Jewish star

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Jewish star

The Jewish star (yellow star) was a compulsory indicator introduced by the National Socialist regime for people who were legally considered to be Jews under the Nuremberg Laws of 1935 . It consisted of two superimposed, black-rimmed yellow triangles that formed a palm-sized six-pointed star in the style of a Star of David . Inside was the black inscription "Jew", the curved letters of which were intended to mock the Hebrew script .

The license plate was placed in the German Reich on September 1, 1941 , and then also in other German-occupied areas. This continued the social exclusion , discrimination and humiliation of the Jewish minority that began in 1933 . The label made it easier to find the porters for the scheduled deportations of Jews to the ghettos , concentration camps and extermination camps established by the National Socialists in Europe. The Jewish star was thus a publicly visible measure to carry out the Holocaust .

Historical background

Yellow ring according to the Jewish patent of King Ferdinand I , 1551

See also: yellow ring

Special dress codes for minorities of different faiths, namely Jews and Christians, were required and introduced for the first time in 634 in the caliphate of the Arab Empire. In individual regions of Europe, Jews had to wear special, mostly yellow, clothing labels from the 11th century to distinguish them from Christians (1067 Prague, 1097 Regensburg). In 1215, the Fourth Lateran Council decided that Jews and “ Saracens ” (Muslims, Arabs) would have to wear special garments everywhere in Europe in order to prevent mixed marriages . The church left the actual execution to the rulers. In many regions and cities of Europe, various symbols were introduced for Jews in the decades and centuries that followed, such as yellow, blue or red “ Jewish hats ” and white, yellow or red patches on upper garments. In Portugal, this patch should have been in the shape of a hexagonal star since 1492. The yellow ring , which has been introduced in some German-speaking cities since the 13th century, was required from 1530 for Jewish men, women and children in all German-speaking countries and was introduced in many. Austria abolished in 1690, and Prussia abolished these Jewish license plates again in 1790.

In the 19th century, when the emancipation of the Jews began, some German anti-Semites again called for the exclusion of Jews, also with such Jewish identification: for example Friedrich Rühs in 1815 and Jakob Friedrich Fries in 1816 . Fries called for the "extermination" of the "Jewish caste", which he distinguished from individual Jews. What was meant was a ban on the practice of Jewish religion and the expulsion of Jews who did not want to convert to Christianity . In order to end this "plague", he recommended to the government, among other things, that Jews should be "forced to wear a badge in their clothing according to the old custom."

These demands were hardly heeded at the time, but were later adopted, tightened and publicly propagated by German and Austrian anti-Semites. From 1879 they tried to enforce it with political associations and parties. Clothing labels were also part of the program of a “ final solution to the Jewish question ”, on which racist anti-Semites in the German Empire agreed until 1914.

National Socialist identification of Jews

William Kaczynski child ID card marked with a J when issued, 16 June 1939
Jewish women with star, Paris 1942

Soon after the National Socialist “ seizure of power ” in 1933, German Jews were publicly excluded from society. Under the pretext of calling for a boycott by Jewish traders from London, which was presented as a “ Jewish declaration of war ” against Germany, a nationwide boycott of Jews took place on April 1, 1933 : Jewish shops, notaries 'and doctors' practices with posters, banners and inscriptions - including white ones or yellow Stars of David - marked with calls for anti-Semitic boycotts. This awakened memories of the Middle Ages in those affected. The journalist Robert Weltsch wrote in the Jüdische Rundschau on April 4, 1933: “Wear it with pride, the yellow spot!” At that time the Nazi regime did not plan to force such labels.

On the basis of the Nuremberg Laws of 1935, the Nazi regime constantly tightened the situation of German Jews with bans, conditions and special rules. In view of the persecution of Jews since 1933, Lion Feuchtwanger published a collection of newspaper reports in 1936 under the title Der Yellow Fleck , the authors of which described numerous acts of violence and murders of Jews and their state-desired consequences as "phenomena of extinction": including a decline in births and marriages, and an increase in suicide - and death rate. Feuchtwanger summarized:

“No, there are no excesses! No, they are not 'riots'! It is the cold-considered, cynically conceived, inextricably linked assassination of a defenseless minority with the National Socialist system ...
The recipe looks like this: First the National Socialist Party, its press and SA organize the 'people's anger' and acts of violence. Then 'order' is secured, the National Socialist authorities intervene: not against the violent perpetrators, but against their victims. At the end of the measures there is a law that sanctions terrorism, the act of violence gains legal force. "

NSDAP members mainly demanded that Jewish shops be labeled. In 1937, Adolf Hitler declared in a speech to NSDAP officials: “This problem of labeling has been considered for two or three years and will of course be carried out one day one day. [...] Now you have to have a nose to smell something like: 'What can I still do, what can I not do?' "

In April 1938, Jews had to register their property with the administrative authorities under an ordinance on the registration of property of Jews . In June 1938, the Third Ordinance to the Reich Citizenship Act obliged Jewish owners to register their businesses as “Jewish businesses”. The Reich Ministry of Economics was authorized to introduce a special label for Jewish businesses from a date to be determined. Since the name change ordinance of August 17, 1938, Jews had to adopt an additional “Jewish” first name and use it in legal and business dealings. According to the ordinance on passports for Jews of October 1938, they had to hand in their passports or have them marked with a red Jewish stamp . From January 1939, Jews always had to carry a newly created ID card with them. In December 1939, doctoral students had to mark the quotations of Jewish authors in their dissertations in color. In January 1940 the ration cards for Jews were also stamped with a J.

Introduction of the Jewish star in the German Reich

Decision making process

A “general external identification for Jews” was proposed in May 1938 in a memorandum suggested by Joseph Goebbels , but rejected: The concerns about a possible negative foreign policy effect still prevailed. After the November pogroms , Reinhard Heydrich proposed again at a Berlin conference on November 12, 1938 that Jews should be labeled across the whole of the Reich and immediately had designs drawn up for the corresponding badges.

Hermann Göring informed the Gauleiters on December 6, 1938 that Hitler had postponed a decision on this designation until further notice. In May 1940, the Central Office for Jews , an institution of the Berlin Employment Office, ordered the entire city area to mark Jewish forced laborers with a yellow Star of David badge during closed labor operations . This order was withdrawn shortly afterwards by the Gestapo. At the end of July 1941, State Secretary Karl Hermann Frank asked for permission to introduce a designation similar to that in occupied Poland for the Jews in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia . Wilhelm Stuckart asked whether a corresponding regulation should not apply uniformly for the entire Reich territory and brought in other ministries. After a preparatory meeting with State Secretary Leopold Gutterer (Reich Propaganda Ministry ) on August 16, 1941, Goebbels received a draft on August 17, 1941 in order to obtain the necessary approval from Hitler. It lists "important immediate measures in the Jewish question": restrictions in the purchase of goods and the use of means of transport, entry bans through a "ban on Jews", " compulsory Jewish service" after examination of fitness for work, lowering of the released "Jewish payments" from compulsorily administered accounts and exclusion from certain craft services. Each of these measures is only possible after the Jews have been identified. Hitler approved these proposals on August 20, 1941. The time seemed right, as he no longer feared sanctions from the United States . According to Goebbels, the label was intended to isolate the Jewish minority so that they could not act unrecognized as “bad-ass and mood-spoiler” during the war. In fact, it was intended to make the deportations of the Jews, which began in October 1941, much easier.

Manufacturing

Fabric with Jewish stars
Memorial plaque on the site of the destroyed building at Wallstrasse 16 in Berlin-Mitte

Jewish stars were produced by the "Berliner Fahnen-Fabrik Geitel and Co." in Berlin-Mitte . At the end of 1938 the company had moved into a production facility at Wallstrasse 16. The building had been owned by the Jewish businessmen Jakob Berglas and Jakob Intrator since 1920 and was foreclosed on June 27, 1938 at the instigation of the Deutsche Hypothekenbank Meiningen in the absence of the owners to the furniture manufacturer Heim & Gerken, who rented the rooms to the Geitel flag factory. The Stendal entrepreneur Gustav Geitel founded a cotton business in 1921 after his father's bank went bankrupt and initially produced flags for the SPD , among other things . From 1930 he had received numerous orders for election campaign flags and from 1933 exclusively produced National Socialist flags. Geitel was a member of the NSDAP from 1937, but was excluded shortly afterwards because of the employment of a Jewish locksmith. In the building on Wallstrasse, the flag factory produced, among other things, imperial flags, imperial service flags, pennants, window hangings, swastika round plates and decorative carpets with swastika squares on an area of ​​around 4,000 square meters. In 1940 the company had a turnover of around three million Reichsmarks.

In September 1941, the Geitel flag factory was commissioned to manufacture the Jewish stars and produced almost a million stars within three weeks. The stars were printed on rolls of fabric and delivered in bales. The company received 30,000 Reichsmarks for the order and granted a two percent discount if payment was made within five days . The Jewish functionaries had the handover of the stars to individuals acknowledged. The building on Wallstrasse was destroyed in the war. The Geitel flag factory resumed operations after the war in 1948 on Nordbahnstrasse in Berlin-Gesundbrunnen and today produces under the name "BEST Berliner Stoffdruckerei GmbH Fahnenmanufaktur". Among other things, it produced the flag of unity for the Berlin Reichstag .

Police Ordinance

Man with Jewish Star, September 1941 (location unknown, possibly Berlin)
Jewish policeman and crowd with Jewish stars in the Litzmannstadt ghetto , German Reichsgau Wartheland , 1941. Admission of a member of the propaganda company 689 Zermin

On September 1, 1941, the police ordinance on the identification of Jews (RGBl. I, p. 547) obliged almost all persons in the German Reich who were defined as Jews according to the Nuremberg Laws, including those Jews, to wear a yellow star from the age of six "Visible to wear firmly sewn on the left chest side of the garment near the heart". Only the " half-breeds " and Jewish partners in " privileged mixed marriages " were excluded. Jewish men of a mixed marriage who had remained childless were not covered by this exception and were obliged to wear the Star of David. The police ordinance applied "with the proviso that the Reich Protector [...] can adapt the regulation [...] to the local conditions in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia ", also for the then occupied territory of what is now the Czech Republic. It forbade those affected by it to wear medals and decorations and to leave their place of residence without written permission from the police. When they received the Jewish stars, they had to sign the acknowledgment of these provisions and the following: "I undertake to treat the label carefully and with care and to turn the fabric edge over the label when it is sewn onto the item of clothing."

Violation could result in a fine or imprisonment of up to six weeks. The Berlin Jewish Community Gazette warned that "covering up the Jewish star with collars, pockets or briefcases" was a criminal offense. Later violations were punished by deportation or transfer to the nearest concentration camp as soon as possible.

Further measures

On October 24, 1941, the Reich Main Security Office issued a circular , threatening those “ German-blooded ” citizens with protective custody for three months who showed “friendly relations with Jews in public”. In Hamburg, when they picked up their ration cards , the “German-blooded Volksgenossen ” was given a leaflet containing the wording of this decree. From then on, “star bearers” were no longer allowed to use telephone booths and from September 1942 were only allowed to shop at certain times. On March 24, 1942, the Reich Ministry of the Interior also banned the use of inner-city transport in principle; only journeys to work over a distance of seven kilometers were considered approved. On March 13, 1942, the Secret State Police ordered nationwide “ Jewish houses ” to be marked “with a white Jewish star made of paper”.

Reactions of those affected

The linguist Victor Klemperer described the star in his work LTI - Notebook of a Philologist as a victim:

“... September 19, 1941. From then on, the Jewish star had to be worn, the six-pointed Star of David, the yellow rag that still means plague and quarantine today and which was the color code of the Jews in the Middle Ages, the color of envy and the bile that has entered the blood, the color of evil to be avoided; the yellow rag with the black imprint: 'Jude', the word framed by the lines of the two interlocking triangles, the word formed from thick block letters, which simulate Hebrew characters in their isolation and in the wide overemphasis of their horizontals. "

He mocked the mark in allusion to the Prussian Order of Merit " Pour le Mérite " as "Pour le Sémite ". He reports of some expressions of solidarity, but also of harassment.

There were also exactly the opposite reactions from those affected, who recognized a moment of hope for a better time in the star. The Viennese Hugo Rechnitzer wrote the poem Der Judenstern in 1939 or 1940 , which ends with the following lines:

“So Jew, proudly wear your badge of honor
and boldly look the world in the face.
The dark days will finally give way,
your star will lead you out of the dark night to the light. "

Famous was self-portrait with Jews pass by Felix Nussbaum .

Affected German Jews testified to negative reactions from non-Jewish Germans: “We are shown a lot of friendliness in public and much more in secret.” “The Jewish stars are not popular. That is a failure of the party. ”On October 4, 1941, Klemperer noted:“ There is no question that the people perceive the persecution of the Jews as a sin. ”Non-Jews made such statements to Jews more often because they did not fear denunciation by them.

On February 14, 1945, about 150 Dresden Jews who had survived the air raids on Dresden tore their Jewish stars from their clothing and fled the city or hid to avoid the deportation to an extermination camp planned for February 14-16 . Most of them saw the end of the war.

Reactions from Gentiles

The reactions of non-Jewish Germans are documented on the one hand in the reports from the Reich of the SS security service , on the other hand in diary notes, letters or later reports from affected Jews. The significance and reliability of both types of sources is questioned in research. It is uncertain whether the SS opinion reports are representative or whether the reporters tried to influence superiors.

In a conference of the Propaganda Ministry , a spokesman warned of a wave of sympathy “from circles of the intelligent beasts”. On October 5, 1941, a local newspaper in Stuttgart reported on "false pity and false humanity" by non-Jews towards Jews in public transport when they were asked to stand up because of their Jewish stars. The editor reported on October 8th of many letters to the editor which had shown him that such "false compassion and poorly applied 'humanity' towards starved Jews" were not isolated occurrences. On October 9, the SS reported that the police ordinance was "largely welcomed, but also received with pity in Catholic and bourgeois circles". There they spoke of “medieval methods”.

On 17 December 1941, welcomed by German Christian -run Protestant churches of Anhalt, Hesse-Nassau, Luebeck, Mecklenburg, Saxony, Schleswig-Holstein and Thuringia the introduction of the Jewish star in the Reich as "historic defensive struggle." They justified this state measure with anti-Jewish statements by Martin Luther , who as early as 1543 had demanded “the toughest measures to be taken against the Jews and expelled from Germany”. The Jews had opposed or falsified Christianity since Jesus' crucifixion; baptism could not change anything in their "racial character".

On February 2, 1942, the SS security service detailed the effects of the ordinance and the exception rules in the reports from the Reich : The Jewish star corresponded to "a long-cherished wish of wide sections of the population". A Jew living in a “ privileged mixed marriage ” is not identified, however, and is therefore not suspect, camouflaged as it were and, moreover, cannot be recognized by a compulsory first name in the ID card. It is "generally expected that all special provisions in favor of the Jews and the Jewish mixed race would be lifted" and that the Jewish apartments receive a label. In fact, a police ordinance decreed that until April 15, 1942, Jewish apartments were to be marked with a Jewish star in black print on white paper.

Occupied States

Poland and Soviet Union

Governor Otto Wächter ordered a white armband with a blue star in Krakow on November 18, 1939

From September 1939 - before the end of the attack on Poland - individual German military authorities in occupied Poland forced local Jews to label their shops first and then also their clothing. For example, from November 1939 the Jews of Lublin had to wear a yellow badge with the inscription "Jude" on the left side of the chest.

On November 14, 1939, SS-Brigadefuhrer Friedrich Uebelhoer ordered for the Kalisz area under his control that all Jews of all ages should wear a four-centimeter-wide armband in “Jewish yellow” on their right upper arm. On December 12th, he changed the order: Now the Jews had to sew a yellow cloth badge in the form of a Star of David onto the right side of the chest and the back of their outer clothing.

On November 23, 1939, Hans Frank ordered that all Jews of the Generalgouvernement from the age of 12 on from December 1, 1939 onwards should wear a white, at least 10 centimeter wide band with a blue contoured six-pointed star on the right sleeve of their outer clothing. This order was then also adopted for Eastern Upper Silesia . The historian Harriet Scharnberg points out that in the commentary on Section 4 of the Blood Protection Act, the colors blue and white are referred to as "Jewish colors". The Generalgouvernement should therefore be emphasized propagandistically as an "autonomous Jewish reservation".

From July 1941, the decrees valid in Poland on a yellow Star of David or a white armband with a blue Star of David contour were transferred to the occupied Soviet territories. The latter were to be replaced by yellow stars of David from August 13, 1941. On September 17, 1941, a police order was issued for Volhynia ( Reichskommissariat Ukraine ) that instead of the armband, the garments were to be marked on the front and back with a yellow circle of fabric eight centimeters in diameter. Even " Jewish mixed race " with only one Jewish parent had to wear the label.

The labeling requirement also applied to Jews who had already been separated from the rest of the population by ghettos . You had to take care of buying and distributing the badges yourself. In the Jewish ghettos there were at times 19 additional labels for auxiliary policemen, doctors, employees of a Jewish council and factory workers. The German authorities threatened to punish Jews who were not or incorrectly marked in public with fines or even shooting.

France

From December 1941, the Nazi regime tried to introduce the Jewish star in the occupied part of France in order to initiate the planned deportations of French Jews. However, this met with resistance from the population and the Vichy government , and occasionally from local German military administrations. The then Prime Minister Pierre Laval refused the labeling ordinance, arguing that the previous anti-Jewish measures were sufficient and that a special badge for Jews would only shock the French. The order was then initially postponed.

The " Judenreferat " under Adolf Eichmann made the implementation of the badge in all of Western Europe the topic of several conferences in Berlin and Paris in March 1942. The commander of the security police for occupied France and Belgium, Helmut Bone , explicitly stated that this was a necessary step towards the “ final solution to the Jewish question ”.

People with Jewish stars shopping in Paris, June 8, 1942

On May 29, 1942, Carl-Heinrich von Stülpnagel, as military commander in France , ordered all French Jews from the age of 6 to have a yellow star with the inscription "Juif" (Jew) or "Juive" (Jewess) on the left side of the chest would have to carry. However, the Vichy regime continued to do nothing. Around 17,000 out of 100,000 Jews who were obliged to wear them did not pick up the yellow star. Many non-Jewish French now wore yellow clothes or even stars to show their solidarity with the persecuted Jews. The French police, who were known for not treating Jews in a friendly way, refrained from punishing violations of the ordinance during ID checks. As a result, no Jewish license plates were introduced in the unoccupied part of France until November 1942.

Benelux countries

Woman with a Jewish star in the Netherlands

In Belgium , the labeling requirement for Jews came into force on June 3, 1942. The mayors of Brussels refused to cooperate with the issuing of the license plates, as the Jewish star "directly undermines the dignity of every human being". The German authorities then forced the Association of Jews in Belgium to distribute. A board member of the VJB wrote: "But the Belgians behaved great, they pretended not to see anything and were very courteous towards everyone who had to wear the license plate."

The Jewish star was introduced in the Netherlands by decree of April 29, 1942. A contemporary witness reported that the "outrage, especially of the Christian world" was great, that people were "greeted everywhere and treated with great respect."

In the spring of 1941, only about 950 Jews were still living in Luxembourg. From August 1941 onwards, Jews had to wear a four-inch-wide yellow armband. The initiative came from the "Einsatzkommando Luxemburg", preceded the introduction of the Jewish star in the Reich and in other countries of Western Europe and was evidently modeled on mandatory labeling in the Generalgouvernement. On October 14, 1941, the Jewish star replaced this armband.

Denmark

The Jewish star could not be introduced in Denmark . The German occupation authorities expressed a wish for a marking, but did not dare to make it binding themselves. But on October 1, 1943, they began to arrest the Danish Jews, who had been relatively unmolested until then. Since the news of this action leaked out beforehand, the Danes were able to help around 7,200 Jews and 700 of their relatives to flee to neutral Sweden in a collective effort from mid-September to the end of October (see Rescue of the Danish Jews ).

According to popular legend, King Christian X rode through the streets of Copenhagen every morning wearing a yellow bracelet, followed by Danes who followed suit. In this way the National Socialists would not have been able to find any Danish Jews. The Danish Queen Margrethe II denied this story: Danes had taken the risk of being treated as Jews even without a royal example. The legend has no real background.

Greece

On February 6, 1943, the military administration ordered the identification (Star of David) and ghettoization of the Jews living in the part of Greece controlled by the Wehrmacht. A month earlier there were meetings between the agent of the empire in Greece, Günther Altenburg , his representative in Saloniki, Consul General Fritz Schönberg (Foreign Office), the commander Saloniki-Aegean (War Administrator Max Merten ) represented General Kurt von Krenzki and the SS ( Dieter Wisliceny and Alois Brunner ), at which details of a rapid deportation in the Saloniki-Aegean region were discussed. The conference participants planned to deport the Jews living there to extermination camps within six to eight weeks .

Tunisia

Wehrmacht troops landed in Tunisia in November 1942 . An SS command under SS officer Walther Rauff (initially 24 men, later up to 100 men) arrived in Tunisia on November 24, 1942. On December 6, 1942, Rauff, General Walther Nehring and Rudolf Rahn (representatives of the Foreign Office at the German Africa Corps ) agreed on the use of Jewish forced laborers to expand German fortifications. Rauff ordered leading representatives of the Jewish community in Tunis (the community council chairman and the chief rabbi of Tunis) to form a Jewish council and to provide 2,000 Jewish forced laborers. They should have a yellow star on their back so that they can be easily identified and shot if they try to escape.

On May 13, 1943, the last German and Italian troops still in Tunisia surrendered.

Allied states

The National Socialists endeavored to have a corresponding regulation introduced in the states allied with Germany. This already happened in Slovakia on September 9, 1941. In Romania , a corresponding ordinance followed in 1941 and 1942, which only applied to the newly acquired areas. The German government exerted considerable pressure on Hungary in 1942, but it was only after the military occupation on March 31, 1944 that labeling became compulsory. In August 1942, a badge in the form of a small yellow button was introduced in Bulgaria ; this was one of the numerous discriminatory measures of the “Law for the Protection of the Nation” of December 24, 1940. In Finland there was no systematic discrimination against Jews (see Judaism in Finland ).

After the end of the war

With the Control Council Act No. 1 concerning the repeal of Nazi law of September 20, 1945, the police ordinance on the identification of Jews (RGBl. I, p. 547) of September 19, 1941 was formally repealed.

In reparation proceedings under the Federal Supplementary Act or the Federal Compensation Act , the individual "damage to freedom" was also determined. As a rule, September 19, 1941 was set as the start of the deprivation of liberty, unless the applicant had previously been deprived of his liberty by protective custody or other measures.

literature

  • Konrad Kwiet : After the pogrom: levels of exclusion. In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): The Jews in Germany, 1933–1945: Life under National Socialist Rule. Munich 1988, ISBN 3-406-33324-9 ; especially pp. 614–631.
  • Philip Friedman : The Jewish Badge and the Yellow Star in the Nazi Era. (Historia judaica 17, 1955). In: Philip Friedman: Roads to extinction. Essays on the Holocaust. Jewish Publication Society, New York 1980, ISBN 0-8276-0170-0 .
  • Jens J. Scheiner : From the “Yellow Patch” to the “Star of David”? Genesis and application of Jewish badges in Islam and Christian Europe (841–1941). Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 2004, ISBN 3-631-52553-2 .
  • Michael Mayer : States as perpetrators: ministerial bureaucracy and “Jewish policy” in Nazi Germany and Vichy France. A comparison. Oldenbourg, Munich 2010, ISBN 3-486-58945-8 , pp. 362-390 ( full text available online ) (The reaction to the introduction of the Jewish star) .
  • Guido Kisch : The Yellow Badge in History. In: ders. Selected writings. 2. Research on the legal, economic and social history of the Jews: with a directory of Guido Kisch's writings on the legal and social history of the Jews . Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1979 ISBN 3-7995-6017-3 , pp. 115-164. First in: Historia Judaica , 19 (1957), pp. 89-144.
  • Anna Georgiev: On the material history of the “Star of David” 1941–1945. In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 66 (2018), H. 3/4, P. 623–639.

Web links

Commons : Star of David  - Collection of images, videos and audio files
Wiktionary: Judenstern  - explanations of meanings, word origins, synonyms, translations

See also

Single receipts

  1. ↑ Konrad Kwiet: "Judenstern", in: Enzyklopädie des Nationalsozialismus 1998, p. 535.
  2. ↑ Marion Neiss: Identification. In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus Volume 3: Terms, Theories, Ideologies. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 2010, ISBN 3-11-023379-7 , pp. 174-176.
  3. ↑ Jakob Friedrich Fries: On the endangerment of the prosperity and character of the Germans by the Jews (1816), p. 248 and 261; quoted from Renate Best (ed.): Saul Ascher: Selected works. Böhlau, Vienna 2010, ISBN 3-412-20451-X , p. 40.
  4. ↑ Gerald Hubmann: Völkischer Nationalismus und Antisemitismus in the early 19th century: The writings of Rühs and Fries on the Jewish question. In: Renate Heuer, Ralph Rainer Wuthenow (ed.): Antisemitism, Zionism, Antizionism 1850-1945. Frankfurt am Main / New York 1997, ISBN 978-3-593-35677-8 , pp. 10-34.
  5. ↑ Article “Identification as Jews”, in: Enzyklopädie des Holocaust 1998, p. 750.
  6. ^ Document of the DHM, Berlin: The Yellow Spot. The extermination of 500,000 German Jews. With a foreword by Lion Feuchtwanger. Editions du Carrefour, Paris 1936
  7. ↑ quoted from the Holocaust reference: Lion Feuchtwanger: The Yellow Spot
  8. ↑ Götz Aly, Wolf Gruner (ed.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 . Volume 1: German Empire 1933–1937. Munich 2008, ISBN 978-3-486-58480-6 , p. 658.
  9. ↑ Article “Identification”, in: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Lexikon des Holocaust. CH Beck, Munich 1976, p. 119 f.
  10. ↑ Wolf Gruner: “They don't need to be able to read” - The memorandum on the treatment of Jews in the Reich capital in all areas of public life from May 1938. In: Yearbook for Research on Antisemitism 4 (1995), Frankfurt am Main 1995, ISBN 3 -593-35282-6 , p. 331 f.
  11. ↑ Götz Aly, Wolf Gruner (ed.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945. Volume 2: German Reich 1938 - August 1939. Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-486-58523-0 , pp. 432 (Document 146) and 442 f. (Document 149).
  12. ↑ Wolf Gruner: The closed labor deployment of German Jews. On forced labor as an element of persecution 1938 to 1943. Berlin 1997, ISBN 3-926893-32-X , p. 141.
  13. ↑ Document VEJ 3/83 In: Andrea Löw (edit.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 (collection of sources) Volume 3: German Reich and Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, September 1939 – September 1941 , Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-58524-7 , p. 236 f.
  14. ^ Raul Hilberg: The annihilation of the European Jews. Volume 1, Frankfurt am Main 1990, ISBN 3-596-24417-X , p. 186 f.
  15. ↑ Document VEJ 3/204 in: Andrea Löw (edit.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 (collection of sources), Volume 3: German Reich and Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, September 1939 – September 1941 , Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-58524-7 , pp. 504-508.
  16. ↑ Andrea Löw (edit.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 (source collection), Volume 3: German Reich and Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, September 1939-September 1941 , Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3 -486-58524-7 , p. 515 (doc.VEJ 3/208).
  17. ↑ Götz Aly, Wolf Gruner (ed.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 . Volume 3: German Reich and Protectorate September 1939 - September 1941. Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-58524-7 , documents 202-208, pp. 503-516.
  18. ↑ Peter Longerich : “We didn't know anything about it!” The Germans and the persecution of the Jews 1933–1945. Siedler Verlag, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-88680-843-2 , pp. 163-181, here: pp. 165f. and p. 393, note 36.
  19. ↑ Klaus Geitel: Born to be amazed. Stations of a music critic , Berlin: Henschel 2005, p. 12.
  20. ^ Henry Ries : "Rolf Geitel, born: 1921 in Berlin. Interviews: January 1990 and December 1991, Berlin ”, in the current edition: Farewell to my generation , Berlin: Argon, 1992, pp. 185–192; P. 186.
  21. ↑ Christopher Schwarz: “Perpetrators and victims. How the legal dispute over a Berlin commercial building revived German history ”, Wirtschaftswoche 52/2000, pp. 42–45.
  22. ↑ Konrad Kwiet: "Scream what you can". The path to the Holocaust (III): Branding by the “Judenstern”, Der Spiegel 1988/39, pp. 142–155; P. 150.
  23. ↑ Oliver Heilwagen: BEST flags the world . In: THE WORLD . November 3, 2001 ( welt.de [accessed September 26, 2020]).
  24. ↑ Saul Friedländer: The Third Reich and the Jews. CH Beck, Munich 2007, ISBN 3-406-56681-2 , p. 634
  25. ↑ Wolf Gruner: Persecution of Jews in Berlin 1933–1945. A chronology of the measures taken by the authorities in the Reich capital. Berlin 1996, ISBN 3-89468-238-8 , p. 80.
  26. ↑ Hans Mommsen, Dieter Obst: The reaction of the German population to the persecution of the Jews 1933-1943. In: Hans Mommsen (Ed.): Everyday rule in the Third Reich. Düsseldorf 1988, ISBN 3-491-33205-2 , p. 401.
  27. ↑ Peter Longerich: “We didn't know anything about that!” , Munich 2006, p. 181.
  28. ↑ Beate Meyer: "Goldfasane" and "Daffodils". The NSDAP in the formerly "red" district of Hamburg-Eimsbüttel. Hamburg 2002, ISBN 3-9808126-3-4 , p. 104.
  29. ^ Wolf Gruner: Persecution of Jews in Berlin 1933–1945 ; Berlin 1996; ISBN 3-89468-238-8 ; P. 79 and 83.
  30. ↑ Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): The Jews in Germany, 1933–1945: Life under National Socialist Rule. Munich 1988, ISBN 3-406-33324-9 , p. 618f / Joseph Walk (Ed.): The special right for Jews in the Nazi state. 2nd edition Heidelberg 1996, ISBN 3-8252-1889-9 , but writes p. 366 about a "black Jewish star".
  31. ^ Victor Klemperer: LTI - notebook of a philologist . Leipzig 1975, p. 213.
  32. ^ Victor Klemperer: LTI - notebook of a philologist. Leipzig 1975, p. 218.
  33. ^ Hugo Rechnitzer: Der Judenstern , accessed on December 13, 2015.
  34. ↑ Felix Nussbaum Catalog raisonné No. 439
  35. ↑ Quotes from Peter Longerich: “We didn't know anything about that!” , Munich 2006, p. 175.
  36. ↑ Adolf Diamant: Chronicle of the Jews in Dresden: From the first Jews to the blossoming of the community and its extermination. Agora-Verlag, 1973, ISBN 3-87008-032-9 , p. 457.
  37. ↑ Heinz Boberach : Surveillance and mood reports as sources for the attitude of the German population to the persecution of Jews. In: Ursula Büttner : The Germans and the persecution of the Jews in the Third Reich. Revised new edition, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 2003, ISBN 3-596-15896-6 , pp. 31–49.
  38. ↑ Peter Longerich: “We didn't know anything about that!” Munich 2006, p. 191 f.
  39. ↑ Heinz Boberach (Ed.): Messages from the Reich. Selection from the secret situation reports of the SS Security Service 1939–1944. Dtv, Munich 1968, p. 180.
  40. ^ Declaration printed in Ernst L. Ehrlich: Luther and the Jews. In: Heinz Kremers (ed.): The Jews and Martin Luther. Martin Luther and the Jews. History, impact history, challenge. 2nd edition, Neukirchener Verlag, Neukirchen-Vluyn 1987, ISBN 3-7887-0751-8 , p. 86.
  41. ↑ Heinz Boberach (Ed.): Messages from the Reich , Herrsching 1984, ISBN 3-88199-158-1 , Vol. 9, pp. 3245-3248 = Report No. 256 (February 2, 1942)
  42. ↑ Document VEJ 6/95 in: Susanne Heim (edit.): The persecution and murder of European Jews ... Volume 6: German Empire and Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia October 1941 – March 1943. Berlin 2019, ISBN 978-3-11 -036496-5 , p. 299.
  43. ↑ VEJ 4/49.
  44. ↑ Harriet Scharnberg: The yellow star that was blue. To identify the Jews in the Generalgouvernement . In: ZfG 63 (2015), no. 2, pp. 175–179.
  45. ↑ Doc. VEJ 8/3 and VEJ 8/34 In: Bert Hoppe (edit.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 (collection of sources), Volume 8: Soviet Union with annexed areas II. Berlin 2016 , ISBN 978-3-486-78119-9 , pp. 90 and 146f.
  46. ↑ Article “Identification as Jews”, in: Encyclopedia of the Holocaust . Vol. 2, Piper, Munich 1998, ISBN 3-492-22700-7 , pp. 750 f.
  47. ↑ VEJ 5/323 in: Katja Happe, Michael Mayer, Maja peers (Ed.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945 (source book) Volume 5: Western and Northern Europe 1940-June 1942. Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-58682-4 , pp. 812/813. Entry into force: June 7, 1942.
  48. ↑ Article “Identification as Jews”, Encyclopedia of the Holocaust , p. 752 f.
  49. ↑ VEJ 5/193 in: Katja Happe, Michael Mayer, Maja Peers (edit.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 (source collection), Volume 5: Western and Northern Europe 1940– June 1942. Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-58682-4 , p. 510 f.
  50. ↑ Katja Happe, Michael Mayer, Maja Peers (edit.): The persecution and murder of European Jews ... , p. 56 and VEJ 5/196, p. 516 f.
  51. ↑ see document VEJ 5/130.
  52. ↑ VEJ 5/133 in: Katja Happe, Michael Mayer, Maja Peers (edit.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 (source collection), Volume 5: Western and Northern Europe 1940– June 1942. Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486-58682-4 , p. 372 f.
  53. ↑ Katja Happe, Michael Mayer, Maja Peers (edit.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 , Volume 5: Western and Northern Europe 1940 – June 1942. Munich 2012, ISBN 978-3-486 -58682-4 , p. 57.
  54. ↑ Article "Denmark", Encyclopedia of the Holocaust . Volume I, 1998, p. 307 f.
  55. ↑ Encyclopedia of the Holocaust , Volume 2, Munich 1998, p. 753.
  56. ↑ Document VEJ 14/227 and VEJ 14/229 in: Sara Berger et al. (Ed.): The persecution and murder of European Jews by National Socialist Germany 1933–1945 (collection of sources), Volume 14: Occupied Southeast Europe and Italy . Berlin 2017, ISBN 978-3-11-055559-2 , p. 566.
  57. ↑ or Curt
  58. ↑ Stratos N. Dordanas and Vaios Kalogrias: The Jewish community of Thessaloniki 1941–1944 , pp. 105ff. In: PaRDeS - Journal of the Association for Jewish Studies, issue 17 (2011), Universitätsverlag Potsdam.
  59. ↑ See also Wolfgang Benz , Barbara Distel (Hrsg.): Der Ort des Terrors . History of the National Socialist Concentration Camps. Volume 9: Labor education camps, ghettos, youth protection camps, police detention camps, special camps, gypsy camps, forced labor camps. CH Beck, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-406-57238-8 , p. 41.
  60. ^ Götz Nordbruch: Tunisia. In: Wolfgang Benz (Ed.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus, Volume I: Countries and Regions , 2008, p. 376.
  61. ↑ Sheryl Ochayon: The Jews of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia , fn. 18 (International School for Holocaust Studies)
  62. ↑ Israel Gutman et al. (Ed.): Encyclopedia of the Holocaust . Munich and Zurich 1995, ISBN 3-492-22700-7 , vol. 2. p. 752.
  63. ↑ Hubert Schneider: The "de-Judaization" of living space - "Jewish houses" in Bochum. The history of the buildings and their inhabitants. Münster 2010, ISBN 978-3-643-10828-9 , pp. 162, 164 and others.