Hep-Hep riots

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Johann Michael Voltz : Hep-Hep riots in Frankfurt am Main, 1819

The Hep-Hep riots or Hepp-Hepp riots of 1819 were a wave of violent riots against Jews in many cities of the German Confederation , which began in the city of Würzburg and later also in Prague , Graz , Vienna , Amsterdam , Copenhagen , Helsinki , Krakow and smaller places in Congress Polandassault. They started out from craftsmen, traders and students, who sometimes spontaneously, sometimes arranged to meet up, gathered for anti-Jewish demonstrations, insulted, threatened and abused Jewish citizens, attacked their synagogues , shops and apartments and sometimes destroyed them.

The attacks spread nationwide and lasted for months. They were directed against Jewish emancipation , which had also reached some German areas since the French Revolution in 1789. As a result, Jews had become equal competitors to Christians, many of whom were formerly privileged members of the guild .

The unrest is therefore seen as the result and offshoot of Christian anti-Judaism , but also as the beginning of anti-Semitism in the 19th century, still without racist motives. They showed the susceptibility of parts of the population to new forms of hatred of Jews.

term

The riots got their name from the repeated hate cries "Hep" or "Hepp" with which those involved rallied and threatened Jews in their city. Its origin is unclear; it was interpreted in various ways as early as 1819, mostly as an abbreviation or a request.

A “proclamation” published in Danzig accused all Jews of the crusade as “ Christ murderers ” and ended with the following sentences:

“… We still have power over them and the power is in our hands, so let us now carry out the judgment we have made to them according to what they cried: His blood be upon us and our children! On! He who is baptized is concerned with the most sacred cause, fears nothing and does not hesitate for an hour to dare to fight for the honor of faith. These Jews who live among us here, who spread among us like devouring locusts, and who threaten to overthrow all of Prussian Christianity, are the children of those who screamed: creepy, creepy ones. Now for revenge ! Our battle cry be Hepp! Hepp! Hepp! All Jews, death and destruction, you must flee or die! "

Because of this context, contemporary witnesses such as Rahel Varnhagen and the German-Jewish historian Heinrich Graetz interpreted H. E. P. as an abbreviation of a medieval crusader slogan : H ierosolyma e st p erdita ("Jerusalem is lost"). The anti-Semitism researchers Werner Bergmann and Rainer Erb consider this interpretation to be unlikely, since the crusader slogan was correctly "Hierosolyma sunt perdita", its tradition in craft circles is not attested and they have hardly known and used Latin . Lion Feuchtwanger describes the origin of the term in his work The Jewish War , in which the downfall of Jerusalem and the Temple by the Romans is described - according to sources of the Jewish-Roman historian Josephus Flavius . According to this, the Romans had already used the term as a call to victory after the destruction with the simultaneous minting of the coin “Iudaea capta”, according to the sentence “Hierosolyma est perdita”. Newspaper reports at the time also declared Hep to be a variant of Heb , which should abbreviate Hebrews . Philologists and ethnologists around 1900 traced the acronym back to a Hebrew or Chaldean stem that meant enemy or adversary . Others explained it as a combination of the first letters of three great historical enemies of Jews: Haman , Esau , Pharaoh .

The German dictionary of the Brothers Grimm from 1877 explained Hep on the one hand as a call to draft animals to raise their feet, on the other hand as a call for goats in Franconia . Jewish men were often pulled by their pointed beards during the attacks. Hepp is also generally an invitation to animals to run away (get away , run away! ) Or to jump, e.g. B. in dressage and performances in the circus . In the Odenwald , dancers shouted a rhythmic hepp during the "Judenpolka" .

Rainer Wirtz , Detlev Claussen and Stefan Rohrbacher therefore suspected that, at least during the southern German riots, the goat or animal call had been transferred to Jews.

Wurzburg

The riots began on August 2, 1819 in Würzburg . The conditions in which the hatred of Jews there arose serve as an example of the general background to the unrest.

backgrounds

In 1643, Bishop Johann Philipp von Schönborn expelled all Würzburg Jews and forbade them to settle there. In 1802, the rule of the Catholic bishops over the city, which lasted almost a thousand years, ended . In 1803, the advice of the family of the banker Moses Hirsch, the first Jews to allow resettlement. In 1813 the Bavarian king granted the legal equality of the Jews with the Bavarian Jewish edict . A year later, Würzburg fell to Bavaria and thus lost its status as a self-governing principality and provincial capital. In 1816, the Bavarian Jewish edict came into force here as well. By 1819 the new Jewish community of Würzburg had grown to around 400 people.

Many long-established Christian Würzburgers viewed these developments with deep suspicion and made a connection between the decline of medieval church rule and the rise of the Jews. They told the new fellow citizens to stand up for social issues of the citizens. Their fortunes were traditionally considered to have been acquired through usury and deceit, not through their own hard work. Hirsch, who carried out his business on behalf of the Bavarian State Crown to finance it, was a particularly attractive figure: he had bought the Ebracher Hof in 1803, until then the residence of the abbots of the Ebrach monastery . His eldest son Jakob Hirsch , who founded a private bank in the Ebracher Hof, bought jewels at auctions in the same year that came from former church equipment. This was considered a sacrilege to pious Catholics. An anti-Jewish pamphlet from 1813 claimed that Jews disguised themselves as bishops at the auctions in order to mock Christians.

Jews were often seen as beneficiaries of the secularization of church property at the time , which were considered desecrated when sold to them. It was feared - contrary to the facts, as there is evidence that many non-profit, non-denominational foundations were initiated by Jews - that they would withdraw their money from the trade and only support needy fellow Jews. They were seen as beneficiaries and often masterminds of Napoleon's rule . In addition, there was a general hunger and economic crisis in 1816 and 1817 , which intensified the plight of many Germans and the tendency to make explanations based on conspiracy theory .

In the spring of 1819, the Bavarian assembly of estates discussed a revision of the edict of 1813 , which the king approved at the beginning of August. In the run-up to the event, there was heated debate in the newspapers about the pros and cons of the “bourgeois improvement” of the Jews. Since then, the Hepp rabble arose.

course

On the evening of August 2, 1819, a crowd of students and citizens allegedly expected the popular Würzburg member of the state parliament and Professor Behr to celebrate him for his work against the Jewish edict (However, Behr had spoken out in favor of the Jews in the state parliament, so there was a connection between his return to Würzburg and the beginning of the anti-Jewish riots according to Gehring-Münzel is hardly possible). Professor Sebald Brendel , known as an advocate of the emancipation of the Jews, was also present . This is said to have triggered the outbreaks of violence (the so-called Hep-Hep riots) against the Würzburg Jews that lasted from August 2nd to 4th. Heinrich Graetz described the process as follows:

“Suddenly an old Professor Brendel was noticed who had recently written in favor of the Jews. It was said that they gave him a can full of ducats. When he saw him, the students heard the absurd cry, 'Hep-Hep!', With the rabid addition, 'Jud' perished! [...] Brendel was pursued and had to save himself.
The tumult took advantage of merchants who were envious of bread and were bitter because Jewish competitors were selling coffee a few cruisers cheaper, and some others who had something against an ennobled Jewish capitalist Hirsch. A passionate rage took hold of the population. She broke down the Jewish shops and threw the goods on the street. And when the attacked defended themselves and threw stones, the bitterness rose to frenzy. There was a formal battle of Jews like in the Middle Ages, there were wounds, several people were killed.
About forty citizens took part in this Jewish storm. The military had to be brought in to dampen the bitterness, otherwise the Jews would have been massacred. The next day the citizens demanded that the city authorities leave Würzburg. And she had to submit. About four hundred Jews of all ages left the city with mourning and camped for several days in the villages under tents, facing a bleak future. "

Contemporary government files, newspaper reports and the Würzburg chronicle of the city historian Leo Günther from 1925 supplement and correct this representation in some details. Hundreds of people rioted through downtown Würzburg. The attacks were mainly directed against Jewish business owners. They were beaten and their shops, warehouses and homes were partially destroyed. Window panes were thrown in, shop windows looted, facades demolished, company signs torn down. Royal coats of arms were mostly spared in order to avoid the impression of an anti-subversive riot. Contrary to popular belief, no students from Würzburg University took part in these riots.

Police officers were also attacked the following day. A city ​​policeman who was supposed to protect the house of the banker Hirsch shot dead the anti-Jewish Würzburg businessman Josef Konrad. The unrest then escalated into civil war-like conditions. The citizens now demanded the immediate expulsion of all Jews. Bavarian military was sent to the council to help. A shoemaker shot and killed a guard. Only after three days was the military deployed by the Würzburg district government able to bring the situation under control. By then, almost all Jews had fled the city - not deported - and were hiding in the surrounding area. Those who could not find accommodation had to spend the night in the open air. In Heidingsfeld , too , where many refugees sought protection from the military, two Jewish families were threatened by a soldier on leave.

Most of the Würzburg Jews returned to the city on August 8th. In the following years, however, they continued to be attacked - especially in the summer months - in Würzburg and the surrounding area with demonstrations, stone throwing, isolated attacks on their houses and frequent Hepp-Hepp slogans on their shop fronts. In 1821 rumors of ritual murder were circulated against them. In 1826 a doll dressed as a Jew was hung up. In 1828 there were similar unrest as in 1819 with the exclamation Achhie , the meaning of which is unknown.

In addition to the direct use of force, a threatening letter campaign kept the Jewish citizens in suspense in the months that followed. Anonymous authors who signed as an assembly of the good and just threatened Christian homeowners and landlords with arson and murder of their Jewish tenants in order to force them to move:

“The Jew, as the closest relative of the Bavarian Chamber of Finance, is allowed to pursue his criminal usury with the poor depressed citizen unhindered in the whole kingdom, while the citizen has to pay war tax to a constitutional government in peacetime ... why all this? Answer: Because villains and Jews are siblings who lead the reins of the government ... With fire, dagger and sword we are determined to cleanse ourselves of the Jewish vermin and I would be very sorry if your well-born does not comply with my warning letter, by turning your dwelling into a heap of ashes without being saved. "

In another version it said: "A gathering of more than 3,000 will not fear death in order to cause a general good cause." Hundreds of copies of such letters circulated in the Würzburg coffee houses and were read there to the "greatest applause". When the merchant Samuel Aaron Fränkel received a threatening letter and reported it to the authorities, the city council had two Jewish pawn shops closed as a preventive measure in order to avert the threatened pogrom. On the other hand, he offered a reward for discovering the authors of the letters and threatened innkeepers who disseminated the letters, tolerated anti-Jewish diatribes and did not report them, fines and imprisonment.

In Heidingsfeld there were several fire alarms and fires with unknown causes in October 1819. For fear of threatened arson, some homeowners gave Jewish tenants out of their shops or apartments. Also, after the withdrawal of the military, some villages in the vicinity of Würzburg could not be persuaded to cooperate with the police authorities for fear of acts of revenge and refused entry to Jews. Because commercially used houses were often the sole livelihood of their owners, with the loss of which other commercial rights also ended, which also resulted in decline and impoverishment for the employed journeymen and servants. Therefore, especially in the rural communities, a defense against the influx of Jews was widespread.

In the city, too, all Jews continued to be threatened with murder, often in connection with current political events such as Austria's war against Naples . According to advertisements, city workers also participated:

"It is fortunate for you Jews that the Neapolitans were beaten, otherwise you would all have been beaten to death."

Citizens who were considered “friends of the Jews” were also exposed to frequent threats. After the unrest, four murders were carried out on Professor Brendel and one arson attack on his house. Student leaflets claimed the university had fired him and warned his fiancée not to marry him. The liberal MP Brentano , who is considered the “King of the Jews” , was also threatened. A five-stanza blacksmith popular among students collected all anti-Jewish resentments and called for the expulsion of all Jews in Germany. Verse V read:

Furthermore, the German does not want you,
you have behaved badly,
you do no civic duty,
do not help us to carry any burden,
you show neither honor nor courage, you
like to buy the stolen goods,
so the people's voice shouts loudly: Away
with the Jew - cut away!

The unrest of 1819 and 1828 remained a topic of conversation in the Würzburg area for decades and was remembered by the Heidingsfeld Jewish community with an annual fast.

Spread

Trending press reports made the Würzburg riots known throughout Germany and seemed like a call for imitation. Between August 9 and 15, 1819, tumults and attacks on the Jews followed in Bamberg , Bayreuth (August 12), Regensburg , Pottenstein , Hollfeld , Ebermannstadt and many other Upper Franconian towns. Their police often intervened late and did not protect those affected sufficiently, so that they turned to the state government directly with petitions. This made the communities collectively liable for any damage and costs for necessary soldiers' quarters in order to enforce their protection for the Jews. In Franconia, she made this publicly known in all places.

Nevertheless, from August 15, the wave of anti-Jewish outrage spread to Hesse , the Upper Palatinate , Baden and the Rhineland . In Karlsruhe (August 16/17), Mannheim , Heidelberg and their surroundings, the riots were particularly violent and could only be ended there by military action. Even in the predominantly Protestant Prussia , riots followed in the following weeks. a. in Danzig , Breslau , Grünberg , Königsberg , Lissa , Koblenz , Hamm , Kleve , Dormagen (October 12, here triggered by a rumor of a ritual murder).

In large cities with larger Jewish communities, the tumults sometimes took the form of turf wars. In Frankfurt am Main , then the capital of the German Confederation, Jews were attacked from August 10th. After a morning fight between Christian and Jewish mail collectors at the post office, Jewish passers-by were pushed off the public promenade. In the evening street gangs crossed Frankfurt's Judengasse with Hepp, Hepp shouts and threw window panes with stones. Although some members of the Federal Assembly urged the city council to intervene immediately, the police stations were not reinforced until the following day. The city administration temporarily considered limiting the number of Jewish citizens to 500 and assigning them a ghetto .

Many Jewish families left the city for their protection and moved to neighboring cities, where the unrest also overtook them a few days later. On August 12th and 13th, there were mass riots, fights and property damage in Darmstadt ; the threat to local Jews lasted for weeks, so the government announced protective measures for them on September 4th.

In Hamburg (August 20), too , a fight between Jewish and Christian traders' assistants triggered the riots: These began with the expulsion of Jews from a pavilion on Jungfernstieg , and the following day from all coffee houses and entertainment venues in the city. Those affected resisted; a mass brawl was ended by massive police action. The leaflets said Hepp, hepp, the Jew must go into the dirt or … die Jews.

The appeals justified the agitation of the rioters sometimes more economically, sometimes more religiously, but mostly both combined. They always aimed at the expulsion of all local Jews and, in addition, often threatened them with massive “death and ruin”. In Düsseldorf (August 22) z. For example, posters were posted on Jewish homes saying:

“The rule of the Jews over the conduct of trade had lasted too long. The Christians watched this unlawful mischief with calm eyes; times have changed. If until the 26th of this month there are no barriers set for the people who spoil trade and morality, which no legal leader can recognize, a bloodbath is to arise, which is to be called Solomoni night instead of Bartholomew's night . "

In Kreuznach , a leaflet posted on street lamps and corners of houses on the night of September 27-28 announced:

“Kreuznacher, the Vehmgericht decided that all Jews should be hunted out of Germany for the long day. It expects the city of Kreuzenach not to lag behind. "

The district administrator kept the gendarmerie ready, but the following day passed without any disturbances. From this the authorities drew the conclusion that it was only a matter of “creating alarm” without any concrete intention to realize it. In some cities and regions this led to the early withdrawal of military troops. Most of the time, however, the military was deployed immediately, especially when the appeals against the Jews were connected with more general political demands. The authorities interpreted this as a revolutionary ferment, so that they - in their own interest, not just that of the Jews concerned - stifled any mass protest as quickly as possible.

Slips of paper were distributed in Marburg in October that said:

“October 18th will be hep, hep! given, the scene is on all roads. Certain circumstances compel us to allow the HUNDSTATEN of the Jews to hang out. TERRIBLE and destroying everything will then the strangling angel hover over you as on that day in Jerusalem. "

Allusion was made here to the First Crusade , which ended on July 15, 1099 with one of the cruelest massacres of the Middle Ages in Jerusalem. The "strangling angel" ( Ex 12.23  EU : a biblical expression for the power with which God helps the Israelites to leave Egypt ) is reinterpreted here as the angel of vengeance on the Jews. Biblical motifs interpreted as anti-Jewish also played a role on many other leaflets. They served to give one's own actions a religious justification and a higher meaning. They showed the effect of the church's divine murder propaganda over the centuries and “feelings of hatred pent up for decades” in Christians, which broke through on minor occasions.

Reactions

The aggression was directed against social advancement, economic competition and political equality of Jewish citizens, who, unlike in centuries before, now increasingly participated in public cultural life and could no longer be treated naturally by Christians in the markets.

At that time newspaper reports assessed the motives of the rioters differently. However, educated observers saw religious justifications for the unrest as a pretext. They blamed “trade spirit” and “Krämerneid” for this or shared the widespread prejudice that an allegedly too rapid legal equality had brought about the “rapid rise” of the Jews. Their increased competitiveness was judged to be inherently illegitimate enrichment at the expense of the general public.

An apologetic work by the playwright Julius von Voss attributed Jewish profits to the fact that Jewish traders are usually more economical and hardworking and offer higher-quality goods at lower prices than Christians, which in turn stimulates them to improve the quality of their goods and thus benefits everyone. But against the background of a widespread feeling of crisis, the Jews appeared to Christian small businesses in the cities as a suitable object of aggression. They wanted to return to the medieval order of estates and hoped that the brutal elimination of a minority from economic life that had been socially and economically discriminated for a good 1000 years would result in a rapid improvement in their own situation.

Despite the intervention of the authorities, the unrest was put forward as a practical argument against the emancipation of the Jews, which posed the risk of social strife. This delayed full equality for Jews for decades and only became general law in 1871 with the establishment of the German Empire. But even after that, the tradition of anti-Semitic agitation and threats continued. It reached new heights across the empire around 1848, 1879–1882 and 1890–1900.

The events also sparked ambivalent reactions among the Jews themselves. While some advocated rapid and complete assimilation into the non-Jewish majority society, others advocated moving Jewish milieus even closer together.

It is widely believed that the riots were initiated and mainly carried out by students. On the other hand, the historian Jacob Katz takes the position that the main authors were the petty-bourgeois classes exposed to new competitive pressure through the emancipation of the Jews, who were also often indebted to Jewish lenders at the time.

Karlovy Vary resolutions:

On September 20, 1819, the Carlsbad resolutions were confirmed by the Bundestag in Frankfurt. Within a month of this, the Hep-Hep riots ended.

See also

literature

Historical context

  • Ursula Gehring-Münzel: From Protected Jew to Citizen - The Social Integration of Würzburg Jews 1803–1871. Schöningh, Würzburg 1992, ISBN 3-87717-768-9 , pp. 121–177 (also dissertation at the University of Würzburg 1987).
  • Ursula Gehring-Münzel: The Würzburg Jews from 1803 to the end of the First World War. In: Ulrich Wagner (Hrsg.): History of the city of Würzburg. Volume III / 1–2: From the transition to Bavaria to the 21st century. Theiss, Stuttgart 2007, DNB 458231886 , pp. 499-528 and 1306-1308, here: pp. 501-503.
  • Heinrich Graetz : History of the Jews . Volume 11, 2nd edition. Leipzig 1900, pp. 300–345 ( online at Zeno.org , here: excerpt from the Hep-Hep riots ).
  • Stefan Rohrbacher : German Revolution and Anti-Jewish Violence (1815-1848 / 49). In: Peter Alter, Claus-Ekkehard Bärsch , Peter Berghoff (ed.): The construction of the nation against the Jews. Wilhelm Fink, 1999, ISBN 3-7705-3326-7 , pp. 29-47.
  • Eleonore Sterling : hatred of Jews. The beginnings of political anti-Semitism in Germany (1815–1850). (Previously: He is like you. From the early history of anti-Semitism in Germany (1815–1850). Kaiser, Munich 1956). Revised and expanded edition. European Publishing House , Frankfurt am Main 1969, DNB 458231886 .

course

  • Rainer Erb , Werner Bergmann : The night side of the emancipation of the Jews - The resistance against the integration of Jews in Germany 1780-1860. Metropol, Berlin 1989, ISBN 3-926893-77-X , pp. 218-240.
  • Christoph Gann: Meiningen as the starting point of the anti-Jewish riots of 1819 ("Hep-Hep-riot"), in: Hennebergisch-Fränkischer Geschichtsverein (Ed.): Yearbook 2017, Kloster Veßra / Meiningen / Münnerstadt 2017, pp. 253–284.
  • Jacob Katz: The Hep-Hep persecutions of the year 1819. Metropol Verlag, Berlin 1994, ISBN 3-926893-17-6 .
  • Eleonore Sterling: Anti-Jewish Riots in Germany in 1819 - A Displacement of Social Protest. In: Historia Judaica 12/1950, pp. 105-142.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Alex Bein : Die Judenfrage , Volume 2: Notes, Excursions, Register . Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1980, p. 158
  2. ^ Stefan Rohrbacher, Michael Schmidt: Judenbilder . Rowohlt TB, Reinbek 1990, ISBN 3-499-55498-4 , p. 263
  3. ^ Rainer Erb, Werner Bergmann: The night side of the Jewish emancipation. The resistance to the integration of the Jews in Germany 1780-1860. Berlin 1989, p. 218 ff.
  4. ↑ According to Christian Anton Krollmann: Why was there a “Jew baiting” in 1819? Berlin 1899; quoted in Eleonore Sterling: Anti-Jewish Riots in Germany in 1819: A Displacement of Social Protest , p. 108
  5. ↑ Thorsten Muth: Judaism: History and Culture. Pressel, 2009, ISBN 3-937950-28-1 , p. 41
  6. ↑ Rainer Wirtz: "Resistance, excesses, crawls, tumults and scandals". Ullstein (Social History Library), 1981, ISBN 3-548-35119-0 , p. 289, footnote 15
  7. ↑ Detlev Claussen: From hatred of Jews to anti-Semitism: materials of a denied history. Luchterhand, 1988, ISBN 3-630-61677-1 , p. 74
  8. ^ Stefan Rohrbacher: Violence in the Biedermeier. Anti-Jewish riots in Vormärz and Revolution (1815–1848 / 49). Campus Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1997, ISBN 3-593-34886-1 , p. 94 ff.
  9. ↑ Ursula Gehring-Münzel (2007), p. 521.
  10. ^ Stefan Rohrbacher: The "Hep Hep" Riots of 1819. In: Christhard Hoffmann, Helmut Walser Smith, Werner Bergmann (Eds.): Exclusionary Violence: Antisemitic Riots in Modern German History. 2nd edition 2002, ISBN 0-472-06796-6 , pp. 23-42
  11. ↑ Ursula Gehring-Münzel (2007), p. 502.
  12. ^ Heinrich Graetz: History of Judaism . Volume 11, 2nd edition 1900, p. 334
  13. ↑ Ursula Gehring-Münzel (2007), p. 502.
  14. ↑ Ursula Gehring-Münzel (2007), p. 503.
  15. ↑ Ursula Gehring-Münzel (2007), p. 502.
  16. ^ Rainer Erb, Werner Bergmann: The night side of the Jewish emancipation. The resistance to the integration of the Jews in Germany 1780-1860. Berlin 1989, p. 226
  17. ^ Rainer Erb, Werner Bergmann: The night side of the Jewish emancipation. The resistance to the integration of the Jews in Germany 1780-1860. Berlin 1989, p. 225
  18. ^ Rainer Erb, Werner Bergmann: The night side of the Jewish emancipation. The resistance to the integration of the Jews in Germany 1780-1860. Berlin 1989, p. 225
  19. ↑ Quoted from Ursula Gehring-Münzel: From Protected Jew to Citizen: The Social Integration of Würzburg Jews 1803–1871. Würzburg 1992, p. 153
  20. ↑ Johannes Staudenmaier: The Hep-Hep riots of 1819 and their effects on the city of Bamberg . In: Reports of the historical association Bamberg for the maintenance of the history of the former prince-bishopric . tape 154 , 2018, p. 139-150 .
  21. ↑ Stefan Rohrbacher: The "Hep-Hep riots" and the "ritual murder" of the year 1819 in Dormagen. In: Rainer Erb , Michael Schmidt (ed.): Anti-Semitism and Jewish history: studies in honor of Herbert A. Strauss . Berlin: Wissenschaftlicher Autorverlag 1987, pp. 135–147
  22. ^ Rainer Erb, Werner Bergmann: The night side of the Jewish emancipation. The resistance to the integration of the Jews in Germany 1780-1860. Berlin 1989, p. 240
  23. ↑ Quoted from Heinrich Linn: Jews on the Rhine and Sieg. Siegburg 1984, p. 89
  24. ↑ Quoted from Konrad Schilling, Kurt Hackenberg (Ed.): Monumenta Judaica: 2000 years of history and culture of the Jews on the Rhine: An exhibition in the Cologne City Museum Jews in Germany. Volume 2. Kölnisches Stadtmuseum / Joseph Melzer Verlag, 1964, p. 293
  25. ↑ Quoted from Dorothee Schimpf: Emancipation and Education of the Jews in the Electorate of Hesse 1807–1866. Commission for the History of the Jews in Hesse (Volume 13), 1994, ISBN 978-3-921434-15-4 , p. 57
  26. ^ Friedrich Battenberg: The European Age of the Jews: To the development of a minority in the non-Jewish environment of Europe. Volume II: From 1650 to 1945. Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2nd expanded edition, Darmstadt 2007, ISBN 3-534-14620-4 , p. 126