Flagellants

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Depiction of flagellants in the Konstanz Chronicle, manuscript from the 15th century
The Flagellants , Carl von Marr 1889

The flagellants or flagellants were a Christian lay movement in the 13th and 14th centuries . Their name goes back to the Latin word flagellum (scourge or whip ). One of the religious practices of their followers was public self-flagellation in order to repent and cleanse themselves of sins committed .

The beginnings

Pre-Christian religions, e.g. B. the Egyptian cult of Isis and the Greek cult of Dionysus , used the self-flagellation. Even during the Roman Lupercalia women were scourged to stimulate fertility. The Jews practiced self-flagellation at major temple ceremonies.

The first written message about self-flagellation as a Christian practice of penance comes from the biographer of St. Padulf († 737). Afterwards, during Lent, he was whipped by his student Theodenus. From other contemporaries derived vitae but only from later centuries, so that the messages are not reliable. But self-flagellation is mentioned in the books of penance of the 10th century.

Petrus Damiani wrote in his Vita of the hermit Dominicus Loricatus (i.e. 'the armored man' because he wore an iron armor on his skin; † 1160 or 1161) that he had scourged himself every day while praying the Psalter . Many other saints of the Catholic Church are said to have undergone this exercise. Called Ignatius of Loyola , Francis Xavier , Charles Borromeo , St. Catherine of Siena , Teresa of Avila and the Order founder Dominic . Self-flagellation was firmly anchored in many rules of the order into modern times and was cultivated into the 20th century. The custom was practiced on certain days, mostly on all Fridays and on other days of Advent and Lent.

The intention

Self-flagellation was called disciplina ' education '. It was about a transformation of the self , a pedagogy of existence. While the ideal of the Stoa was dispassion, the early monks' discipline turned into an agonal concept of combating evil passions. Man wanted to rise above his limits through his ascetic exercises. It should become a visualization that breaks through symbolic similarities and historical references and creates a real immediacy to the suffering God. The flagellation was no longer just a penitential ritual, but became part of an eschatological drama aimed at the physical visualization of the suffering of Christ. On the other hand, the scourging hermit became a spiritual athlete who, slowly increasing, spurred himself on to top performance. There was a performance-oriented quantification of the flagellation, which began to dominate the penance exercises and instrumentalized the body with a view to salvation.

Early review

While Petrus Damiani praised self-flagellation as a means of contemplation , the monks of other monasteries raised critical objections. The most serious objection at the time was regularly the allegation of innovation. Peter had to defend himself against the view that a new form of contemplation was being introduced here, while observance of the Benedictine rule would be sufficient. This emerges from his defense writings in which he tries to trace the tradition back to the scourging of Christ.

The rite of flagellation

The process of liturgical self-flagellation emerges from the Liber Ordinarius of the St. Jacob's Monastery in Liège: The monk who wanted to be flagellated asked a priest to carry it out. Then he sat down, cleared his back, and prayed the confiteor three times . During the first two prayers, the priest replied with Miseratur tui and struck at least three times. The third time he spoke the Indulgentiam , the short formula of the priestly absolution and finally the Absolve Domine . This was followed by three more blows. Each monk was allowed to ask for three such penitential sessions a day. The text emphasizes that the scourgeon was expected not to strike too hard. This ritualized process was also the model for private self-flagellation in the cell. She too was accompanied by prayer. A liturgy of its own gradually developed from this: the rules of the Order of the Hospitallers of San Giovanni di Dio , approved in 1617, stipulated that the members should discipline each other every Friday, except during Easter or on Fridays, which are high holidays. During Advent and Lent, they had to flagellate themselves three times a week. The flagellation had the following scheme: After the Matins and after the lauds for Mary, the flagellation took place in the prayer room or in the church. They sang Psalm 6 and fell on their knees. Then all the lights were turned off. Then the prior gave a brief admonition on the purpose of the flagellation. After a short exchange speech, a Latin reading followed, in which the flagellation of Jesus was discussed. Then the flagellation began, with the Miserere and the Gloria Patri , De profundis and Requiem aeternam , the introit of the Requiem liturgy, being prayed. This was followed by three supplications for the members of the Order, all believers and all humanity. The prior then ended the flagellation by clapping his hands.

The flagellation parades

Historical appearance

Depiction of the scourge trains, around 1350, Chronicle by Gilles Li Muisis , fol. 16v Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique , Brussels.

In 1260–1261 there was a sudden spiritual mass movement of flagellants in Italy, which began in Perugia in 1260 under the leadership of the layman and member of a penitential brotherhood Raniero Fasani . He relied on the voice of an angel who had announced that the city would be destroyed if the inhabitants did not repent. In autumn a peace procession with public self-flagellation took place. This turned the private penance into a public staging. The self-flagellation was also given another context, namely the salvation of the world from the wrath of God.

The movement began to spread in Italy through processions from place to place, without any leadership, organization or uniform structure being possible. The parades were preceded by bishops and monks, so that the movement was evidently loyal to the church. The flagellants sang hymns in the vernacular. The movement thus became a subsidiary line of sacramental liturgy . The doctrine of penance, confession and reconciliation, which the sacrament had assigned to the inner church, was now transferred to a public staging and thus competed with the church rite of penance. The church leadership therefore always insisted that the Geissler procession should be supervised by clergy and that the participants had to make a regular confession beforehand . One wanted to prevent the self-flagellation from replacing the church's penitential rite. The wandering around, the wandering abroad, if only for a limited time, the gestures of reconciliation and the egalitarian integration of the flagellants into the community had a subversive element compared to the fixed framework of the church .

Contemporary observers noted that the sight of these parades shook people internally and made them make peace. Stolen was returned freed slaves and prisoners and the exiled exiles had been retrieved. Even if the sources cannot be trusted in their enthusiasm, one will have to start from a social spectacle under an apocalyptic auspices.

The movement also spread to the countries north of the Alps. Via Friuli , where the flagellation movement had reached at the end of 1260, it quickly spread to Carinthia , Styria , Hungary , Bohemia , Moravia , Silesia , Poland , and also to Bavaria , Franconia and Swabia as far as Strasbourg . Here, too, there was no organized dissemination. How far an end times mood played a role under the influence of the thoughts of Joachim von Fiore cannot be determined with certainty.

As quickly as the flagellant movement had spread, it also disappeared again quickly. As early as autumn 1261, the flagship parades north of the Alps subsided noticeably. It was not until the years 1348 and 1349 that flagellant parades appeared again on a massive scale. As their prayers show, they were also a reaction to the rampant plague . Unlike 1260, a place of origin cannot be made out. First of all, Styria, Lower Austria , Upper Austria and Hungary were affected. After that the movement evidently spread to Bohemia, Poland , Meissen , Saxony , Brandenburg and finally to Thuringia . They also came to Würzburg and Swabia . In June and July they came to Strasbourg, from where they spread along the Rhine. So they came to Basel , Speyer , Mainz and Cologne . In August the movement peaked in the Netherlands. From there it came to northern France and England in the autumn, but was already on the wane again. Following Kieckhefer one can imagine the course of the Geissler migrations as a transverse 'S'. The bull Clemens VI certainly played a decisive role in the end of the Geißler parades. of October 20, 1349, in which public flagellation was forbidden.

Somewhat more precise information is available from Doornik through the records of Abbot Aegidius li Muisis of the Benedictine Abbey of St. Martin. This shows the inconsistent assessment of the flagellants by the clergy. The Franciscans and Augustinians are portrayed as opponents in Gilles li Muisis. For example, it is described that there was restlessness and disturbance among the visitors to a sermon by the Benedictine Gerardus de Muro in St. Martin's Abbey, because at the end of his sermon he did not ask for the salvation of the flagellants. Shortly after this event, a train from Liege arrived in Doornik . There was also a Dominican who was allowed to preach in St. Martin's Abbey. After Gilles li Muisis there was a huge crowd. The Dominican praised the flagellants and related their blood to the shed blood of Christ. The reply of the Augustinian Robert shortly afterwards was, however, only sparsely attended. On September 8, 1349, a group of 565 Doornik citizens was formed. There were also an Augustinian abbot and a monk, two other clergymen, and a canon of St. Nicholas-des-Près. The increasing influence of secular and ecclesiastical authorities on the Scourge marches can already be seen here. When a second Geißler platoon formed in Doornik on September 14, this became even clearer. This procession was led by an Augustinian named Robert, who Paul Fredericq assumes is the same Robert who previously preached against the flagellants. The statutes of the so-called Geissler brotherhoods from Doornik and Bruges are indicative of the rapprochement between clergy and flagellants . In these the clergy-friendly attitude of the flagellants becomes clear, who now subordinate themselves decidedly to the church and swear to defend its teaching. Despite this clergy-friendly attitude of the flagellants, the measures against the flagellants were intensified by the secular and spiritual rulers.

Incidentally, the opponents viewed the flagellation parades, alongside the persecution of the Jews and the plague, as an apocalyptic symbol. While the Geissler parades in the rest of Europe died down quickly in 1349, they lasted until spring 1350 in the Netherlands. After that there are only reports of isolated parades, around 1370 in Würzburg, 1379 in Franconia , 1391-1392 near Heidelberg and 1400 on the Lower Rhine . The sources give no indication of a social revolutionary or anti-church thrust. But the massive engagement points to a kind of alternative theology inspired by the monastic-elitist flagellant rituals. In contrast to 1260, women now also organized their own parades or performed together with the men. It is said from Magdeburg that many women went with the processions and scourged themselves, with their backs exposed, their faces veiled and the front of their bodies covered with a cloak. The women soon disappeared again and scattered in Saxony.

In France, the Geissler brotherhoods lived under the rule of Henry III. (1574–1589), where his confessor, a Jesuit, had taken the initiative. In 1583, the king founded the Congrégation des Pénitents de l'Annonciation-de-Notre-Dame . There the king appeared as a brother among brothers, wearing a completely veiled penitential robe with two slits for viewing, a rosary and a scourge on his belt. On the day of the Annunciation , the king and a number of other noble members flogged each other publicly. This led to malice and ridicule among the opponents of the king, who was known for his luxurious lifestyle. Nevertheless, other flagellant penitentiary communities quickly formed. Under Jesuit influence, the scourge processions revived in Germany in the 16th century during Lent and on Good Friday in all larger cities. This led to fierce criticism and polemics from the Protestant side, which was particularly sparked by a scourge procession planned for Good Friday in 1605.

procedure

A scourge lasted 33½ days, a number taken from the years of Jesus' life . So it was about a joint staging of memories of the suffering of Jesus. Those who started the procession went from place to place during this time. In the end, they ended the train and a new train was formed, with some of the first train joining the second train as well. There were seldom more than 50 to 60 people organized on the lay fraternity model. They chose one or more leaders to whom they swore obedience. They did not carry weapons. They didn't sleep in a bed, but on bales of straw. But they were allowed to use a pillow. They vowed chastity, pledged not to beg, to leave no sick behind, and not to be a burden to the host towns.

Following the example of church processions , people walked in rows of two. The head was covered by a hood and over it was a hat. The hat, coat and outerwear were marked with a red cross. Torches and flags were often carried. Each had a scourge in their right hand, the straps tied with knots and iron tips. When moving into a village the bells rang. The flagellants first marched into the church, where they threw themselves to the ground. After that, the scourge ritual was performed twice a day. It started with confession and absolution . Then the participants threw themselves in a circle on the floor with their chests bared. Then the master stepped over the first, touched him with the scourge and uttered the absolute verdict. Then he got up and walked with the master over the second. This was repeated until everyone stood. The whole crowd then flogged itself in three rounds. Then the flagellants threw themselves on the ground with outstretched arms and prayed that they would be saved from sudden death.

Finally, a layman read the so-called letter from heaven , a document from the 13th century , which stood at the beginning of the flagellation movement and, according to legend , was brought by an angel and in which the self-flagellation was requested to save the world because people were subjected to the wrath of God Disregard for Friday and Sunday. Originally it is probably a text in Latin from the 6th century , which was incorporated into the legend about Raniero Fasani in the 13th century , whereby Friday, which is important for the flagellants, was added to the original requirement of the Sunday sanctification. In addition, a genealogy was constructed down to the early church and self-flagellation was presented as an unavoidable emergency measure. During the processions, Geissler songs were sung in the vernacular, which some contemporaries already saw as a vulgarization of liturgical chant.

After a flagellor returned to his private life, he was left with the lifelong duty of flagellation at least on Good Friday . They whipped themselves three times during the day and once at night. As a rule, people were beaten to the blood, but the statutes forbade serious violations.

Gradually the theatrical character of the flagellant parades increased. In some places they developed into veritable passion plays . These excited the audience so much that they beat up the actors of the Jews, which degenerated into pogrom-like persecutions. Pope Gregory XIII therefore banned this sacre rappresentazioni in 1574 and only allowed the Jesuits to perform their form of teaching drama.

Contemporary criticism

The eschatological horizon was also taken up by the opponents of the flagellants. A legend about an old prophecy said that the flagellants heralded the near end of the world. They were considered the forerunners of the Antichrist . On the part of the church, the flagellants were assumed to have a heretical basic view very early on. While south of the Alps the mendicant orders exerted a strong influence and thus also a control over the flagellants, north of the Alps this movement was seen as a lay emancipatory element because they made use of lay sermons and lay confessions.

"Day laborers, millers, butchers preach the Gospel, they secretly conspire against the clergy, the shoemaker is a confessor and imposes penance, the weaver and the blacksmith preach and celebrate mass."

With regard to the overall movement, the sources do not give sufficient reason to speak of a rebellious, class struggle, early bourgeois, fundamentally church-critical or anarchist movement, even if revolutionary motives may have played a role in individual groups that provoked the ecclesiastical and secular authorities to intervene to have. During the second flagellation movement, secular and ecclesiastical authorities tried to obtain ecclesiastical bans, which then followed the intervention of Charles IV and Philip VI. of France Pope Clement VI. moved to take a stand against the flagellants in the Bull Inter sollicitudines of October 20, 1349 and to forbid their public processions. He expressly excluded private self-flagellation. In this bull he also accused the flagellants of being responsible for the pogroms against the Jews . This ban was only published north of the Alps. Measures had already been taken there against the flagellators. Many places, e.g. B. Lübeck and Erfurt had closed their gates to the Geissler trains. In spite of sometimes draconian measures including executions, the flagellators never completely disappeared. Around 1400 there were numerous trains of Geissler in the Rhineland and the Netherlands. Therefore, the Council of Constance saw itself compelled to forbid the public flagellation again. Essentially, it was not about the practice of penance, but the Church was directed against the tendency to attach a sacramental character to self-flagellation, which was suggested by the liturgical character of public flagellation. This was the subversive character of their movement, regardless of the flagellation's intention. The writings against the flagellation movement are directed against the excitement caused by the image they present and against the gesture of self absolution.

Retreat into private life

Albrecht Dürer : The Penitent (1510)

After public self-flagellation was forbidden, people withdrew into private circles, especially in Italy, and founded communities. These forms of organization were an early modern urban phenomenon. Numerous brotherhoods were formed, the Battuti , the Disciplinati , the Scopatori , the Verberatori and the Bianchi , who continued to cultivate the flagellation with church tolerance. Some of them survived into modern times. In these settled brotherhoods, in addition to self-flagellation, prayer, song and charity were in the foreground. As a rule, they maintained hospices and often a regular hospital. They were not advocates of radical spirituality, but an important cultural and political force in their respective communities as a result of their urban integration. There were also processions on special feast days, as is still the case today in Spain in the Semana Santa or in some communities in Calabria .

The crypto flagellants

While the eschatological idea was only one of several motives for the flagellants, it came to the fore with the cryptoflagellants. It was a sect which, after the late medieval prohibitions on the flagellant parades, arose as a secret society mainly in Thuringia in the southern Harz region and was discovered by the Inquisition . From the Inquisition documents one can infer that the sect with the flagellation rejected the ecclesiastical monopoly of the mediation of salvation. Instead of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, the pneumatic , ascetic-enthusiastic community stood in the foreground. They showed a certain resemblance to the early Christian circumcellions in North Africa, which probably influenced the judgment of contemporary critics. The leader of these Thuringian flagellants was Konrad Schmid , about whom little is otherwise known. He had appeared as a prophet, is seen in trial reports as the biblical end-time witness Enoch and had predicted the end of the world for 1369. His Prophetica Conradi Smetis and the files of the Nordhäuser Inquisition from 1369, the trial reports of Sangerhausen and the surrounding area from 1414, Mühlhausen 1420, Nordhausen 1446, Göttingen 1453, Sondershausen and Stolberg and the surrounding area 1454 and Hoym Castle (Diocese Halberstadt ) 1481 The trials of 1414 and 1454 were undoubtedly the largest. In 1414 between 83 and 91 people were banished from Sangerhausen and the surrounding area. In 1454 there were 30 death sentences in Stolberg and 22 in Sangerhausen. Even if the Inquisition Protocols do not reproduce any objective reports on the views of the crypto-flagellants, certain basic information can be prepared as credible by comparing the various protocols: They were of the opinion that sins could only be atone by self-flagellation. Since the Geissler procession, baptism in blood replaced water baptism and replaced all ecclesiastical sacraments. The sect members apparently understood the self-flagellation as a liberation from a misguided ecclesiastical sacraments practice and as a possibility to restore the immediacy to God that the church had disguised. The church was declared worthless and identified with the Antichrist. The flagellants would therefore come to God immediately after death. These views were evidently embedded in an immediate end-time expectation. In all protocols the replacement of the ecclesiastical sacraments by flagellation is particularly emphasized. In addition, there is also the usual topos of all heretic descriptions that they indulged in indecent rituals.

The disputes after the Reformation

Criticism within Christianity

The first major dispute with the Protestants took place on the occasion of a goat procession in Augsburg in 1605. The Geissler procession took place with all stages of suffering in pictures and representation and turned into a political manifesto, a war campaign against the Lutherans, which with the power of its pictures also aimed at conversion to the Catholic faith.

This resulted in a series of polemical writings from both sides. On the Protestant side, the Augsburg pastor Melchior Voltz ( two Christian sermons from the vile scourging procession, which is held annually in the Bapsttumb on Charfreytag , 1607) and Jakob Heilbrunner ( Flagellatio Jesuitica. Jesuit teaching from the said voluntary Creutz , 1607) and Georg Zeaemann, on the Catholic side the Jesuit Jakob Gretser defended the flagellation in several tracts (most recently Virgidemia Volciana , 1608). The fonts were reissued over and over again. The evangelical position considered the scourge procession to be a representative achievement and idolatry . Gretser countered that the staging of suffering aims at an intensity of experience and an identity in the experience and not at representation. He strongly opposed the evangelical position that the divine spirit only fills the language, but not the physical gestures and images. The word alone certainly reaches the spirit of man, but it does not establish an immediate relationship with God to the same extent as mortification . These perspectives were decisive for the further discussion.

The last major argument about flagellation took place around 1700, but this time within the Catholic Church. Abbé Jacques Boileau, Docteur en Théologie de la Maison et Société de Sorbonne, had attacked the flagellation in his work Historia flagellantium . Boileau claimed that the scourging was of pagan origin, shameless because of the beating on the bare bottom, and also heretical in its absolute intent. He was confronted by Jean-Baptiste Thiers, Docteur en Théologie et Curé de Vibrayé. The adoption of pagan customs says nothing about their legitimacy in the Christian context, the accusation of shamelessness is based on false assumptions and, moreover, Boileau undoubtedly confuses heretical groups with the real penitents inadmissibly. What is new about this dispute, however, is that Boileau brought a whole series of examples and anecdotes in which he described the flagellation in an almost pornographic manner. Thiers accused him of hurting the feeling of shame by this representation more than the flagellation itself does. This aspect of pornographic portrayal under the guise of criticism had not played a role so far, but in the following years it led to its own literary tradition, which was later also medically. Thiers accused Boileau of "teaching the evil that he despises through the stories he tells."

The Enlightenment

In the 18th century, the "modern, refined fornication" of the flagellation was combined with Enlightenment criticism of the church. Horny priests and nuns became the preferred object of polemical church criticism. Voluptuous fantasies were mainly spread by clerics, with the Jesuits in first place. But rabbis were also affected. The confessional became a place of seduction and the flagellation a sexually stimulating penance. A typical example is the book Flagellantism and the Jesuit Confession , which Karl Fetzer published under the pseudonym Giovanni Frusta in 1834. He was a lawyer and left-wing member of the St. Paul's Church Assembly. In his work, he reports several relevant scandals in which confessors exploited the trust of women to lead them to flagellant penances. Flagellation is understood in Enlightenment literature and in the 19th century as a practice that ultimately has exclusively sexual significance and becomes part of a perverse delusional system. The enlightened discourse teaches that flagellation was never about anything other than sexuality, and so subsequently replaces the religious with the sexual, from which the meaning of the greater part of religious practices can be derived. “Lost imagination”, “overstimulated senses” and “hysteria” now become the patterns of interpretation of the perception of the past. One of the examples of Fetzers was the case of Père Girard and Cathérine Cadière, which he had taken from an anonymous work Therese philosophe published in 1748 and attributed to a Marquis d'Argent by the Marquis de Sade. Here, for the first time, a doctor who appeared in history made a connection between flagellation and its effects and humoral pathology : The spiritual monastery life had imbalanced the protagonist's juice budget. The hot thoughts that would arise as a result increased the genital liquor, which, according to the then valid view, is ejected by women during orgasm analogous to male semen. This ultimately leads to nymphomania. This work became the template for the work La Philosophie dans le boudoir by Marquis de Sade. He also referred to it in his Histoire de Juliette . In all of these works the flagellation becomes the pinnacle of the most sensual experience without any claim to transcend the person.

Report on the Geissler from Speyer from 1349

Christoph Lehmann, city chronicler of Speyer , reports on the geisslers in his city:

“From the Geissler Sect, which arrived in 1349. In a touched year, a new sect of the Geissler was created, the beginnings of which are not known. They admitted and also presented a letter that an angel from heaven is said to have delivered to Jerusalem in St. Peter's churches, stating that God is furious with sin and wickedness in the world because he wanted the world to perish. Spared the intercession of the Virgin Mary and the holy angels, but let the people proclaim this punishment and penance, that every 34 day in Frembde should scourge his body and herewith God reconcile. Then several hundred people, man, woman and children, rotted together and moved in the country […] the same sect 200 people from Swabia to Speyr arrived in the fallow month of 1349, made a big ring on the square in front of the cathedral, all in their procession with a covered head beneath him and looked sad, scourges of dreyen Seylen, and in front with eysen Creutzlin in hands. In the Kreyss they took off their clothes, girded their bodies with a kerchief and beat their backs bloodthirsty with the scourges with special singing and ceremonies. And then suddenly their face fell down, they said their prayers with weeping eyes, manly admonished them to repent, and when they got up again, they read the touched letter publicly and everyone imagined that they had come from heaven. At Speyr, 200 people from the city came to the order and were painted in the country ”.

See also

Self-flagellation as a form of penance is still there today in many cities in Andalusia and in the former Spanish colonial empires during Holy Week ( Semana Santa ). The Islamic Shiites also practice it as part of the Ashura festival.

literature

Monographs

  • Marquis d'Argens (attributed to), Michael Farin and Hans Ulrich Seifert (eds.): Thérèse philosophe. An erotic confession. With 38 illustrations, an essay by August Kurtzel, a story by Carl Felix von Schlichtegroll , as well as excerpts from the trial files and notes from the editors . Schneekluth, Munich 1990, ISBN 3-7951-1169-2 (from the French by Heinrich Conrad ).
  • Iwan Bloch : The Marquis de Sade and his time. A contribution to the cultural and moral history of the 18th century. With special reference to the teaching of " Psychopathia Sexualis " . Severus-Verlag, Hanau 2011, ISBN 978-3-86347-079-1 (reprint of the Berlin 1927 edition).
  • Jacques Boileau: Histoire des flagellants. Le bon et le mauvais usage de la flagellation parmi les chrétiens; 1700 (Historia flagellantium. De recto et perverso flagrorum usu apud christianos, ex antiquis Scripturae, Patrum, Pontificum, Conciliorum, & Scriptorum Profanorum momentis cum cura et fide expressa, 1700). Editions Millon, Montbonnot-St.-Martin 1986, ISBN 2-905614-02-1 .
  • Martin Erbstösser: Social- religious currents in the late Middle Ages. Flagellants, free spirits and Waldensians in the 14th century (research on medieval history; 16). Akademie-Verlag, Berlin 1970 (including habilitation thesis; University of Leipzig).
  • Carl August Friedrich Fetzer : Flagellantism and the Jesuit confession. Historical-psychological history of the scourging institutes, convent chastisements and confessional aberrations of all times. Verlag König, Greiz 2001, ISBN 3-934673-20-1 (reprint of the Berlin 1925 edition; published under the pseudonym Giovanni Frusta).
  • Paul Fredericq (ed.): Corpus documentorum inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis Neerlandicae, Vol. 2: Stukken tot anvulling van het first deel (1077-1518) . Vuylsteke, Gent 1896.
  • Louis Gougaud: Dévotions et pratiques ascétiques du moyen age (Collection Pax; Vol. 21). Désclée de Brouwer, Paris 1925.
  • Hermann von der Hardt : Magnum oecumenicum Constantiense concilium de universali ecclesiae reformatione, unione et fide. Gensch, Frankfurt / M. 1697-1700 (6 vol.).
  • Robert Hoeniger : Course and spread of the Black Death in Germany from 1348-1351 and its connection with the persecution of the Jews and hostage trips of these years . Grosser, Berlin 1881.
  • Arthur Hübner: The German Geißlerlieder. Studies on the sacred folk songs of the Middle Ages. De Gruyter, Berlin 1931 ( online ).
  • Josef A. Jungmann: The Latin penitential rites in their historical development (research on the history of inner church life; Vol. 3/4). Rausch, Innsbruck 1932.
  • Fritz Klotz: Speyer. Small town history (contributions to the history of Speyr town; Vol. 2). Historical Association of the Palatinate, Speyer 1971.
  • Maximilian Koskull: Radical and moderate flagellants. “Modes of Religiosity” in the late Middle Ages (Religious Studies; Vol. 4). Tectum-Verlag, Marburg 2011, ISBN 978-3-8288-2681-6 .
  • Niklaus Largier: Praise the whip. A cultural history of arousal. Beck, Munich 2001. ISBN 3-406-48093-4 .
  • Franciscus Lubecus (Author), Reinhard Vogelsang (Ed.): Göttinger Annalen. From the beginning until 1588 (Göttingen sources on the history of the city of Göttingen; Vol. 1). Wallstein-Verlag, Göttingen 1994, ISBN 3-89244-088-3 .
  • Dominicus Mansi: Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, in qua praeter ea quae Phil Labbeus et Gabr. Cossartius et novissime Nicolaus Coleti in lucem edidere ea omnia insuper suis in locis optime disposita exhibentur quae Joannes Dominicus Mansi lucensis, congreationis matris die evulgavit. ADEVA, Graz 1961 (14 vols., Reprint of the Paris 1901/27 edition).
  • Donatien-Alphonse-François Marqis de Sade: The philosophy in the boudoir, or The vicious teacher (La philosophie dans le boudoir, 1795). Könemann, Cologne 1995, ISBN 3-89508-087-X .
  • Donatien-Alphonse-François Marqis de Sade: Juliette or the joys of vice. Cologne 1995.
  • Jean-Baptiste Thiers: Critique de l'histoire des flagellans et justification de l'usage des disciplines volontaires. Editions Nully, Paris 1703.
  • Paulus Volk: The liber ordinarius of the Liège St. Jacob's monastery (contributions to the history of ancient monasticism and the Benedictine order; vol. 10). Aschendorff, Münster 1923.
  • Ingrid Würth: Geissler in Thuringia. The emergence of a late medieval heresy. Akademie Verlag, Berlin 2012.

Essays

  • Rudolf Bemmann: A heretic persecution in the area of ​​the imperial city Mühlhausen in Thuringia in 1420 . In: Journal of the Association for Church History in the Province of Saxony , Volume 7 (1910), pp. 131–136.
  • Ernst Günther Förstemann: Protocol on the interrogation of the geissler in Nordhausen i. J. 1446. Instrumentum confessionum hereticorum hic propter perfidiam combustorum . In: Ders .: The Christian flagellation societies. Renger-Verlag, Halle 1828. pp. 278-291.
  • Paul Fredericq: De Secten der Geeselaars en der Dansers in de Nederlanden tijdens de 14 de Eeuw. In: Mémoires de l ' Académie royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique , vol. 35 (1898), part 5.
  • Siegfried Hoyer : The Thuringian crypto-flagellant movement in the 15th century . In: Jahrbuch für Regionalgeschichte , Vol. 2 (1967), pp. 148-174, ISSN  1860-8248 .
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Web links

Commons : Flagellation  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Levison p. 28 f.
  2. ↑ E.g. Book of Penitence of Regino v. Prüm († 915), De ecclesiasticis disciplinis Sp. 369 f.
  3. ↑ Largier p. 34 f.
  4. ↑ Gougaud (1925) p. 176.
  5. ↑ Largier p. 68.
  6. ↑ Volk p. 113 f.
  7. ↑ Jungmann vol. 6 p. 340.
  8. ↑ Largier p. 90.
  9. ↑ Erbstösser pp. 14–20; Koskull pp. 40-41; Largier p. 94; Lechner; Segl p. 164
  10. ↑ Kieckhefer p. 175
  11. ↑ Fredericq 1896 pp. 100-111; Smet Vol. 2 pp. 346-361.
  12. ↑ Fredericq 1896 p. 102.
  13. ↑ Fredericq 1896 p. 102.
  14. ↑ Fredericq 1896 p. 104.
  15. ↑ Fredericq 1898 p. 15.
  16. ↑ Erbstösser pp. 64–65; Fredericq 1896 pp. 106-107; Fredericq 1898 p. 30; Hübner pp. 38-40; Koskull pp. 128-134; Pfannenschmid pp. 115-123.
  17. ↑ Largier p. 96.
  18. ↑ Schum p. 437
  19. ↑ Largier p. 106.
  20. ↑ Largier p. 145.
  21. ↑ Wattenbach p. 363.
  22. ↑ Mansi vol. 25 col. 1153-155.
  23. ↑ von der Hardt Vol. 1 pp. 86, 126; Vol. 3 pp. 98-105.
  24. ↑ Largier p. 132 f.
  25. ↑ Bemmann pp. 134-136
  26. ↑ Förstemann pp. 278-291
  27. ↑ Lubecus pp. 176-178
  28. ↑ Reifferscheid pp. 37–40; Stump pp. 32–35
  29. ↑ cap pp 478-483
  30. ↑ heirlooms; Hoyer; Kieckhefer, Koskull pp. 68-71; Reifferscheid; Riemeck; Stump pp. 26-32.
  31. ↑ Koskull p. 72
  32. ↑ Largier p. 152 ff.
  33. ↑ Thiers, p. 72.
  34. ↑ Bloch (1870), p. 278.
  35. ↑ Largier, p. 197.
  36. ↑ Fetzer, p. 105.
  37. ↑ Largier p. 253 f.
  38. ↑ Klotz, Speyer.