Albrecht Müller (publicist)

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Albrecht Müller (2012)

Albrecht Müller (born May 16, 1938 in Heidelberg ) is a German economist , publicist and former politician ( SPD ).

Müller was head of planning in the Federal Chancellery under the Federal Chancellors Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt . He was also a member of the German Bundestag for the SPD from 1987 to 1994 and has been an author and co-editor of NachDenkSeiten since 2003 .


Müller grew up in Meckesheim . He is an uncle of the director Franz Müller . After an apprenticeship as an industrial clerk, he studied economics and sociology in Mannheim , Berlin , Munich and Nottingham . After his first job as a research assistant at the Institute for International Economic Relations at the University of Munich, he was a speechwriter for the Federal Minister of Economics, Karl Schiller, from 1968 .

From 1970 to 1972 he was head of the public relations department of the SPD party executive and in 1972 manager of Willy Brandt's election campaign .

He then worked from 1973 to 1982 as head of the planning department in the Federal Chancellery under Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt .

After Helmut Kohl's election victory in 1982, he lost his position in the Federal Chancellery. He has now become a freelance political and economic policy advisor.

In 1984 he stood as a candidate for the mayoral elections in Heidelberg. Although he was able to increase his party's share of the vote in the election from 27 to 40.8 percent, he was defeated by the non-party incumbent Reinhold Zundel .

After the federal election in 1987 , Müller moved into the Bundestag, a member of which he remained for two legislative periods until 1994.

Today Albrecht Müller works as an author, journalist and editor of NachDenkSeiten . He has also published articles, essays and books. Müller is still a member of the SPD, even if he is critical of its current policy. He supports the Gathering Movement .


In his books and internet activities , Müller deals in particular with lobbyism , political reforms in Germany, current economic policy and opinion-forming in the press. With such forms of counter-public opinion , Müller hopes to stimulate political discussions.


In 2003, Müller founded the website NachDenkSeiten with Wolfgang Lieb . The critical website , one of the most widely read political blogs in Germany. This was initially praised as an important part of a counter- public, but in recent years has increasingly been accused of spreading conspiracy theories .

From party democracy to media democracy (1999)

On behalf of the State Broadcasting Corporation of North Rhine-Westphalia , Müller wrote an analysis of the role of the media, especially television, in the election campaign on the occasion of the 1998 federal election . The focus of the analysis is on comparisons with earlier election campaigns and observations from Müller's work as an election campaign manager. It takes place under the condition that the impact of media influence on the quality of democratic decisions is to be assessed. The core result of the expertise is that the formation of political will is increasingly dominated by the media, so that the participation of the political parties enshrined in the Basic Law takes a back seat. Müller raises the question of whether the media are living up to their increased responsibility.


The results of the criteria used in the study for the quality of the changes in political decision-making give an overall picture: Due to the increasing duration of television use, media communication is displacing personal communication with a decreasing proportion of programs such as documentaries and educational programs that are described as "difficult". The increase in the number of television channels since the 1980s has resulted in a fragmentation of the public, an increase in the quota of non-political broadcasts, and a reduction in the number of discussion impulses that reach everyone at the same time , which in turn could be used for personal communication. Contrary to popular opinion, the level of education has also fallen, and the tendency to stereotypes and prejudices is widespread even among media consumers who are viewed as intellectual . The breeding ground for manipulation has been enriched, the forgetfulness of voters has increased.

The participation of the parties in the general decision-making process has continuously declined since the peak of voter turnout in 1972 , as has the political relevance of party congresses. The latter increasingly served to demonstrate a certain image (“unity”, “modernity”) in the media than for internal party communication. The relativization of party congress resolutions as a result of negative media reactions has become more frequent, and the media's setting of topics has generally increased. Thinking in conclusive key words such as “ information age ” and “end of work” is a bad habit for Müller. In addition, there is the artificial creation of a dichotomy between citizens and politicians, which promotes disaffection with politics . The length of the contributions in news programs has decreased noticeably, as has the o-ton share of politicians' speeches.

The reflection of the role of the media in the media itself is insufficient. Compared to 1972, for example, there was no Americanization of the election campaign, no increasing personalization, staging, emotionalization, event planning and also no increasing spin doctoring . These debates would detract from major changes - those towards more one-sidedness than plurality .

The Reform Lie (2004)

The book The Reform Lie was published in 2004 by Droemer Knaur Verlag. It was ranked 8th on the Spiegel bestseller list in October 2004. In Manager Magazin , the book topped the business bestseller list in March 2005. It reached number 11 on the star's ranking .


The book criticizes the economic and social policy of the then red-green federal government . The so-called reforms of the welfare state lead, according to the author, to the dismantling of the social security systems and are unsuitable for solving economic and political problems such as economic stagnation, weak demand and unemployment. Divided into “40 errors of thought, myths and legends”, he accuses the politicians, economists and journalists he describes as neoliberals with gross mistakes. He criticizes the public relations work carried out: In particular by means of dramatic publications about the globalization of the markets and the aging of society, a network of association officials, scientists, politicians and journalists discredit the social security systems, protection against dismissal, high wages and short working hours. In contrast, due to his experience as head of the planning department of the Chancellery, Müller is in favor of an expansive growth policy. Therefore, he puts forward the thesis that a neoliberal, demand-neglecting economic theory ( supply theory ) has a lasting influence on media and politics in Germany and thus "ruins Germany's politics and economy".


Expert council member Peter Bofinger said in 2004 that he liked the book very much. In factual and systematic form, many of the prejudices that made the rounds on Sabine Christiansen's television every Sunday evening would be refuted . Albrecht Müller succeeded in writing an extremely exciting book about basic economic facts and figures.

Peter Thelen in the Handelsblatt thought that the book rightly denounced the typical German reform hysteria. Wolfgang Dick from Deutsche Welle rated the book as "one of the best in recent years". Ulrich Kurzer wrote in Der Freitag that Müller put arguments against phrases; this is the strength of the book.

On Deutschlandradio , Ernst Rommeney remained skeptical of Müller's thesis that even an indebted community could still act in terms of economic policy . He valued the criticism of current economic policy arguments and Müller's warning call to pay attention to the psychological side of economic activity.

In 2004, the economist Hanno Beck wrote that Müller's arguments were disappointing and criticized his “ vulgar Keynesianism ”. Arnulf Baring described Müller's approach as outdated and unrealistic. The journalist Konrad Adam wrote in Die Welt that Müller's book proves nothing and refutes nothing. It has a single message: Do as I did many years ago, and you'll be better! He repeats this excessively, as if repetition could make up for what is lacking in substance. Corinna Nohn ( SZ ) criticized that he was playing with his credibility, because he tore numbers out of context and interpreted them in such a way that they support his theses. A trick that he himself criticized on his opponents. The sociologist and journalist Mathias Greffrath criticized occasional polemics, but praised Müller's analysis.

Power Mania (2006)


In Machtwahn - How a mediocre leadership elite is ruining us , Müller criticizes executives from politics and journalism, from science and business, who would ruin Germany through so-called reforms regardless of their social consequences. He interprets the politics of the last decades as a systematic delay in bankruptcy and explains the underlying ideology and its implementation.

With regard to the media, the author describes the economization of the socio-political discourse that determines the media public . The media obtain information from a network of company-financed scientific and advisory institutions, which, however, present themselves to the public as neutral and independent. In particular, the Bertelsmann - and the Bosch-Stiftung are the central political conceptualization and consulting agencies. As a result, language regulations could have prevailed and previous and future economic and social policy could have been presented as without alternatives . Müller called the interweaving between the neoliberal think tanks and the media “ideology placement”.


The SPD politician Erhard Eppler (1968 to 1974 Federal Minister for Economic Cooperation ) wrote in the SZ that Müller had no solutions and wanted a policy that had already failed in the 1970s. He is playing into the hands of those for whom democracy has never been anything other than a "conspiracy of the stupid with the corrupt".

Matthias Kamann stated in 2006 on Deutschlandradio Kultur that Müller was exaggerating, often had no evidence and that his “elite scolding” was in part a “conspiracy theory”. However, he welcomes Müller's commitment to “free thinking” and against the uniform “reform jargon”. The "tendency towards incestuous opinion-forming in those information elites who have been calling for a radical cure for our economy and social systems for a good five years" actually existed by Müller. Kamann named “the central weakness” of the book: “That [Müller] does not stop at analyzing the intellectual deficits and entanglements in the reform camp, but at the same time claims to know much better himself. As a result, he falls into the very narrow-mindedness that he accuses his opponents. "

The book is not just a sensation, it also has touching, comforting passages, said Nils Minkmar in the FAZ. For example, where it would be enumerated how capitalism makes people sick, causes insomnia and obesity, as well as the nocturnal brushing of teeth and the "post-traumatic bitterness!"

In the Frankfurter Rundschau, Achim Truger sees the strength of Müller's book Machtwahn in the fact that it “is a stimulating guide to critical thinking and an urgent appeal to keep an eye on the political, economic, scientific and journalistic elites. Albrecht Müller has thus accomplished the feat of writing two central reform books in less than two years. "

In his review of the same book, Hans-Joachim Selenz wrote: “You can only agree if Müller claims, 'In no country is macroeconomic expertise as poor as here'. (...) For the author, dangers to democracy arise from the fact that parts of society have to play the role of 'economic guinea pigs'. (...) In essence, Müller does not see a liberal, but a feudal movement '. Müller castigates manipulation of opinion through power over the media. Claims that corruption starts with the elites, not the people 'because it would be much too expensive and would not be worthwhile if one wanted to corrupt the whole people'. "

Christian Humborg from Transparency International Germany criticized a highly undifferentiated elite scolding and the lack of new concrete examples of entanglements, but the author's conclusions were to be agreed with.

Opinion Making (2009)

In opinion making: How business, politics and the media want to wean us from thinking, Albrecht Müller advocates the thesis that public opinion is influenced by systematically staged campaigns . The media spread propaganda , but this is a fundamental problem of the political system, because the combination of lobbying and systematic opinion-making endangers democracy.

The book reached number 17 on the Spiegel bestseller list in the first week after it was published .


Of the many case studies in the book, Müller analyzes the political and media management of the financial crisis most intensively . The adoption of the government's opinion that all banks are systemically necessary and therefore need to be supported was uncritically accepted and disseminated by the media. The government had pursued the strategy of assigning sole responsibility to the US and showing surprise. The truth was hidden because there was a common interest of the financial industry and the politicians responsible for deregulating the financial markets to solve the problem at the public's expense.

There is also total manipulation of the subject complex of demography and pensions in order to relieve companies through privatized pension provision and thus increase their profits, as well as in educational topics such as the university reform .

The concentration of the media and the dependence of journalists , who are themselves victims of media concentration and its commercialization , lead to a shrinking of the critical potential of the media. A pillar of democracy, the Fifth Power, threatens to fall. The sovereignty of opinion lies with financially strong interest groups such as the Bertelsmann Foundation , which want to align all areas of society with the performance principle and profit maximization .


Thilo Castner judged in the magazine Das Parlament that the factual book offers the chance to escape the clutches of opinion makers.

Klaus Koch in the Volksstimme was of the opinion that it was a merit of the book to present extensive connections behind many political decisions for less state and more private sector.

In the FAZ , the economist and journalist Philip Plickert criticized what Müller praised as a settlement with politics and the media was a mixture of denial of reality and self-righteousness. On many pages, stale left clichés were being ruminated, the seventies served as a foil for the golden years. “The ideological wrong-way driver is amazed at the oncoming traffic and complains: all wrong-way drivers!” Is Plickert's summary.

Brandt currently. Driven Hunt for a Bearer of Hope (2013)

On the occasion of Willy Brandt's 100th birthday on December 18, 2013, Müller remembered the Social Democrats and Chancellor of the Federal Republic from 1969 to 1974, who died in 1992, in the book Brandt aktuell: driven hunt for a bearer of hope , published in December 2013. In it, Müller describes how on Brandt a hunt was organized in which the CDU / CSU opposition participated, as well as the media groups Springer and Bauer , parts of the German economy and very wealthy people. At the time, they started anonymous advertising campaigns against Brandt and his politics, which cost millions. There were also intrigues within the party. Müller assumes that Brandt's end of office was already prepared after the 1972 election, including by the later Chancellor Helmut Schmidt. Müller documents this with numerous sound reports, original documents and images of old newspaper advertisements. As a young man, Müller followed Brandt's ascent to chancellor, he came close to him as a speechwriter for Federal Minister of Economics Karl Schiller and became his employee as an election campaign manager. Müller Brandt served as head of the planning department in the Federal Chancellery until his resignation.

The negative Brandt legend, such as that Brandt was only a foreign chancellor and only had a sense of Ostpolitik , that the economy did not interest him, Müller convincingly invalidates with data and facts. Another part of the negative Brandt legend is that he was a procrastinator, a brooder with a tendency towards depression. As an employee and companion of Brandt, Müller attests to him being a great campaigner and a terrific fisherman of people, by no means depressive, but highly intelligent, prudent and imaginative. The offensive election campaign in 1972 ended with the SPD's best result to date: 45.8% of the second vote. Unlike most politicians, Brandt had the gift of thinking strategically in the long term.

Müller also emphasizes that Brandt's domestic political and economic successes are being suppressed. Among other things, he had ensured that the youth protests were given an opportunity to integrate into society through the amnesty law for demonstration crimes of 1969.

Müller also describes Brandt's achievements in domestic politics to improve the situation of the working population. The new works constitution law , the flexible age limit , increase in small pensions, opening of pension insurance for the self-employed and housewives, dynamization of war victims ' pensions , increase in child benefit, the training promotion law, fight against land speculation , improvement of the wage quota for dependent workers, development of environmental protection and so on.

Brandt had also started with environmental protection: " The sky over the Ruhr must turn blue again " was an idea that Brandt had pursued since 1961. During his time as party chairman there was a reform commission of the SPD under Erhard Eppler in 1971 , which advocated the introduction of a tax on environmentally harmful products, i.e. an eco-tax . At that time, according to Müller, it was an incredibly innovative proposal. All of this was and is - according to Müller - ignored by the leading media and largely withheld by historians.


The writer Wolfgang Bittner judged in the two-week publication Ossietzky that the book had beneficially stood out from the publications on the occasion of the birthday anniversary.

Patric Seibel wrote in his book review for the NDR that the book reads extremely exciting and provides "important corrections of many ingrained judgments and is therefore an indispensable contribution to the history of Willy Brandt."

In her review in the Süddeutsche Zeitung , the journalist Franziska Augstein also found the swipe at historians justified who were content with "chewing on the media echo from back then". Augstein learned from Müller - and Brandt - that neither the paternalistic authoritarian state nor a policy that only serves the "upper class" is beneficial to a society.

Norbert Seitz , on the other hand, found on Deutschlandfunk that Müller had not adhered to the warning about the “temptation of intellectual unpretentiousness” and “lack of humor” in Brandt's farewell speech, but rather tried in a historical revisionist way to claim the legacy of the “real Willy” for himself and attacked less party-political opponents than top comrades at the time like Karl Schiller , Helmut Schmidt or Herbert Wehner .

Believe little, question everything, think for yourself (2019)

In this work, Müller examines the techniques of manipulation and propaganda that, in his view, characterize the political public, especially campaign journalism . Almost no major political decision in the last few decades had been made factually, most were guided by interests and were essentially initiated and enforced through opinion-making.

Oskar Lafontaine wrote in his review on the NachDenkSeiten that Müller was correct on this point in his assessment. The established media should finally get into conversation with the critical media and their authors, instead of fighting like archenemies. Müller's instructions on how to arm yourself - and also the people in your own environment in which you speak to them - against manipulation is more important than ever today because of the change in the media world.

Thomas Gesterkamp wrote in Neues Deutschland that Müller's book was about “blanket judgments [bristling]”. Already the preface permeated "a building of ideas that one would rather assume in the AfD environment - even if terms such as ' lying press ' do not explicitly appear". About this book “seems so uncomfortable” that Müller simply knows everything better: “He's always the smart guy who sees through the 'attempts to deliberately influence our thinking' - while almost all other users of newspapers, radio, television or digital networks manipulate themselves "Some of the argumentation patterns used would resemble their right-wing counterparts too much": "Crude attacks on the 'system media', garnished with conspiracy-theoretical constructs". There is "certainly plenty of evidence" for Müller's observation of more business-friendly reporting, the taz has turned into a left-liberal daily whose "decidedly anti-Russian stance in the Ukraine conflict" one does not have to share, and also Müller's reference to the connections of leading journalists Atlantik-Brücke and Bilderberg Conference are justified. However, Gesterkamp saw “definitely not a plot by evil forces” behind the “sometimes uniform reporting”. Nostalgia and whitewash, on the other hand , characterize the stories “told” from Müller's time as employees of Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt . When describing Müller's time under Schmidt, the reviewer missed criticism of professional bans , the expansion of nuclear power and retrofitting, and stated that “the alienation of many left voters from social democracy by no means began with Hartz IV”.

When the Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ) explained the name NachDenkSeiten in the spotlight in September 2019 , saying that Müller has "since the beginning of the Kohl government [...] thought about why nobody listens to him, and he can do it himself and his followers." do not explain, "insinuated Müller of the SZ, she wanted to influence the deliberations of editors on his announced media-critical book Glaube little, question everything, think for yourself .


Müller was married to the teacher Anke Bering-Müller (1943–2014) and lives in Pleisweiler-Oberhofen .


  • Vote Willy '72 - Victories can be made . Plöger Medien, Annweiler / Essen 1997, ISBN 3-89708-100-8 .
  • with Hannes Müller: Courage to turn around! Plea for a new citizens' movement (=  structure paperback . Volume 8517 ). Structure of the Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 1997, ISBN 3-7466-8517-6 .
  • From party democracy to media democracy. Observations on the Bundestag election campaign 1998 as mirrored in earlier experiences . Leske and Budrich, Leverkusen 1999, ISBN 3-8100-2283-7 .
  • The reform lie . Droemer Knaur Verlag, Munich 2004, ISBN 3-426-27344-6 .
  • Power mania - How a mediocre leadership elite ruins us . Droemer Knaur, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-426-27386-1 .
  • Wolfgang Lieb, Albrecht Müller: The Critical Yearbook 2007 - Reflecting on Germany . Verlag Helmut Schmidt Medien, Kirchsahr 2008, ISBN 978-3-00-023733-1 .
  • Wolfgang Lieb, Albrecht Müller: The critical yearbook 2008/2009 - thinking about Germany . Verlag Helmut Schmidt Medien, Kirchsahr 2008, ISBN 978-3-00-026393-4 .
  • Albrecht Müller: Opinion making: How business, politics and the media want us to stop thinking . Verlag Droemer Knaur, Munich 2009, ISBN 978-3-426-27458-3 .
  • Wolfgang Lieb, Albrecht Müller: The critical yearbook 2009/2010 - thinking about Germany . Verlag Helmut Schmidt Medien, Kirchsahr 2009, ISBN 978-3-00-029424-2 .
  • Wolfgang Lieb, Albrecht Müller: The critical yearbook 2010/2011 - thinking about Germany . Westend, Frankfurt am Main 2010, ISBN 978-3-938060-56-8 .
  • Wolfgang Lieb, Albrecht Müller: The critical yearbook 2011/2012 - thinking about Germany . Westend, Frankfurt am Main 2011, ISBN 978-3-938060-62-9 .
  • Albrecht Müller: The wrong president: What Pastor Gauck still has to learn so that we can be happy with him . Westend, Frankfurt am Main 2012, ISBN 978-3-86489-028-4 .
  • Wolfgang Lieb, Albrecht Müller: The critical yearbook 2012/2013 - thinking about Germany . Westend, Frankfurt am Main 2012, ISBN 978-3-86489-030-7 .
  • Wolfgang Lieb, Albrecht Müller: The Critical Yearbook 2013/2014 - Reflecting on Germany . Westend, Frankfurt am Main 2013, ISBN 978-3-86489-046-8 .
  • Albrecht Müller: Brandt currently. Driven hunt for a bearer of hope . Westend, Frankfurt am Main 2013, ISBN 978-3-86489-064-2 .
  • Wolfgang Lieb, Albrecht Müller: The critical yearbook 2014/2015 - thinking about Germany . Westend, Frankfurt am Main 2014, ISBN 978-3-86489-075-8 .
  • Wolfgang Lieb, Albrecht Müller: The critical yearbook 2015/2016 - thinking about Germany . Westend, Frankfurt am Main 2015, ISBN 978-3-86489-105-2 .
  • Jens Berger, Albrecht Müller: The Critical Yearbook 2016/2017 - Reflecting on Germany . Westend, Frankfurt am Main 2016, ISBN 978-3-86489-154-0 .
  • Jens Berger, Albrecht Müller: The critical yearbook 2017/2018 - thinking about Germany . Westend, Frankfurt am Main 2017, ISBN 978-3-86489-192-2 .
  • Albrecht Müller: Believe little, question everything, think for yourself. How to see through manipulation . Westend, Frankfurt am Main 2019, ISBN 978-3-86489-218-9 .

Web links

Commons : Albrecht Müller (politician)  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. More power. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 15, 1998, p. 17.
  2. a b Entry “Müller, Albrecht” in Munzinger Online / Personen - Internationales Biographisches Archiv 23/2010 from June 8, 2010. Accessed on July 9, 2011.
  3. ^ Hans-Joachim Noack: lateral thinker against city sheriff . In: Der Spiegel . No. 16 , 1984, pp. 29-31 ( online ).
  5. Lafontaine friend accuses Gysi of "lacking solidarity" on; September 25, 2013; accessed on March 2, 2016
  7. stand up The collection movement: supporters
  8. About the book: Albrecht Müller: The reform lie. 40 misconceptions, myths and legends with which politics and business ruin Germany . Reflection pages from March 27, 2005.
  9. Peter Bofinger: The favorite reading of economists . In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung of October 7, 2004.
  10. Peter Thelen: Against the Mainstream German Reformitis , Handelsblatt of September 3, 2004.
  11. Wolfgang Dick: Book tip: Albrecht Müller: The reform lie. In: Deutsche Welle Online. Archived from the original on July 29, 2012 ; Retrieved February 7, 2005 .
  12. Ulrich Kurzer: Very large coalition . In: The Friday of January 21, 2005.
  13. Ernst Rommeney: Albrecht Müller: "The Reform Lie" ( Memento from June 26, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) , broadcast by Germany radio "BuchTipp" from August 29, 2004.
  14. Hanno Beck: Conspiracy of the professionals. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. November 22, 2004. Retrieved 2011 .
  15. a b
  16. Konrad Adam: Do it like me! In: The world. Retrieved September 25, 2004, 2011 .
  17. ^ Corinna Nohn: A plea against the German reform marathon . In: Süddeutsche Zeitung of November 30, 2004.
  18. Erhard Eppler: The accounting of an employee of Helmut Schmidt. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung . June 19, 2006, accessed July 23, 2007 .
  19. ^ Matthias Kamann: Criticism of the opinion cartel. In: Deutschlandfunk Kultur . April 7, 2006, accessed January 11, 2020 .
  20. ^ Nils Minkmar: Germany, some crook country. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Retrieved June 18, 2006, 2011 .
  21. Achim Truger: Instructions for critical thinking. In: Frankfurter Rundschau, March 21, 2006, p. 10.
  22. Hans-Joachim Selenz Book Reviews: Machtwahn
  23. Christian Humborg: Albrecht Müller: Machtwahn - How a mediocre leadership elite ruins us ( Memento from September 15, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) , website of Transparency International Germany.
  24. ^ Thilo Castner: Settlement with the prompter of power ( Memento from December 25, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) . In: The Parliament of 12/19 October 2009.
  25. Klaus Koch: "Meinungsmache" - a plea for a strong welfare state . In: Volksstimme of November 12, 2009.
  26. Philip Plickert: Back to the Seventies. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. April 6, 2010, accessed March 7, 2015 .
  28. Patric Seibel: Book review: Albecht Müller, Brandt Aktuell, driven hunt for a bearer of hope . Manuscript NDR December 7, 2013
  29. Review note on Süddeutsche Zeitung, December 18, 2013
  30. Literary Willy Brandt Revival, DLF December 16, 2013
  31. Review of the book: Believe little. Question everything. Think for yourself. By Oskar Lafontaine. In: NachDenkSeiten - The Critical Website. Accessed December 30, 2019 (German).
  32. Media criticism for know-it-alls. In: New Germany. Accessed December 31, 2019 (German).
  33. SZ from September 14/15, 2019, Das Streiflicht, p. 1
  34. Albrecht Müller: Die Süddeutsche polemizes against the NachDenkSeiten and their publisher. In: NachDenkSeiten. September 16, 2019, accessed December 31, 2019 .
  35. Albrecht Müller: Obituary: “Girls learn something. Nobody can take that away from you. ” In: NachDenkSeiten. January 16, 2014, accessed October 22, 2019 .
  36. ^ Andreas Schlick: Albrecht Müller: Election campaign professional turns 80 today. In: Die Rheinpfalz . May 16, 2018, accessed April 24, 2020 .