Synaspismos Rizospastikis Aristeras

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Συνασπισμός Ριζοσπαστικής Αριστεράς
Synaspismos Rizospastikis Aristera's
Coalition of the Radical Left
Syriza party logo
Party leader Alexis Tsipras
Party leader Alexis Tsipras
founding 2004 (as an electoral alliance)

May 22, 2012 (as a party)

Headquarters Athens , Greece
Alignment Democratic socialism
Left populism
Eco
- socialism Anti-capitalism Criticism of
globalization
Secularism
Parliament seats
86/300
Number of members 35,000
MEPs
6/21
European party European Left (EL)
EP Group United European Left / Nordic Green Left (GUE / NGL)
Website www.syriza.gr
Old logo: red, green and purple flags, above a yellow star

Synaspismos Rizospastikis Aristeras (Syriza) ; Greek Συνασπισμός Ριζοσπαστικής Αριστεράς, ΣΥΡΙΖΑ , translated "coalition of the radical left", is a socialist Greek party . Political scientists place them in left- wing populism .

From 2004, Syriza was initially an electoral alliance consisting of the post-communist and new-left Synaspismos party and ten smaller, communist , eco-socialist , Maoist and Trotskyist groups. With election results between 3 and 5% of the vote, it was the fourth strongest force in parliament until 2012. As the alliance grew in popularity, it was converted into a party in May 2012 with a view to the elections the following June . In this election it emerged as the second strongest force, ahead of the social democratic PASOK . In 2015 it finally won the most votes, more than the conservative Nea Dimokratia .

After the election victory in January 2015 - with a brief interruption due to the new elections in September - Syriza provided the Prime Minister of Greece for the first time with party leader Alexis Tsipras . She formed a coalition government with the right-wing populist party Anexartiti Ellines . The party has been in opposition again since July 8, 2019.

history

Foundation of the electoral alliance

The predecessor organization Syriza was formed before the 2004 parliamentary elections as an alliance of nine left parties and organizations, of which the Synaspismos party was the largest.

In addition to Synaspismos, the alliance included groups that had emerged from the Communist Party KKE , the social democratic PASOK and the ecological-green Ikologi Prasini , and small organizations with Trotskyist claims and Maoists .

The founding parties of Syriza were:

  • the Coalition of the Left of Movements and Ecology ( Greek Συνασπισμός της Αριστεράς των κινημάτων και της Οικολογίας , Synaspismos tis aristerás ton kinimáton ke tis ikologías ), mostly Synaspismos or shortly SYN
  • the Eurocommunist and Ecological Renewing Communist and Ecological Left ( Greek Ανανεωτική Κομμουνιστική Οικολογική Αριστερά , Ananeotiki Kommounistiki ke Ikologiki Aristera , AKOA)
  • the Trotskyist Internationalist Working Left ( Greek Διεθνιστική Εργατική Αριστερά , ΔΕΑ, Diethnistiki Ergatiki Aristera, DEA), a split from the IST
  • the Movement for the united action of the Left ( Greek Κίνηση για την Ενότητα Δράσης της Αριστεράς , ΚΕΔΑ, Kinisi gia tin Enotita Drasis tis Aristeras, KEDA), from a removal of the KKE emerged
  • the electoral association Active Citizens ( Greek Ενεργοί Πολίτες , Energi Polites) around Manolis Glezos

Later came:

  • the populist and socialist Democratic Social Movement ( Greek Δημοκρατικό Κοινωνικό Κίνημα , ΔΗΚΚΙ, Dimokratiko Kinoniko Kinima , DIKKI), a left-wing split from PASOK
  • the Maoist Communist Organization of Greece ( Greek Κομμουνιστική Οργάνωση Ελλάδας , Kommounistiki Organosi Elladas , KOE), member of the ICOR
  • the Trotskyist group Red ( Greek Κόκκινο , Kokkino)
  • the left-ecological eco-socialists of Greece ( Greek Οικοσοσιαλιστές Ελλάδας )
  • the radical left Roza ( Greek Ρόζα ), political arm of the “Network for Political and Social Rights” ( Greek Δίκτυο για τα Πολιτικά και Κοινωνικά Δικαιώματα )
  • The Anti-Capitalist Political Group APO ( Greek Αντικαπιταλιστική Πολιτική Ομάδα, ΑΠΟ)
  • the radicals ( Greek Ριζοσπάστες )

Spin-offs or former parts:

  • In 2010, part of the inner-party renewal wing of the Synaspismos around Fotis Kouvelis split off and founded the moderate, left-wing and decidedly pro-European party Democratic Left ( Greek Δημοκρατική Αριστερά , ΔΗΜΑΡ, Dimokratiki Aristera , DIMAR)
  • the Trotskyist movement ( Greek Ξεκίνημα , Xekinima ), member of the CWI , left the alliance in 2011
  • In July 2015, the KOE ended its work in and support for Syriza.

There were also some well-known left-wing individuals.

At the party congress in July 2013 it was decided to dissolve the individual sub-organizations; however, there is resistance to this.

Alliance electoral successes

In the 2004 parliamentary elections , Syriza won 3.26% of the vote and six seats. The alliance then largely disintegrated, as the groups felt dominated by Synaspismos. In 2005 the alliance was revived when the SYN chairman Alekos Alavanos (* 1950) announced the 31-year-old Aleksis Tsipras as a candidate for mayor in the local elections in Athens. This embodied an “opening to the younger generation”. Hosting the Fourth European Social Forum in Athens in May 2006 strengthened ties within the alliance. In the 2007 parliamentary elections , Syriza achieved its best result to date, with 5.04% of the vote and 14 seats in the Vouli .

In February 2008 Alexis Tsipras took over the leadership of both the SYN party and the Syriza alliance. Other groups joined Syriza. The popularity increased sharply in the period that followed, with surveys predicting Syriza support rates of up to 18 percent. However, these fell again significantly in view of internal leadership disputes, positive statements about the riots in December 2008 (which a majority of Greeks viewed as negative) and an unclear attitude towards the European Union.

While Synaspismos clearly advocated further European integration before unification (the EU wanted to make it more harmonious, democratic and egalitarian), more Eurosceptic positions are represented in Syriza . Your MEPs voted against the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe and the Treaty of Lisbon . However, there was no clear line here: four more pro-European MPs abstained from the Lisbon vote. This conflict later became apparent when the explicitly pro-European wing Renewal from Syriza split off and the Dimokratiki Aristera (DIMAR) was founded in June 2010.

In the 2009 parliamentary elections , the proportion of votes fell to 4.6%; this gave Syriza 13 seats.

The undisclosed dispute within the alliance as to whether a coalition with the social democratic PASOK could be considered if there was a corresponding majority , culminated in June 2010 when DIMAR split off from Synaspismos. DIMAR entered parliament after the 2012 elections; from June 2012 to June 2013 she supported the government of Andonis Samaras .

In the parliamentary elections on May 6, 2012 , Syriza received the most votes after the Nea Dimokratia with 16.8% , more than PASOK. She received 52 seats in the Greek parliament . After the chairman of the strongest party, Tsipras was charged with forming a government on May 8, 2012. He used this to make public appearances; He informed the leaders of the European Union in writing that the Greek people had declared the promise of austerity measures forced upon them to be null and void with the election. The attempt by PASOK to forge a government coalition with Nea Dimokratia and DIMAR failed because DIMAR made it a condition that Syriza must participate in the government.

Founding as a party and a new program

After the election success in May 2012 , opinion polls saw Syriza head to head with the Nea Dimokratia at the top of the popular vote. For the new elections on June 17, 2012 , Syriza therefore saw the opportunity to get the most votes. Since the Greek electoral law of 2008 grants the strongest party a bonus of 50 additional parliamentary seats, but this only applies to independent parties and not to electoral alliances, Syriza submitted a founding declaration to the Supreme Court, which is responsible for admitting the parties to the election was re-founded as a party with the name SYRIZA - United Social Front (ΣΥΡΙΖΑ Ενωτικό Κοινωνικό Μέτωπο, ΣΥΡΙΖΑ-ΕΚΜ / SYRIZA-EKM).

Syriza's new program for the June 17, 2012 election was published on June 1, 2012. Party leader Tsipras announced that the first action by a left-wing government should be the annulment of the memorandum and its implementing laws.

Success in the new elections in June 2012

From the parliamentary elections on June 17, Syriza emerged again as the second strongest party, increasing its share of the vote to 26.89% and winning 71 seats.

The chairman Tsipras then stated that he would go into the opposition with his party and not participate in a government under Samaras' Nea Dimokratia. Syriza continues to protest against the planned austerity measures. Especially in the Athens area, where Syriza received greater approval than Nea Dimokratia, Tsipras will have the population behind him.

Despite good scores in recent opinion polls, Tsipras said that Syriza was not seeking early elections: "It is not the time for tricks, and it is also not the time to overthrow the government."

In contrast to the traditions of the Greek party system, Syriza is not tailored to a dominant leadership figure, but rather comparable to the left-wing parties in Northern and Central Europe. Due to the origin of its members and functionaries from different ideological currents, the party is a very heterogeneous organization in which internal programmatic conflicts are openly resolved. At the 2013 party congress, the “Left Platform”, the most important opposition group within the party, received between 25 and 40 percent of the delegates' votes. About a dozen of the parliamentarians of the then 70-member Syriza faction in the Athens Vouli were assigned to the "Left Platform". The left wing advocates a stronger focus on social movements and a concentration of forces on the socio-political central conflicts in order to anchor the party more firmly in broad sections of the population.

In addition to the heterogeneity of the party, Syriza's cooperative orientation towards social movements is another special feature that sets it apart from all other parties. In the 1970s and 1980s, for example, PASOK saw itself as a movement and viewed trade unions and cooperatives as their support organizations. Due to the now pronounced mistrust of political parties in the Greek population, this relationship has been reversed: Many activists see Syriza as a political expression of their political aspirations, but the social movements themselves as central socio-political actors in a social transformation.

To support the many social projects that arose in the wake of the crisis, Syriza, along with other parties and organizations, contributed to the establishment of the nationwide coordination Solidarity for All . These cooperative forms of self-help emerged mainly after the waves of protests in December 2008 and in summer 2011. These include social clinics and pharmacies, soup kitchens, consumer cooperatives, free markets, barter rings and other forms of solidarity-based economy.

In the 2014 European elections , Syriza was the strongest force ahead of the ruling conservatives with 26.6%.

In the local elections, which took place at the same time, Syriza was able to win two of the 13 regions in Greece: In the most populous region of Attica around Athens-Piraeus, where 30% of the Greek population live, Syriza candidate Rena Dourou just won with 50.82%. The Ionian Islands region clearly captured Syriza with 59.9%. All other, mainly rural regions went to the New Democracy.

Election victories in 2015

The ecological-green party Ikologi Prasini agreed on January 9th with Syriza to support 20 candidates in 17 constituencies on the Syriza candidate list. Giannis Tsironis entered the state list .

From the parliamentary elections on January 25, 2015 , Syriza emerged as the strongest political force by a considerable margin from the second-placed Nea Dimokratia . The party received 36.34 percent of the vote and almost an absolute majority of the seats. Due to the Greek electoral law, which provides a bonus of 50 additional seats for the strongest party, Syriza is represented with 149 of 300 members in the Greek unicameral parliament. The day after the election, party leader Tsipras was sworn in as the new Prime Minister of Greece. The party leadership announced that it wanted to form a coalition government with the right-wing populist Anexartiti Ellines - the Independent Greeks - with whom Syriza had already worked for a time in the opposition.

In the early elections on September 20, 2015 , with 35.46% of the votes (voter turnout around 56.5%), the election was won again with 145 out of 300 parliamentary seats.

program

At the first joint party congress of the united Syriza-EKM party in July 2013, the party decided to stand up for overcoming the “frozen structures of the political system” and for direct democracy . According to its resolution, it seeks “radical changes to the constitution”. According to this, direct democratic institutions are to be created to deepen political and economic democracy, which enable the “cooperative interaction” of social movements and grassroots initiatives with legislation.

Syriza wants to overcome the neoliberalism that has allegedly ruled since the governments of Konstantinos Mitsotakis and Konstantinos Simitis in the 1990s . To this end, loan agreements are to be unilaterally terminated by the government and the latest privatizations are to be stopped or reversed. The state should take on the decisive role in economic development and nationalize the banking system. New state credit institutions are to be created for farmers, small businesses and housing construction.

The European Union rejects Syriza after this program "in its current form" as well as the previous architecture of the euro and the "neoliberal logic" of the euro zone. The adopted text gives the satisfaction of social needs “absolute priority” over the commitments made by the government at the time. She summarized this in the slogan “No sacrifice for the euro”.

Overcoming the financial crisis

Syriza calls

  • taking stock of public debt and renegotiating interest due and suspending payments until the economy has recovered and growth and employment have returned;
  • urges the European Union to change the role of the European Central Bank so that it finances states and public investment programs,
  • the increase in income tax to 75% for all incomes over 500,000 euros,
  • the nationalization of the banks and also wants to give former public service and supply companies (railways, airports, post office, water) that were privatized back into public hands.

Syriza promises a “balanced primary budget”, which currently has a surplus - but only if the servicing of the national debt is not taken into account. The current income is therefore higher than the expenses without interest. Tsipras demanded accordingly that the other euro countries should forgive Greece at least part of the 320 billion euro debt. If Greece were to stop or drastically reduce its debt service, consumer spending could be increased at the expense of creditors. In the creditor countries, the Greek strategy was seen as blackmail. The party does not have a “Plan B” in place in the event that the proposals do not find a response in the EU. Observers consider Syriza's ideas of finding a workable solution to the gigantic Greek national debt to be economically realistic, but politically unreal.

Domestic Policy and Constitutional Reforms

Syriza advocates democratization of the political system, administration and security organs.

  • The right to vote is to be restructured to a system of proportional representation .
  • Privileges of parliamentarians are to be removed. The ministers' immunity , which prevents the courts from taking action against members of the government, is to be removed.
  • The separation of state and church should be guaranteed.
  • The right to education and health care should be anchored.
  • Referendums are to be introduced for treaties and agreements concluded with Europe .
  • The police should be banned from wearing masks and using firearms during demonstrations. The party plans to train police officers on social issues.

Financial policy

  • Raising taxes on large companies to the European average.
  • Introduction of a financial transaction tax and a special tax on luxury goods.
  • Ban on speculative financial derivatives .
  • Abolition of financial privileges for the church and the shipbuilding industry.
  • Measures to combat banking secrecy and the flight of capital abroad.
  • Drastic cut in military spending.

Labor policy

Syriza demands labor policy

  • the increase in the standard minimum wage to the previous level of 750 euros per month,
  • equal pay for women and men.
  • Furthermore, precarious employment relationships should be restricted and open-ended employment contracts should be promoted.
  • Syriza also wants to expand labor protection rights and increase the salaries of part-time workers . In addition, collective employment contracts are to be restored.
  • Inspections of working conditions and requirements for companies applying for public contracts are to be increased.

Social policy

In terms of social policy, Syriza works primarily for the socially disadvantaged in society.

  • Unemployed , homeless and people with low incomes should be able to use the health facilities free of charge.
  • Government buildings, banks and churches are to be used for the homeless.
  • Tax cuts for basic goods are sought.
  • Children should have free breakfast and lunch in public school canteens.
  • Family reunification should be made easier for people with a migration background.
  • Grant up to 30% of mortgage payments for poor families who cannot make payments due.
  • Increase in unemployment benefits.
  • Increasing social protection for single-parent families, the elderly, the disabled and families with no income.
  • Guarantee of human rights in detention centers for immigrants.

Health policy

In the health sector, Syriza believes it is essential to increase public health funds to the European average; the European average is 6% of GDP, in Greece 3%.

  • Citizens should no longer have to pay for national health services. Private clinics are to be nationalized and private participation in the healthcare system is to be ended.
  • Syriza wants to decriminalize drug use to counter drug trafficking . Funds for the drug rehab centers are to be made available.

Environmental policy

The party speaks out in favor of efforts to expand renewable energies and wants to promote the protection of the environment.

Foreign and Security Policy

Syriza calls

  • the immediate withdrawal of the Greek troops from Afghanistan and the Balkans - no soldiers should be stationed or deployed outside the country's borders.
  • the demilitarization of the coastal defense and the special forces against insurrections.
  • The right to conscientious objection to military service should be guaranteed by law.
  • Military cooperation with Israel is to be ended and the creation of a Palestinian state with the 1967 borders made possible.
  • To Turkey more stable conditions to be negotiated.
  • The closure of all foreign bases in Greece and the withdrawal from NATO are sought.

The electoral success of Syriza in Bulgaria, Croatia, Slovenia and Serbia generated strong reactions. An analysis by the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation attributes this to similar experiences with the economic crisis, the growth of social protests, a vacuum on the political left and a generation change. In Serbia, Syriza has formed an alliance with the Socialist Movement , a split from the Socialist Party of Serbia . Its party leader, Aleksandar Vulin, is considered a nationalist hardliner, is close to the Serbian Orthodox Church and, as a long-time editor of the magazine Pečat (The Stamp), is responsible for the spread of aggressive homophobia and xenophobia. The alliance is justified with the celebration of the historically and religiously founded Serbian-Greek friendship. Tsipras' visit to Vulin in Belgrade in December 2014 shook heads among the progressive Serbian public.

Controversy

Controversy over Aegean sovereignty

In February 2013, Syriza dismissed Nassos Theodoridis as her representative on the Human Rights Commission of the Greek Parliament. He had previously said that the Imia Islands belonged to Turkey and that Greece should respect Turkey's 12 nautical mile international zone. He also called the islands by the Turkish name "Kardak" and described the national sovereignty of Greece as an invention that served to "lure the oppressed masses". Syriza distanced itself from the statements.

Cooperation with the Anexartiti Ellines

On the occasion of the Cypriot financial crisis in March 2013, Syriza formed a “common social and political front in support of Cyprus” with the right-wing populist Anexartiti Ellines (Independent Greeks). In the left spectrum, this approach met with some fierce criticism. The communist KKE commented laconically: “The mask has fallen. [...] The new PASOK is being shaped step by step. "

Split of the left wing

The left wing of the party, headed by Panagiotis Lafazanis , organized as a left platform , took a course strictly against austerity and refused allegiance to the government under Alexis Tsipras after it showed its willingness to meet the requirements of the donors for the third aid program. Lafazanis and two deputy ministers then had to leave the government in July 2015. After Tsipras had embarked on new elections with his resignation, 25 members of the left wing founded the Laiki Enotita on August 21, 2015 .

See also

Web links

Commons : Syriza  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/people/russell-brand-calls-for-uk-to-join-greek-revolution-after-anti-capitalist-anti-austerity-coalition-10004783.html
  2. https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/01/phase-one/
  3. See for example Heinz-Jürgen Axt : Greece, the calculation of left-wing populists and the euro . In: Südosteuropa 60 (2012) 3, pp. 321–345, here: p. 321; Florian Hartleb : A lesson in demagogy . In: Handelsblatt , July 1, 2015; Cas Mudde : The problem with populism . In: The Guardian , February 17, 2015; Anton Pelinka : Extremists Against Europe. The European Union as “Defining Other” . ÖGfE Policy Brief, 20/2015, Vienna 2015, p. 5; Alexander Schellinger: "Too much, too fast". What can be learned from the reforms in Greece . Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung , Internationale Politikanalyse, Berlin 2015, ISBN 978-3-95861-224-2 , p. 2; Hendrik Träger: The 2014 European elections as a second-order election. A look at all 28 EU countries . In: Michael Kaeding , Niko Switek (ed.): The 2014 European elections. Leading candidates, protest parties, non-voters . Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2015, ISBN 978-3-658-05737-4 , pp. 33-44, here: p. 41; see. also Heinrich August Winkler : History of the West [electronic resource]. The time of the present . CH Beck, Munich 2015, ISBN 978-3-406-66987-3 , o. S .; Frank Decker : From protest phenomenon to permanent political phenomenon: Right and left populism in Western Europe . In: Uwe Backes , Alexander Gallus , Eckhard Jesse (eds.): Yearbook Extremism & Democracy , Volume 27 (2015), Nomos, Baden-Baden 2015, ISBN 978-3-8487-2522-9 , pp. 57-72 , here: p. 59.
  4. ^ A b c Luke March: Radical Left Parties in Europe. Routledge, Abingdon (Oxon) 2011.
  5. Ta Nea of ​​May 22, 2012
  6. NZZ of May 23, 2012: "Greek left-wing radicals unite to form a party"
  7. Marioulas, Julian: The Greek Left, in: Birgit Daiber, Cornelia Hildebrandt, Anna Striethorst (Ed.): From Revolution to Coalition. Left parties in Europe, Dietz-Verlag Berlin 2010
  8. ^ Uwe Backes, Patrick Moreau: Conclusion . In: Communist and Post-Communist Parties in Europe . Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2008, p. 574, fn. 99.
  9. Takis S. Pappas: Populism and Crisis Politics in Greece. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke (Hants) / New York 2014, p. 59.
  10. ^ Susannah Verney, Sofia Michalaki: Greece. In: Party Attitudes Towards the EU in the Member States. Parties for Europe, parties against Europe. Routledge, Abingdon (Oxon) / New York 2014, p. 139.
  11. ^ Greece: "Xekinima" leaves SYRIZA , Sozialismus.info, June 17, 2011.
  12. "SYRIZA has changed its character into a pro-memorandum party". Interview from August 26th with Errikos Finalis from the KOE (Communist Organization of Greece - ICOR member) on the development in Greece in Rote Fahne. MLPD weekly newspaper 36/2015
  13. ^ Pappas: Populism and Crisis Politics in Greece. 2014, p. 106.
  14. ^ Uwe Backes, Patrick Moreau: Conclusion . In: Communist and Post-Communist Parties in Europe . Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2008, pp. 574-575.
  15. ^ Susannah Verney: An Exceptional Case? Party and Popular Euroscepticism in Greece, 1959–2009. In: Euroscepticism in Southern Europe. A Diachronic Perspective. Routledge, Abingdon (Oxon) 2012, p. 69.
  16. Julian Marioulas: The Greek Left. In: From Revolution to Coalition - Radical Left Parties in Europe. Manuscripts New Series No. 2, Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung, Berlin 2012, pp. 300–302.
  17. Zeit Online from May 9, 2012: "Left leader Tsipras writes fire letter to the EU"
  18. ^ Coalition talks in Athens failed again . In: Süddeutsche Zeitung , May 11, 2012.
  19. Article 1. 2a of the Electoral Act of 2008 (Greek) stipulates that an electoral alliance receives the bonus of 50 seats only if its share of the vote divided by the number of parties involved is higher than that of the strongest independent party.
  20. Ta Nea of ​​May 22, 2012
  21. a b Athens News from June 1, 2012: “Syriza launches new Program” ( memento of the original from June 4, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.athensnews.gr
  22. Official result of the parliamentary election in June 2012 ( memento of the original from June 19, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link has been inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. Greek Ministry of the Interior (Greek, English) @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / ekloges.ypes.gr
  23. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung of June 17, 2012: "Tsipras rejects government participation"
  24. The power of the road . In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , June 18, 2012.
  25. Greek opposition rejects new cuts but won't force poll . Reuters Online, October 27, 2012.
  26. Stathis Kouvelakis: SYRIZA after its founding congress - views from the party's left . July 18, 2014.
  27. Gregory Kritidis, Greece - on the way to measure state? Authoritarian crisis policy and democratic resistance. Hanover 2014, p. 10 f.
  28. [1] (self-presentation in Greek, English and French)
  29. Lisa in the middle; Solidarity is all we have left. Solidarity economy in the Greek crisis. Neu-Ulm 2013. P. 97 ff.
  30. Results by country: Greece
  31. Οι υποψήφιοι που στηρίζουν οι Οικολόγοι Πράσινοι στα ψηφοδέλτια του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ Οικολόγοι Πράσινοι, January 10, 2015 (Greek)
  32. 2015 election results on the website of the Greek Ministry of the Interior
  33. a b c Pappas: Populism and Crisis Politics in Greece. 2014, p. 138.
  34. ^ Program on the Syriza website
  35. G. Dragasakis, Presentation of the program for the economy in tovima.gr (Greek) (PDF; 250 kB)
  36. Boris Kálnoky: Whatever the Germans say, they will pay. In: The world. January 26, 2015, accessed July 19, 2015 .
  37. Greece: How Europe wants to tame Tsipras
  38. Against the Greek blackmail
  39. Τα funds αμφισβητούν τον ΣΥΡΙΖΑ
  40. Niels Kadritzke: It smells like elections . Nachdenkseiten.de, October 30, 2014.
  41. Sofia Sakorafa, presentation of the program for the democratization of the political system, a democratic administration and security policy, in tovima.gr (Greek) (PDF; 94 kB)
  42. Program on social and labor policy in tovima.gr (Greek) (PDF; 164 kB)
  43. Panagiotis Lafazanis, Presentation of the program for social and labor policy (Greek) (PDF; 164 kB)
  44. Social and Labor Policy Program (Greek) (PDF; 164 kB)
  45. Tholoris Dritsas, presentation of the program for foreign and defense policy, in tovima.gr (Greek) (PDF; 106 kB)
  46. Red points on the Balkans , Boris Kanzleiter, in: Die Linke.international. Information brochure for peace and international politics. Issue 2/2015 (54), pp. 44–48
  47. SYRIZA Sacks MP For Backing Turkey , Greek Greece Reporter, February 7, 2013
  48. SYRIZA distances itself from Nasos Theodoridis , To Vima , February 7, 2013
  49. Leftist MP sacked from parliamentary commission following controversial Imia comments , Ekathimerini , 7 February 2013.
  50. Greek News of March 28, 2013: SYRIZA - Independent Greeks Agree on 'Common Front' to Support Cyprus

Remarks

  1. The "Memorandum" in Greece refers to the agreements with the EU, ECB and IMF, in which tough austerity and reform measures were accepted as a condition for financial aid.