from the religious scholars there, especially in Oman, and his ideas and plans for the modernization of the South Arabian state were described as “Christian innovation” ( bidʿa ).

Pessah Shinar sees in al-Bārūnī's work the attempt to provide the Ibadi denomination with a role in the transnational Muslim movements and to implement this in the international Islamic network. The overarching goal was resistance to Western imperialism , for which al-Bārūnī also tried to restore unity on the Arabian Peninsula. Similar to Abū Ishāq Ibrāhīm Atfayyasch , al-Bārūnī's ideological standpoint was a combination of Arab-Muslim nationalism, modern Ibadism, Salafism and the Islamic renaissance ( nahda ).

Works (selection)

As a writer

  • al-Azhār al-Riyāḍīya fī Aʾimma wa-Mulūk al-Ibāḍīya . Volume I. Cairo: Maṭbaʿat al-Azhār al-Bārūnīya. 1907/08.
  • Dīwān al-Bārūnī . Cairo: Maṭbaʿat al-Azhār al-Bārūnīya. 1908.

As a publisher

  • Tandammīrtī, Abū ʿUthmān ʿUmar: al-Qalāʾid ad-Durrīya . Cairo: Maṭbaʿat al-Azhār al-Bārūnīya. 1906.
  • Hadramī, Abū Ishāq Ibrāhīm: Dīwān al-Sayf al-Naqqād . Cairo: Maṭbaʿat al-Azhār al-Bārūnīya. 1906/07.
  • Atfayyasch, Muhammad ibn Yūsuf: Wafāʾ al-Ḍamāna . Volume II and III. Cairo: Maṭbaʿat al-Azhār al-Bārūnīya. 1907-1909.
  • Sālimī, ʿAbd Alāh ibn Humayyid: Ḥāšiya ʿalā l-Ǧāmiʿ aṣ-Ṣaḥīḥ . Volumes I and II. Cairo: Maṭbaʿat al-Azhār al-Bārūnīya. 1908.

literature

  • Sulaymān al-Bārūnī and Muḥammad ʿAlī aṣ-Ṣulaybī: al-Azhār al-Riyāḍīya fī Aʾimma wa-Mulūk al-Ibāḍīya . Volume I. London: Dār al-Ḥikma. ⁴2005. 4th, revised and expanded edition. Preface: Muḥammad ʿAlī aṣ-Ṣulaybī.
  • Ibrahim Abu l-Yaqzan : Sulaymān al-Bārūnī Bāšā fī Aṭwār ḥayātihi . Algiers: al-Maṭbaʿa al-ʿArabīya. 1957.
  • Rachel Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism. The Ottoman involvement in Libya during the War with Italy (1911-1919) . Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag. 1987.
  • JE Peterson: "Arab Nationalism and the Idealist Politician: The Career of Sulayman al-Baruni". In: James Piscatori and George S. Harris (eds.): Law, Personalities, and Politics of The Middle East: Essays in Honor of Majid Khadduri . Boulder, Colorado: Westview. 1987. Festschrift on Majid Khadduri . Pp. 124-140.
  • Amal N. Ghazal: "An Ottoman Pasha and the End of Empire. Sulayman al-Baruni and the Networks of Islamic Reform". In: James L. Gelvin and Nile Green (eds.): Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . Berkeley: University of California Press. 2014. pp. 25–39.
  • Amal N. Ghazal: "Counter-currents: Mzabi independence, pan-Ottomanism and WWI in the Maghrib". In: Andrew Patrick and Valerie Deacon (eds.): First World War Studies . Volume 7, No. 1. London: Routledge. 2016. pp. 81-96.
  • Amal N. Ghazal: "The Other Frontiers of Arab Nationalism. Ibadis, Berbers and the Arabist-Salafi Press in the Interwar Period". In: Beth Baron (ed.): International Journal of Middle East Studies . Volume 42, No. 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2010. pp. 105-122.
  • Anna Baldinetti: "Italian colonial rule and muslim elites in Libya: A relationship of antagonism and collaboration". In: Meir Hatina (ed.): Guardians of Faith in Modern Times: ʿUlamaʾ in the Middle East . From the series: Social, Economic and Political Studies of the Middle East and Asia. Volume 105. Leiden: Brill. 2009. pp. 91-109.
  • Arwīʿī Muḥammad ʿAlī Qanāwī: "Sulaymān Bāšā al-Bārūnī wa-Nišāṭuhu s-Siyāsī fī l-Muhaǧǧar". In: Maǧallat al-Buḥūṯ at-Tārīḫīya . Volume 35, No. 1. Tripoli: Markaz al-Lībī li-l-Maḥfūẓāt wa-d-Dirāsāt at-Tārīḫīya bi-Ṭarābulus. January 2013.

Individual evidence

  1. a b c d e f Baldinetti in Guardians of Faith in Modern Times . 2009. p. 96.
  2. ^ Abu l-Yaqzan: Sulaymān al-Bārūnī Bāšā fī Aṭwār ḥayātihi . 1957. pp. 9f.
  3. a b c d e as-Sulaybī in al-Azhār al-Riyāḍīya fī Aʾimma wa-Mulūk al-Ibāḍīya . 2005. p. 10.
  4. a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Laura Veccia Vaglieri : al-Bārūnī, Sulaymān . In: The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition . Volume IS 1070f.
  5. a b c d e f g Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 128.
  6. ^ A b Martin H. Custers: Al-Ibāḍiyya - a bibliography . Volume 2: Ibāḍīs of the Maghrib (incl. Egypt) . Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag. ²2016. 2nd, revised and expanded edition. P. 105.
  7. a b c d e f g Ghazal in International Journal of Middle East Studies . 2010. p. 116.
  8. ^ A b Ronald Bruce St. John: Historical Dictionary of Libya . Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. ⁵2014. 5th, revised edition. P. 38.
  9. a b c d e f BÂRÛNÎ, Süleyman Paşa In: Türkiye Diyânet Vakfı İslâm Ansiklopedisi . Author unknown . Istanbul: Diyanet Vakfı Publishing House. 1992. Volume VS 92.
  10. a b c d Ḫair ad-Dīn az-Ziriklī : al-Aʿlām . Volume 3. 15th edition. Beirut: Dār al-ʻilm lil-malāyīn. 2002, p. 129.
  11. a b c Martin H. Custers: Al-Ibāḍiyya - a bibliography . Volume 2: Ibāḍīs of the Maghrib (incl. Egypt) . Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag. ²2016. 2nd, revised and expanded edition. P. 124ff.
  12. Katrina Anderson Yeaw: Women, Resistance and the Creation of New Gendered Frontiers in the Making of Modern Libya, 1890-1980 . Washington, DC: Georgetown University. 2018. Dissertation. P. 288.
  13. ^ A b Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 127.
  14. a b Bernard Nantet: Le Sahara. Histoire, Guerres et Conquêtes . Paris: Tallandier. 2013. p. 224.
  15. ^ A b Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. p. 45.
  16. ^ Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. p. 46.
  17. a b c Martin H. Custers: Al-Ibāḍiyya - a bibliography . Volume 2: Ibāḍīs of the Maghrib (incl. Egypt) . Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag. ²2016. 2nd, revised and expanded edition. P. 123.
  18. ^ A b c Ghazal in First World War Studies . 2016. p. 84
  19. ^ A b Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. p. 47.
  20. a b c d Muḥammad Šaʿbān Ṣawān: Min siǧillāt al-buṭūlāt al-lībīya fī āḫir ayyām al-ḫilāfa al-ʿuṯmānīya. Al-muʿallim al-muqātil Sulaymān al-Bārūnī (1870-1940). In: "Tipyan". December 9, 2015, accessed June 19, 2020 .
  21. aṣ-Ṣulaybī in al-Azhār al-Riyāḍīya fī Aʾimma wa-Mulūk al-Ibāḍīya . 2005. p. 10f.
  22. a b Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. p. 42.
  23. a b c aṣ-Ṣulaybī in al-Azhār al-Riyāḍīya fī Aʾimma wa-Mulūk al-Ibāḍīya . 2005. p. 11.
  24. Katrina Anderson Yeaw: Women, Resistance and the Creation of New Gendered Frontiers in the Making of Modern Libya, 1890-1980 . Washington, DC: Georgetown University. 2018. Dissertation. P. 13ff.
  25. a b Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. p. 190.
  26. a b Jamil M. Abu-Nasr: A history of the Maghrib in the Islamic period . London: Cambridge University Press. ³1987. 3rd, revised edition. P. 320f.
  27. ^ A b Ghazal in First World War Studies . 2016. p. 85.
  28. a b Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. pp. 188ff.
  29. ʿAbd al-Baqī Miftaḥ: Adwāʾ ʿalā aš-šayḫ ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Ǧilānī wa-ntišār ṭarīqatuhu . Beirut: Dar al-Kotob al-Ilmiyah. 2014. pp. 304f.
  30. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. p. 191.
  31. Katrina Anderson Yeaw: Women, Resistance and the Creation of New Gendered Frontiers in the Making of Modern Libya, 1890-1980 . Washington, DC: Georgetown University. 2018. Dissertation. P. 14f.
  32. ^ A b Ronald Bruce St. John: Historical Dictionary of Libya . Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. ⁵2014. 5th, revised edition. P. 32f.
  33. ^ A b c d John Wright: A History of Libya . London: Hurst & Company. 2012. p. 114f.
  34. Baldinetti in Guardians of Faith in Modern Times . 2009. p. 98.
  35. a b c d Anna Baldinetti: The Origins of the Libyan Nation. Colonial Legacy, Exile and the Emergence of a New Nation-State . London: Routledge. 2014. p. 57.
  36. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. p. 206.
  37. ^ Jamil M. Abu-Nasr: A history of the Maghrib in the Islamic period . London: Cambridge University Press. ³1987. 3rd, revised edition. P. 322.
  38. Abu l-Yaqzan: Sulaymān al-Bārūnī Bāšā fī Aṭwār ḥayātihi . 1957. p. 100ff.
  39. a b c d Pessah Shinar: Modern Islam in the Maghrib . Jerusalem: The Hebrew University Jerusalem. 2004, p. 114.
  40. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. pp. 200ff.
  41. ^ A b c Katrina Anderson Yeaw: Women, Resistance and the Creation of New Gendered Frontiers in the Making of Modern Libya, 1890-1980 . Washington, DC: Georgetown University. 2018. Dissertation. P. 16.
  42. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. p. 201.
  43. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. p. 202.
  44. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. pp. 207f.
  45. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. pp. 205ff.
  46. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. p. 210.
  47. Ronald Bruce St. John: Historical Dictionary of Libya . Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. ⁵2014. 5th, revised edition. P. 32.
  48. a b Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. pp. 211f.
  49. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. p. 219.
  50. a b Baldinetti in Guardians of Faith in Modern Times . 2009. pp. 97f.
  51. Anna Baldinetti: The Origins of the Libyan nation. Colonial Legacy, Exile and the Emergence of a New Nation-State . London: Routledge. 2014. p. 164.
  52. Anna Baldinetti: The Origins of the Libyan nation. Colonial Legacy, Exile and the Emergence of a New Nation-State . London: Routledge. 2014. p. 58.
  53. ^ Ghazal in First World War Studies . 2016. p. 85f.
  54. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. p. 211.
  55. ^ Ghazal in First World War Studies . 2016. p. 86f.
  56. ^ A b c Ghazal in First World War Studies . 2016. p. 87ff.
  57. ^ A b Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. p. 48.
  58. a b Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. pp. 155ff.
  59. ^ Ghazal in First World War Studies . 2016. p. 88.
  60. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. pp. 170 and 229.
  61. ^ A b c Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 129.
  62. Baldinetti in Guardians of Faith in Modern Times . 2009. p. 99.
  63. Ronald Bruce St. John: Historical Dictionary of Libya . Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. ⁵2014. 5th, revised edition. P. 271.
  64. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. p. 171.
  65. Simon: Libya between Ottomanism and nationalism . 1987. pp. 171 and 173ff.
  66. a b Baldinetti in Guardians of Faith in Modern Times . 2009. p. 102.
  67. a b Jamil M. Abu-Nasr: A history of the Maghrib in the Islamic period . London: Cambridge University Press. ³1987. 3rd, revised edition. P. 395.
  68. a b Katrina Anderson Yeaw: Women, Resistance and the Creation of New Gendered Frontiers in the Making of Modern Libya, 1890-1980 . Washington, DC: Georgetown University. 2018. Dissertation. P. 17.
  69. Bernard Lewis : Ḏj̲umhūriyya . In: The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New Edition . Volume 2. p. 594.
  70. Baldinetti in Guardians of Faith in Modern Times . 2009. pp. 102f.
  71. ^ A b Ali Abdullatif Ahmida: Forgotten Voices. Power and Agency in Colonial and Postcolonial Libya . London: Routledge. 2005, p. 75.
  72. ^ A b c Ronald Bruce St. John: Historical Dictionary of Libya . Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. ⁵2014. 5th, revised edition. P. 285f.
  73. ^ A b Ronald Bruce St. John: Libya. Continuity and Change . London: Routledge. ²2015. 2nd, revised edition. P. 24.
  74. ^ A b c d Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 130.
  75. ^ A b Klaus Landfried and Abdelgadir A. Abdel Ghaffar: "Libya". In: Rudolf Macuch et al. (Ed.): The election of parliaments and other state organs. Africa: Political Organization and Representation in Africa . Volume 2, half volume 1. Berlin: De Gruyter. 1978. p. 1128.
  76. a b Baldinetti in Guardians of Faith in Modern Times . 2009. p. 103.
  77. ^ A b Ronald Bruce St. John: Historical Dictionary of Libya . Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. ⁵2014. 5th, revised edition. P. 286.
  78. Ronald Bruce St. John: Libya. Continuity and Change . London: Routledge. ²2015. 2nd, revised edition. P. 25f.
  79. Ronald Bruce St. John: Historical Dictionary of Libya . Lanham, Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield. ⁵2014. 5th, revised edition. P. 39.
  80. Ronald Bruce St. John: Libya. Continuity and Change . London: Routledge. ²2015. 2nd, revised edition. P. 26.
  81. Klaus Country Fried and Abdelgadir A. Abdel Ghaffar: "Libya". In: Rudolf Macuch et al. (Ed.): The election of parliaments and other state organs. Africa: Political Organization and Representation in Africa . Volume 2, half volume 1. Berlin: De Gruyter. 1978. p. 1129.
  82. ^ Ghazal in First World War Studies . 2016. p. 91.
  83. ^ India Office : "B / 1 Visitors Suspects & Undesirables Suleman Al Baruni Al Nafusi & His Relatives Jan 1923 - June". In: India Office Records and Private Papers . '15 / 3 Vol. 1, No. 15. 1940. S. 5. ( Archived at the Qatar National Library )
  84. ^ Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. p. 49f.
  85. a b c Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. p. 50f.
  86. ^ A b c Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 131.
  87. Uzi Rabi: "The Ibadhi Imamate of Muhammad bin 'Abdallah al-Khalili (1920-54). The Last Chapter of a Lost and Forgotten Legacy". In: Sylvia Kedourie (ed.): Middle Eastern Studies . Volume 44, No. 2. London: Routledge. 2008 pp. 169-188.
  88. aṣ-Ṣulaybī in al-Azhār al-Riyāḍīya fī Aʾimma wa-Mulūk al-Ibāḍīya . 2005. p. 12f.
  89. aṣ-Ṣulaybī in al-Azhār al-Riyāḍīya fī Aʾimma wa-Mulūk al-Ibāḍīya . 2005. p. 15ff.
  90. ^ A b c Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 132.
  91. On the Islamic General Congress 1926 see: Martin Kramer: Islam Assembled . New York: Columbia University Press. 1986. pp. 85-105.
  92. a b J.E. Peterson: Oman in the Twentieth Century. Political Foundations of an Emerging State . London: Routledge, ²2016. 2nd, revised edition. P. 102f.
  93. ^ A b Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. p. 51f.
  94. a b c Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. p. 54.
  95. Qanāwī in Maǧallat al-Buḥūṯ at-Tārīḫīya . 2013. p. 16.
  96. Qanāwī in Maǧallat al-Buḥūṯ at-Tārīḫīya . 2013. p. 17f.
  97. Qanāwī in Maǧallat al-Buḥūṯ at-Tārīḫīya . 2013. p. 18f.
  98. Calvin H. Allen Jr. and W. Lynn Rigsbee II: Oman under Qaboos. From Coup to Constitution 1970-1996 . London: Routledge. 2000. p. 5.
  99. ^ Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. p. 53.
  100. ^ Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 134.
  101. ^ A b Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 135.
  102. ^ India Office : "B / 1 Visitors Suspects & Undesirables Suleman Al Baruni Al Nafusi & His Relatives Jan 1923 - June". In: India Office Records and Private Papers . '15 / 3 Vol. 1, No. 15. 1940. ( Archived at the Qatar National Library )
  103. ^ Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. p. 40f.
  104. ^ Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987, p. 137.
  105. ^ Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 124ff.
  106. ^ Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. pp. 40 and 52.
  107. ^ A b Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 126ff.
  108. ^ Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 136.
  109. ^ Peterson in Law, Personalities and Politics of The Middle East . 1987. p. 138
  110. ^ Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. p. 44f.
  111. ^ Ghazal in Global Muslims in the Age of Steam and Print . 2014. pp. 48 and 51.
  112. a b Pessah Shinar: Modern Islam in the Maghrib . Jerusalem: The Hebrew University Jerusalem. 2004. p. 113ff.