Walter Pahl (trade unionist)

Walter Pahl (born May 19, 1903 in Tarnow ( Province of Posen ), † November 18, 1969 in Bad Harzburg ) was a German trade unionist and publicist . In the late Weimar Republic he was one of the “young right-wingers” in the social democratic labor movement , which linked state socialist ideas with authoritarian state concepts . As a functionary of the General German Trade Union Federation (ADGB), he advocated rapprochement with the Hitler government in 1933 . After 1936 he published papers that justified the Third Reich's urge to expand and welcomed the exclusion of Jews . After the Second World War he became editor of the trade union monthly , the theoretical body of the West German trade unions. Pahl had to vacate this post in 1954 when public criticism of his journalistic activities between 1936 and 1945 arose.

Live and act

Education and way to the socialist labor movement

Pahl probably came from a middle-class family. After attending grammar school in Poznan , he began studying economics and psychology at the universities of Leipzig and Heidelberg . In Leipzig in 1925 he obtained a diploma in economics . With a dissertation on "The psychological effects of film with special consideration of their social-psychological significance" he received his doctorate in 1926 under Felix Krueger and Hans Freyer .

During his studies, Pahl joined a socialist student organization and became a member of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in 1924 or 1926 . In 1924 he began to work at the adult education center in Leipzig, which was directed by Hermann Heller and Paul Hermberg . In 1926 he represented Adolf Reichwein in the management of the adult education center in Jena .

Union official and publications in the Weimar Republic

In 1927 Pahl took up a position in the main office of the Association of Community and State Workers , where he was assigned to the economics department. In 1932 he initially worked briefly as a consultant for labor service issues at the Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold , before taking up a position as scientific secretary of the ADGB. As early as 1927 he founded a home for young workers with Margarethe Marie Louise Ueckermann, whom he married on February 2, 1929. From 1927 to 1931 he also worked as a lecturer at the Berlin Adult Education Center. From 1931 he took over lecturing duties at the Berlin trade union school. Until 1933 he also worked as a lecturer at the German School of Politics and at the Federal School of the ADGB in Bernau . From August 1932 he headed the Central Office for Voluntary Labor Service at the ADGB - a counter-model to concepts that propagated compulsory labor services during the global economic crisis . In the same year he also acted as managing director of the newly founded Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft Sozialer Dienst , which was supposed to coordinate the activities of free trade unions and social democratic organizations. Pahl preferred closed labor camps in which the volunteers were housed around the clock. He saw this as a condition for realizing the socio-educational utopia of education through work , an anti-liberal idea in which socialist work metaphysics was mixed with authoritarian conception of society.

Parallel to his work for the free trade unions and in the socialist education system, Pahl positioned himself as a publicist. On the one hand, he dealt with questions of the global raw materials economy and geopolitics . In 1928 he published his first book on this subject: “The struggle for raw materials”, a subject that he would later take up again and again.

A second focus of his publications was the discussion of social democratic politics in the final phase of the Weimar Republic . Pahl was one of those younger social democrats and trade unionists who were shocked by the September 1930 elections , in which the NSDAP surprisingly became the second largest faction in the Reichstag, particularly criticizing the leadership style of the party leadership, the aging of the party and the advertising methods of the social democracy. In doing so, he orientated himself on the one hand on the Belgian socialist Hendrik de Man , who wanted to defeat fascism as its social cause by fighting against unemployment in a planned economy ; on the other hand, he was close to the Hofgeismar circle and belonged to the circle of the "young right wing" who grouped around the magazine Neue Blätter for socialism and rejected Marxist socialism.

In his programmatic essay "Room for the socialist vanguard" (1931), Pahl called on the SPD to open up "across the board to the will of the young generation". He did not refer the “young generation” to a certain age, but to a “certain attitude and conviction”. "Revolutionary thinking and practical action" are to be combined. In order to get young people enthusiastic about the socialist labor movement and to compete with organizations of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) and the NSDAP, Pahl considered overcoming " vulgar Marxist " positions and a positive attitude towards the state to be necessary. He also called for the SPD to open up to small businesses and farmers . Pahl rejected capitalism as well as the "formal democracy" of the Weimar state. For him and the group of the “young right-wing” it was about state socialism that was conceived as an executive state. From October 1931, Pahl was one of the editors of the Neue Blätter für den Sozialismus like Carlo Mierendorff , Theodor Haubach and Adolf Reichwein . His texts have also appeared in other magazines such as Die Arbeit and Sozialistische Monatshefte .

In the circle of the “young” trade unionists to the right

The global economic crisis led to a considerable loss of membership and the consumption of union funds. The influence of the SPD on the affairs of government in the Reich and in Prussia also fell through the presidential cabinets and the Prussian strike . Against this background and in view of the apparently unstoppable rise of National Socialism , the ADGB gradually loosened its traditional ties to the SPD in the early 1930s.

At the ADGB headquarters, Pahl belonged to the group of younger functionaries in key positions who were involved in the formulation of nationalist positions in the ADGB. This group around Lothar Erdmann also included Franz Josef Furtwängler , Hermann Seelbach , Clemens Nörpel , Bruno Broecker , Otto Hessler , Walter Maschke and Richard Seidel . This group was not a group of outsiders at the time. Many of the “boys” were lateral entrants with no firm commitment to the traditions of the socialist trade union movement. Politically pragmatic , they wanted to turn away from what was perceived as dogmatic Marxism and to raise the profile of national viewpoints. Some of the "boys", including Pahl, Erdmann, Hessler and Maschke, met since 1931/32 in the Maaß-Kreis , a discussion group around Hermann Maaß , the manager of the Reich Committee of the German Youth Associations . There they discussed topics such as “Nation and Socialism” or the position of the workers' movement on the “concept of defense” - topics that also attracted young SPD politicians who wanted to reform their party from the right.

The success of the efforts of these “boys” could be seen in the fact that even Theodor Leipart , the chairman of the ADGB, set out to free the free trade unions from “party shackles”. On October 14, 1932, he gave a lecture on "The Cultural Tasks of the Trade Unions". A central sentence was: “No social class can elude national development.” The unionization of the workers was done “in order to awaken a sense of community in them and to cultivate the common spirit”. The trade unions, so Leipart, waged “their social struggle in the interest of the nation” and rendered “service to the people”; Socialist trade unionists knew "the soldier's spirit of classification and devotion to the whole". Leipart's speech generated a lively public response. In August 1932, the daily newspaper “ T Tages Rundschau” , which was taken over by the Tat group around Hans Zehrer with the help of the Reichswehr Ministry , printed large parts of the lecture. Positive reactions came from the Stahlhelm , Gregor Strasser , leader of the left wing of the NSDAP, was full of praise. Historians suspect that Leipart's speech was conceived by Erdmann or von Seelbach.

The WTB plan , the ADGB's national job creation program published in January 1932, also signaled a loosening of ties to the SPD, which was skeptical of this plan because it believed there was a risk of inflation , tolerated the presidential cabinet under Heinrich Brüning and refused to rescue the capitalist economic system . The WTB plan related to the German economy also resulted in further links to the right, because Gregor Strasser also submitted corresponding proposals (“immediate economic program”). Günther Gereke developed something similar as a representative of the German rural community convention . A little later Gereke acted in the Schleicher Cabinet as Reich Commissioner for Employment Creation, a post that he retained until early 1933 after the change of government to the Hitler Cabinet .

The Reichswehr leadership was interested in such job creation plans , because in addition to funds for armament , the planned labor services offered prospects for pre-military training and a militia system . The top of the ADGB intensified its cooperation on the question of voluntary labor service with the Reichswehr Ministry through Walter Pahl; The Berlin historian and Schleicher confidante Dr. Horst Michael made contact with the ADGB in the last few weeks of the republic.

In 1931, against the background of the German banking crisis and rising unemployment, Walter Pahl developed into one of the most important union protagonists of a planned economy crisis strategy and played a key role in the debate that led to the ADGB concept of “restructuring the economy” in July 1932. In the tradition of the social democratic program of economic democracy , radicalized planned economy positions were represented. Just like the “conversion” program, Pahl's attitude is assessed differently. Hans Willi Weinzen doubts that Pahl's essays prepared a "tendency for the free trade unions to open up to the right", while Hannes Heer locates Pahl on the "right wing of trade union theorists" and sees him as one of "the most determined supporters of cooperation with the fascists". From a Marxist-Leninist point of view, Manfred Schmidt characterized Pahl as part of a “new generation of opportunists” who “more or less openly negated” the goal of socialism. Detlev Brunner, on the other hand, warns against stereotyped thinking and raises the question of the extent to which the understanding of the state of "economic democracy" is suitable for creating a bridge to an understanding of the state that is no longer democratic.

Career in the Third Reich

After the handover of power to the National Socialists in January 1933, the ADGB strengthened its course away from the SPD by emphasizing that it also wanted to work with the new government under Hitler in order to save the trade union organizations in a modified form in the Third Reich. The federal board of directors of the ADGB welcomed the government initiative to make May 1st a national labor holiday and on April 19, 1933, called on union members to take part in the celebrations. The political change was not only noticeable at board level. He also showed himself at the middle level of functionaries. Walter Pahl wrote in the union newspaper of April 29, 1933:

“There was no other ranking of the values ​​of nation and socialism that distinguished us from National Socialism , but only a different order of priority . We want only to make socialism the nation. National Socialism demanded and realized the unity of the nation in order to build German socialism on this broad and solid foundation [...] We really don't need to 'fall over' to confess that the victory of National Socialism, although it was in the fight against a party was achieved, which was considered to be the bearer of the socialist idea, is also our victory, insofar as the socialist task is today set for the whole nation. "

Pahl, who with this line of thought admitted the National Socialists to be just as upright socialists as the trade unionists themselves claimed, sent his article to Rudolf Diels before publication , with whom he had previously dealt with labor service matters and the end April 1933 rose to head of the Secret State Police . Diels was supposed to forward the contribution to "some gentlemen of the NSDAP with a request for comments", the text expresses the attitude of many younger functionaries. While Hannes Heer and Carsten Linne see “concentrated fascism” or “National Socialist tendencies” in Pahl's contribution, Detlev Brunner emphasizes that this was not an expression of adaptation, but rather a line of thought previously represented by Pahl.

On May 2, 1933, Pahl was arrested in the course of the break-up of the trade unions . After a few days he was released and emigrated to Switzerland . There he published the text “Germany where? Balance of the National Socialist Revolution ”under the pseudonym Lothar Frey. In it, he accused the trade unions of not having followed their “path of tighter classification in the state” and their “positive position towards the state and nation”, especially during Kurt von Schleicher's reign, with “sufficient energy”. According to Detlev Brunner, the idea that the trade unions could also be linked to an authoritarian state arose not only from the retrospective after the smashing of the trade union movement, but was developed towards the end of the Weimar Republic. In October 1933, Pahl went to Great Britain .

In May 1935 he returned to Germany. He then worked for newspapers and magazines such as the Münchener Neuesten Nachrichten , the Frankfurter Zeitung , the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung , the Deutsche Rundschau , Die Hilfe , Koralle and Europäische Revue . In 1936 three non-fiction books on geopolitical issues were published. Pahl regarded Germany as the “heart of Europe”. The weakening of Germany always means a weakening of Europe, the fight of Germany against the Treaty of Versailles is a fight for "a geopolitically sensible principle of order in Europe". In these books, Pahl also advocated turning African areas into German colonies : "For Germany, which is overcrowded and poor in raw materials, it is not only a question of honor, but also a question of life that the path to Africa should be opened again." Pahl saw corresponding plans in the "status quo powers" and in " Bolshevism ".

According to Pahl, minorities had no place in Germany. The author included Jews in particular. They are "ethnic foreign bodies" that would "decompose" the " national body " from within. He viewed Germany's anti-Semitic Jewish policy as exemplary:

"Since National Socialism eliminated the Jewish influence on the political, cultural and economic life of the nation through its legislation and referred the Jews to the independence of a minority, the realization began in other European countries that the Jewish question is a racial problem and as such only through dissimilation, d. H. the re-separation can be resolved. The Jewish question , the question of the elimination of Jewish influence on the public life of the European peoples, has become a core question of European politics. "

Elsewhere, Pahl claimed that "the Jews" had " foreigned " the Polish economy . The aim there is to “solve the nationality question through a generous resettlement of the nationalities [...] In this context, an attempt should be made to order and regulate the Jewish problem [...]” Pahl criticized Jewish immigration in Palestine : “Palestine is an arab country. And with the help of the English, the evil Jews infiltrated this country. "

In 1939 an anti-British pamphlet appeared in which Pahl again focused on the subject of raw materials. The war had been forced upon the Germans by England. English “raw material monopoly ” and “raw material plutocrat ” would act as dictators on the raw material markets . Germany is trying to enforce the principle of a large-scale economy against them, which will deprive the British of the opportunity to intervene in the "vital continental Central and Eastern European area" for Germany . In September 1939, Pahl moved from Berlin to Überlingen . The Eher-Verlag , party publisher of the NSDAP, commissioned him at the beginning of the following year to write a book for the series “This is England!”. Pahl fulfilled this mandate and submitted a paper in which he again expanded his theses on geo and raw materials policy. He stylized Germany, fascist Italy and Japan as champions for national “ living space ” and as liberators of the African peoples. The German will to power aims at an organic spatial design, while the British will to power amassed space haphazardly. In 1940 and 1941, the politically reliable Pahl also gave geopolitical lectures for the Nazi organization Kraft durch Freude .

A book about the Soviet Union , on which he was working from 1940, no longer appeared because the war against the Soviet Union had made it out of date. In this pamphlet, Pahl presented the German Reich and the Soviet Union, which were allied before June 22, 1941, as ideologically separate powers, but they were united in the struggle for a new order in Europe and against the "International of Liberalism and Capitalism" .

Pahl was called up as a medical soldier in May 1941. He escaped being used at the front with the help of an acquaintance who piloted him to the Stuttgart military district command . Pahl was used as a speaker in the context of troop support . He gave his geopolitical lectures at the German Institute in Paris, among others . On October 20, 1942, the Nazi Party Propaganda Office banned Pahl from lecturing. He was drafted and returned from captivity in 1945 .

Work in post-war Germany and in the Federal Republic

In 1946, Pahl led the reconstruction of the Heidelberg Adult Education Center . In April 1946, the former Prussian minister of education, Adolf Grimme, advised his social democratic comrade Gerhard Weisser , then general secretary of the British zone's advisory council, to employ Walter Pahl as secretary for culture or economics. Weisser took up this suggestion and recommended Pahl to the zone advisory board as secretary for social policy and cultural policy . This proposal met with resistance in the advisory board. Konrad Adenauer saw in Pahl an apologist for the National Socialist expansionist efforts. Kurt Schumacher denied this. With fourteen votes against nine, the advisory board finally accepted the proposal to hire Pahl on October 1, 1946. Due to the apparent resistance, Pahl did not take up this position, but declared his willingness to work for the zone advisory council on a limited basis. On October 1, 1946, he was hired as an expert on social policy issues. This activity lasted until September 1948. From 1948 to 1950 Pahl worked at the Academy for Community Economy in Dortmund . At the suggestion of Franz Spliedt , before 1933 ADGB board member and after 1945 as chairman of the social policy committee of the zone advisory board of the British zone of the superior Pahl, Walter Pahl was hired on January 1, 1950 as general secretary of the union monthly . There were protests against this occupation of the exposed position in the theoretical organ of the West German trade unions: In a letter to Georg Reuter , the deputy chairman of the German Trade Union Federation (DGB), Walter Auerbach expressed dismay at this process.

At the end of 1953, Pahl published a contribution to the politics of the trade unions in the final phase of the Weimar Republic in the trade union monthly bulletins, referring positively to statements made by Lothar Erdmann at the time. This led to a public discussion about his career in the Third Reich. On January 9, 1954, Karl Gerold , the editor-in-chief of the Frankfurter Rundschau , attacked Pahl sharply in an editorial entitled "The careerist and the will to power" and called on the DGB to part with Pahl. The federal executive board of the DGB then suggested to Pahl to resign from his post as editor of the trade union monthly bulletins. Pahl refused, saying that such a move was not in the union's interests. Georg Reuter suggested that Pahl should go to court against Gerold, the DGB federal executive then granted legal protection for Pahl. At the end of March 1954, Pahl filed a private lawsuit against Gerold. The public and internal trade union debates about Pahl led to fears in the DGB federal executive that this dispute could develop into a general controversy about the politics of the trade unions in 1933. On June 1, 1954, Walter Freitag said on the DGB Federal Executive Board that Pahl had represented positions in 1933 which Theodor Leipart , the long-time ADGB chairman, had shared. Hans Brümmer demanded that the Pahl affair must be resolved before the next DGB federal congress. The trade unionists finally found a compromise on August 13, 1954: Pahl resigned and in return received a special contract with Bund-Verlag , which secured him the usual salaries. Pahl then withdrew the lawsuit against Gerold.

Historian Karsten Linne suspects the SPD to be behind the public campaign against Pahl. The latter staged Gerold's attacks because after the lost federal elections in 1953, the political line of the trade union monthly magazine did not appeal to her. The DGB, on the other hand, believed that former communists had launched Gerold's article or even wrote it themselves.

In 1960 Pahl moved from Hamburg to Bad Harzburg. There he entered the academy for business executives to manage the library and assist Reinhard Höhn , who before 1945 had worked in the Reich Security Main Office and had risen to the rank of SS Oberführer in the SS . In addition to this work, Pahl also carried out individual scientific assignments. On November 18, 1969, he died in a traffic accident.

Fonts

• The struggle for raw materials (Weltpolitische Bücherei, Vol. 7), Zentralverlag, Berlin 1928.
• Lothar Frey (pseudonym): Germany where? Balance of the National Socialist Revolution . Europa-Verlag, Zurich 1934.
• Africa between black and white . Goldmann, Bern / Leipzig / Vienna 1936.
• Weather zones of world politics . Goldmann, Leipzig 1937.
• The political face of the earth. A world political atlas . Goldmann, Leipzig 1938.
• World struggle for raw materials . Goldmann, Leipzig 1939.
• British power politics . Rather, Berlin 1940.
• Raw materials. The struggle for the goods of the earth . Goldmann, Munich 1952.
• Trade unions and social democracy before 1933. On the history of the unified trade union ; in: trade union monthly books , vol. 4 (1953) no . 12, pp. 720–724 (PDF; 53 kB).

literature

• Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . In: 1999. Journal for Social History of the 20th and 21st Century , Volume 5 (1990), No. 3, pp. 39-55.

Web links

• Literature by and about Walter Pahl in the catalog of the German National Library

Individual evidence

1. ^ Detlev Brunner: Bureaucracy and Politics of the General German Trade Union Confederation 1918/19 to 1933 . Bund-Verlag, Cologne 1992, ISBN 3-7663-2392-X , p. 133, note 167.
2. ^ ^{A b} Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 39.
3. ^ Detlev Brunner: Bureaucracy and politics of the general German trade union federation . P. 148.
4. ^ Detlev Brunner: Bureaucracy and politics of the general German trade union federation . P. 139.
5. ^ Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 39 f u. P. 42; Heinrich August Winkler : The way to catastrophe. Workers and the labor movement in the Weimar Republic. 1930-1933 . Dietz, Berlin / Bonn 1987, p. 752, ISBN 3-8012-0095-7 .
6. ↑ See Stefan Vogt: National Socialism and Social Democracy. The Social Democratic Young Rights 1918–1945 . JHW Dietz Nachf., Bonn 2006, ISBN 3-8012-4161-0 , p. 291 f.
7. ↑ Zentralverlag, Weltpolitische Bücherei, Berlin 1928. See also the review by Alfred Braunthal in: Die Arbeit. Journal for trade union policy and economics , vol. 7 (1930), no. 1, pp. 61–62 ( Memento from August 26, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 314 kB).
8. ↑ See also Gerhard Schulz : Von Brüning zu Hitler. The change in the political system in Germany 1930–1933 (Between Democracy and Dictatorship. Constitutional Policy and Reich Reform in the Weimar Republic, Vol. 3), Verlag Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, New York 1992, ISBN 3-11-013525-6 , p 349-351.
9. ↑ ^{a b} Christine Hohmann: Serving accompaniment and later resistance. The national socialist Adolf Reichwein under National Socialism . J. Klinkhardt, Bad Heilbrunn, 2007, p. 68.
10. ↑ ^{a b} On Pahl's journalistic activities up to 1933 see Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . Pp. 39-41.
11. ^ Axel Schildt : Military ratio and integration of the trade unions. On the cross-front conception of the Reichswehr leadership at the end of the Weimar Republic. In: Richard Saage (ed.): Solidarity community and class struggle. Political conceptions of social democracy between the world wars (edition suhrkamp, ​​NF vol. 363), Suhrkamp, ​​Frankfurt am Main 1986, ISBN 3-518-11363-1 , pp. 346–364, here p. 353.
12. ↑ Seelbach was head of the ADGB federal school in Bernau. See Detlev Brunner: Bureaucracy and politics of the General German Trade Union Confederation . P. 102.
13. ↑ Nörpel was an expert in labor law. See Detlev Brunner: Bureaucracy and politics of the General German Trade Union Confederation . P. 128.
14. ↑ Broecker acted as a labor market and tariff expert, see Detlev Brunner: Bureaucracy and politics of the General German Trade Union Federation . P. 127.
15. ↑ Hessler was employed as an education secretary. See Detlev Brunner: Bureaucracy and politics of the General German Trade Union Confederation . P. 128.
16. ↑ On the group of "boys" see Ilse Fischer: Reconciliation of Nation and Socialism? Lothar Erdmann (1888–1939): A “passionate individualist” at the top of the union. Biography and excerpts from the diaries ( AfS , supplement 23), Verlag JHW Dietz Nachf., Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-8012-4136-X .
17. ^ Axel Schildt: Military ratio and integration of the trade unions . P. 353.
18. ↑ Ilse Fischer: Reconciliation of Nation and Socialism? P. 132.
19. ^ Detlev Brunner: Bureaucracy and politics of the general German trade union federation . P. 180 f.
20. ↑ Quoted from Heinrich August Winkler: Weimar 1918–1933. The history of the first German democracy. 4th reviewed edition, Beck, Munich 2005, ISBN 3-406-43884-9 , p. 550 .
21. ↑ On Leipart's speech see Ilse Fischer: Reconciliation of Nation and Socialism? . P. 198 f.
22. ↑ See Detlev Humann: "Arbeitsschlacht". Job creation and propaganda in the Nazi era 1933–1939 . Wallstein, Göttingen 2011, ISBN 3-8353-0838-6 , pp. 51-55 .
23. ^ Axel Schildt: Military ratio and integration of the trade unions . P. 348 and P. 357. More detailed Axel Schildt: Military dictatorship with a mass base? The cross-front conception of the Reichswehr leadership around General von Schleicher at the end of the Weimar Republic . Campus, Frankfurt am Main [u. a.] 1981, ISBN 3-593-32958-1 , pp. 70-75. For the integration of the voluntary labor service there p. 74 and p. 94 f.
24. ^ Axel Schildt: Military ratio and integration of the trade unions . P. 356.
25. ↑ Ilse Fischer: Reconciliation of Nation and Socialism? . P. 135 and p. 200 f.
26. ↑ See Stefan Vogt: National Socialism and Social Democracy. The Social Democratic Young Rights 1918–1945 . Pp. 285-289.
27. ^ Detlev Brunner: Bureaucracy and politics of the General German Trade Union Confederation 1918/19 to 1933. Otto Brenner Foundation, Frankfurt / M. 1992, pp. 259-263, cit. 262.
28. ↑ Walter Pahl: The holiday of work and the socialist workers . In: Union newspaper , No. 17, April 29, 1933, quoted from Heinrich August Winkler: The path to catastrophe. Workers and the labor movement in the Weimar Republic. 1930-1933 . Berlin / Bonn 1987, p. 922 f (emphasis according to Winkler in the original from 1933).
29. ^ Heinrich August Winkler: The way into the disaster. Workers and the labor movement in the Weimar Republic. 1930-1933 . Berlin / Bonn 1987, p. 923.
30. ↑ Quoted from Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 43.
31. ^ Hannes Heer: Burgfrieden or class struggle. On the politics of the social democratic trade unions 1930–1933. Luchterhand, Neuwied 1971, p. 107.
32. ↑ Karsten Linne: From Leipart to Ley: Clemens Nörpel. A document from 1944. In: 1999. Journal for Social History of the 20th and 21st Century 3 (1988), no. 4, p. 92.
33. ^ Brunner, Bureaucracy and Politics of the General German Trade Union Confederation . Pp. 456-458.
34. ^ Brunner, Bureaucracy and Politics of the General German Trade Union Confederation . P. 263.
35. ^ Andy Hahnemann: Textures of the Global. Geopolitics and Popular Literature in the Interwar Period 1918–1939 . Universitätsverlag Winter, Heidelberg 2010, p. 55, note 42, ISBN 978-3-8253-5738-2 .
36. ^ Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 45 f.
37. ↑ Quoted from Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 46 f.
38. ↑ ^{a b} Quoted from Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 47.
39. ↑ ^{a b} Quoted from Karl Gerold: The careerist and the will to power . In: Frankfurter Rundschau , vol. 10, no. 7, 9. – 10. January 1954.
40. ↑ To this Andy Hahnemann: Texturen des Globalen . P. 56, note 43. Hahnemann cites a corresponding assessment of the Reichsschrifttumskammer , which in turn refers to reports of the Gestapo and the NSDAP Gauleitung Berlin.
41. ^ Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 48 f. Quotations on p. 48.
42. ↑ Quoted from Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 49.
43. ↑ For lectures at this facility, see Eckhard Michels: The German Institute in Paris 1940–1944. A contribution to the Franco-German cultural relations and foreign cultural policy of the Third Reich (Studies on Modern History, 46), Steiner, Stuttgart 1993, pp. 248-254, ISBN 3-515-06381-1 .
44. ^ Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 49 f.
45. ↑ See files on the prehistory of the Federal Republic of Germany 1945–1949, Vol. 1, September 1945 – December 1946, ed. by Federal Archives and Institute for Contemporary History , Vol. 1. Edited by Walter Vogel and Christoph Weisz. Oldenbourg, Munich [u. a.] 1976, pp. 855-861, ISBN 3-486-44321-6 , pp. 855-861.
46. ^ Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . Pp. 50-52.
47. ^ Walter Pahl: Unions and Social Democracy before 1933. On the history of the unified union ; in: trade union monthly books , vol. 4 (1953) no . 12, pp. 720–724 (PDF; 53 kB).
48. ↑ Karl Gerold: The careerist and the will to power . In: Frankfurter Rundschau , vol. 10, no. 7, 9. – 10. January 1954.
49. ^ Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 53 f.
50. ↑ Wolfgang Schroeder : Christian social policy or socialism. Oswald von Nell-Breuning, Viktor Agartz and the Frankfurt DGB Congress 1954 . In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte , vol. 39 (1991), no. 2 (PDF; 7.7 MB), pp. 179–220, here pp. 200 f.
51. ^ Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 54.
52. ^ Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 54 f.
53. ^ Karsten Linne: Walter Pahl - A trade union career . P. 55.

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