Anetta Kahane

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Anetta Kahane (2016)

Anetta Kahane (born July 25, 1954 in East Berlin ) is a German journalist and author . In the civil rights movement of the GDR, she participated in the central round table . Since then she has campaigned against right-wing extremism , xenophobia and anti-Semitism . Kahane was the first and at the same time the last commissioner for foreigners of the East Berlin magistrate . After reunification , she helped to set up the regional office for foreigner issues in Berlin and campaigned for intercultural education at schools in the new federal states . At the end of 1998 she was the initiator of the Amadeu Antonio Foundation , of which she has been the full-time chairman since 2003.

From 1974 to 1982 she was an unofficial employee (IM) of the GDR State Security , which triggered controversial debates in the media after it became known in 2002.

Kahane is repeatedly the target of right-wing populist and right-wing extremist attacks and anti-Semitic hostility.

biography

family

Anetta Kahane is the youngest of three children of communist journalist Max Kahane and artist Doris Kahane . Both parents were secular Jews and fled Germany from the National Socialist regime . The father fought as an interbrigadist from 1938 in the Spanish Civil War for the Second Spanish Republic , then in the French Resistance . The mother joined the Resistance in France in 1940. She was interned in the Drancy assembly camp until the liberation in 1944 . After the end of the war, the parents returned to East Berlin. One of the brothers Anetta Kahane is the film director Peter Kahane .

Childhood and youth

She was born in Berlin-Pankow , where her mother's Jewish family had resided for several generations, and spent most of her childhood and youth there. The father was a member of the SED . When he became the first foreign correspondent for the GDR news agency ADN in India in 1957 , the family lived in New Delhi for three years and Anetta Kahane attended an Indian preschool. In 1961 she started school in Berlin and joined the Young Pioneers . In 1963 the family moved to Rio de Janeiro for nine months , where Max Kahane worked as a foreign correspondent for the GDR newspaper Neues Deutschland . In East Berlin, she attended the extended secondary school , which she graduated from in 1973 with a university entrance qualification.

Like other children of the Holocaust successor generation, Anetta Kahane grew up under the influence of her parents' trauma. During her school days, according to her autobiography, she began to confess publicly as a Jew against the will of her parents and was then attacked.

Training and activities until 1990

Anetta Kahane completed a traineeship in the Latin America editorial team at Radio Berlin International . From autumn 1974 to 1979 she studied Latin American studies at the University of Rostock . After graduating, she worked as a language teacher at the Humboldt University in Berlin from 1980 to 1983 .

At the age of 19 she was recruited by the Ministry for State Security (MfS). The MfS ran it from 1974 to 1982 under the self-chosen code name "Victoria". Her future task was to research diplomats and journalists. During her studies in Rostock, she met her command officer in Berlin about every four to six weeks. According to her commanding officer, Kahane reported incriminatingly about people close to her, including friends and fellow students, and gave information about South American citizens. However, she is said to have concealed facts and was "difficult to manage".

In 1979 she was allowed to work as an interpreter for Portuguese on behalf of the State Planning Commission of the GDR in São Tomé and Príncipe (West Africa). In 1981 she accompanied civil engineers in Mozambique . According to her own statements, she experienced the way GDR representatives dealt with the population as racist and paternalistic . According to Martin Jander , this was where she recognized the failure and mendacity of state-mandated anti-fascism .

She ended the IM activity in 1982 on her own initiative. Her senior officer noted that she did not want to continue the cooperation because of "political and ideological problems". The MfS immediately struck her from the travel guide list so that she was no longer allowed to work as an interpreter abroad. From 1983 to 1989 she worked as a freelance translator. In 1986 she and her husband applied for an exit visa. After their separation, a joint departure was no longer an option for them. Since she was the single mother of a small child, she decided to stay in the GDR.

The Stasi kept an eye on her from the moment she broke off her IM work, especially after her application to leave the country. Although the MfS did not set up an operational identity check or operational process , according to Helmut Müller-Enbergs there are indications from the files that investigations were repeatedly initiated between 1983 and 1988 and that she was observed.

Kahane belonged with Salomea Genin , Barbara Honigmann , their husband Peter and other East German intellectuals of Jewish origin to the group We for Us in the Jewish Community in East Berlin, founded in 1986 by Irene Runge . The group began to work through its own stories and those of their parents and grandparents who fled Germany in 1933 and returned in 1945.

In the emerging civil rights movement in the GDR, she campaigned for foreigners and minorities. She took to the New Forum at the group Immigration of the Round Table in part. She was jointly responsible for an application called "Appeal for the acceptance of Soviet Jews in the GDR". It was adopted on February 12, 1990 without dissenting votes and implemented by the government of the GDR.

From May to October 1990, Anetta Kahane was the first and at the same time the last commissioner for foreigners in the magistrate of East Berlin. When reunification took place on October 3, 1990 with the accession of the GDR to the Federal Republic of Germany , she was in Israel to exchange experiences about the integration of Jews from the Soviet Union. Sergey Lagodinsky reports that the Israeli authorities met her with suspicion as a government official in a communist country and as a Jew from Germany who brought Jews to the "perpetrator country" instead of Israel. After the application to accept Soviet Jews in the GDR was also approved by the Prime Ministers of the West German federal states , around 200,000 Jews were able to emigrate to the reunified Germany.

Activities since 1991

In 1991, the State of Berlin commissioned Kahane, who was an administrative employee at the time, to set up the regional office for foreigner issues in Berlin with the support of the Freudenberg Foundation . Another 17 projects were developed in East Germany in the following years. The driving forces were Christian Petry from the Freudenberg Foundation and Anetta Kahane. She founded the association RAA e. V. (regional offices for foreigner issues, youth work and schools) as the provider of all regional offices in the new federal states. From the beginning of the 1990s onwards, the main focus was on fighting right-wing extremism, educating people about democracy and intercultural education. The RAA Berlin developed criteria for the implementation of the goals. Kahane was convinced that a democratic school open to the neighborhood was the way to counteract the risk of ethnicization, conflicts and social exclusion. When xenophobia continued to escalate in East Germany and as a result of several right-wing extremist murders, Kahane initiated the Amadeu Antonio Foundation , founded by Karl Konrad von der Groeben .

Until 2003 she was head of the regional office for foreigner issues in Berlin and managing director of the RAA e. V. In the same year she became full-time chairwoman of the Amadeu Antonio Foundation.

Positions

Attitude to right-wing extremism in the GDR

In her function as commissioner for foreigners, she publicly discussed attacks on foreigners in the GDR. She criticized the trivialisation by the People's Police , which several times refused to accept reports from those affected. She felt that awareness-raising measures were necessary in this context. With Bernd Wagner , with whom she worked in the regional offices and the Center for Democratic Culture , she took the view in the early 1990s that right-wing extremism in East Germany could not only be explained economically and socio-psychologically, but had to be understood historically from the history of the GDR. Long before 1989 there was xenophobia and a right-wing youth scene there. Her theses have only been given greater attention in research since the late 1990s.

Contemporary anti-Semitism

For Kahane, contemporary anti-Semitism is “the example and teaching field for all other racist attacks”. The current anti-Semitism shows itself as a "worldwide unease about the Jewish". It could “break out in the most varied of forms, from diffuse conspiracy theories against a supposed Jewish power elite to selective criticism of the State of Israel. Together with Julius H. Schoeps, Kahane is one of the German-Jewish protagonists who see the global hostility against Israel as an attack on the “collective Jews”.

She dealt in particular with the hostility to Jews in the GDR and in 2010 initiated the exhibition That didn't exist with us! Anti-Semitism in the GDR . In her opinion, anti-Semitism came to light “primarily through political, cultural and anti-Israel stereotypes”. The East German leadership tried to prevent an East German debate on the responsibility of Germany as a whole for the Holocaust by means of anti-Zionism and devaluing Jewish victims. According to Kahane's study, “defense against guilt, relativization or victim narration” in the GDR were “the result of the analysis of society and history as manifestations of the class struggle…”. After reunification, the ideologically motivated “defense against guilt” turned into “ folk propaganda ”.

Reactions since the IM activity became known

Reviews of activity as an IM

Kahane's work as an unofficial employee of the State Security became known through newspaper reports in 2002 after she was named as the successor to Barbara John as the Berlin Senate's foreigner commissioner. She herself had not made her IM work public until then. After other media had reported critically that Kahane had also reported incriminating people after the evaluation of her senior officer, her autobiography “I see what you don't see” appeared in 2004, in which she dealt intensively with it. Since there were still critical reports, she commissioned the political scientist Helmut Müller-Enbergs in 2012 to investigate whether third parties had been at a disadvantage through her conversations with the MfS, and made all the IM files available to her. Müller-Enbergs came to the conclusion that there was no evidence from these files of harm to other people through Kahane's work; In principle, however, it should be noted that the transmission of any type of information carries the risk of such damage. In an article for the magazine Focus , the historian Hubertus Knabe came to the conclusion that Kahane's IM activity was a "moderate case". However, the contemporary historian Jens Gieseke contradicted this : Such an assessment could only be made from the assessment of the overall personality and not solely from the files of the State Security.

Attacks

Criticism of Kahane's IM past has often been instrumentalized for attacks on Kahane's current work, particularly as chairwoman of the Amadeu Antonio Foundation (AAS). This was particularly the case when the then Federal Minister of Justice Heiko Maas invited Kahane as chairwoman of the Antonio Amadeu Foundation to a “task force” against right-wing hate speech on the Internet in 2015, alongside the large Internet companies and various civil society initiatives. Both the GDR civil rights activist Vera Lengsfeld, observed by the Stasi, and the historian Hubertus Knabe sharply criticized the fact that Kahane, a former unofficial employee of the Ministry for State Security, was busy drafting guidelines for dealing with illegal hate messages on the Internet.

Following these and similar posts, attacks on the foundation and Kahane himself increased on the internet and in right-wing media in 2015 and 2016. The foundation then commissioned the political scientist Samuel Salzborn to scientifically investigate the events. His report was published on the client's website. Salzborn came to the conclusion that there had been no campaign against the foundation in the sense of a staged and planned procedure, but in the sense of the interaction of specific common interests of different actors. Various AfD officials took up and spread Lengsfeld's criticism of his appointment to the task force on the same day. By putting together IM activities and a task force, they compared the Federal Republic of Germany with the GDR and suggested that they monitor the Internet using the methods of the former GDR state security. It is suggested that “the FRG follows the surveillance practices of the GDR with regard to the Internet”. After media triggers, there have been repeated peaks of hate speech on the Internet, which in 2016 had turned into a real campaign. In the course of such hate speech, a personalization of Anetta Kahane and in particular the inclusion of anti-Semitic traits in her public image can be recognized.

Anti-Semitic hostility

A stereotypical anti-Semitic hatred of Kahane had long been drawn, especially in right-wing extremist circles. Political scientist Britta Schellenberg saw this in a portrait of Kahane by Thorsten Hinz in Junge Freiheit 2007, in which Hinz combined Judaism, betrayal and communism in the form of a “classic right-wing extremist enemy”. According to Salzborn, the historian Martin Jander , who in 2010, in connection with statements by Kahane about Israel's image and anti-Semitism in the German media, was able to collect expressions of opinion and outbreaks of hatred on the Internet and was able to identify the stereotype of the “Jewish traitor”, which in this case also included “Islamists, Right Conservatives and Left Anti-imperialists ”. The investigation by Salzborn himself shows a further accumulation of anti-Semitic attacks on Kahane from 2015, particularly striking in the pictorial representations: photo montages in the social media showing Kahane with symbols of Judaism and Soviet communism, published by the AfD member of the Bundestag Petr Bystron and thereafter distributed in numerous social networks. In addition, there were sexist fantasies of violence, such as those that were strongly represented in e-mails to the foundation, and death threats.

Murder plans

The attacks culminated in murder plans. In the course of terrorist investigations against Bundeswehr soldiers from 2017 , investigators discovered a list of attack targets by the group around Franco A., on which Kahane appeared, in a pocket calendar. In addition, A. had noted down details of her résumé and sketched the location of the foundation. He apparently also broke into the foundation's underground car park and photographed the parked cars.

Reception of the autobiography

Kahane's autobiography was published in 2004 under the title I see what you don't see. My German stories in Rowohlt Verlag . In it, Kahane describes her life from her birth in East Berlin in 1954 to her engagement in the fight against right-wing radicalism, xenophobia and anti-Semitism in reunified Germany. In addition to documenting everyday life in the GDR and the personal experience of Kahane, the book also tells of the country's racism and anti-Semitism and the lack of coming to terms with National Socialism. The social scientist Thomas Ahbe arranged her memoirs in a conference contribution on the topic of “East German identity” alongside works and other works. a. by Thomas Brasch , Robert Havemann and Barbara Honigmann as “family-biographical literature that critically reflected on the former cultural elite of the GDR”.

Reviewers looked at different focuses of the autobiography:

Micha Brumlik (in: Die Tageszeitung ) read Kahane's “Story of Childhood and Adolescence of a Jewish Girl in the Nomenclature of the GDR” as a “case study on the formation of Jewish identity”. After the hopes for “a better, anti-racist German state had completely evaporated”, the attempt remained “to find a new, Jewish self-image in the ailing GDR”. In their descriptions one can understand "how many different internal and external, psychological, social and political motives have to work together so that a German-Jewish self-image could be reinvented".

Viola Roggenkamp (in: Die Welt ) found “the felt memories” and “the subjective experience” that Kahane tries in her own way to be more informative than historical facts about the GDR . Roggenkamp wondered why German Jews, like Kahane's parents, went to the GDR. You couldn't have overlooked the fact that the GDR was just as "Nazi country" as the FRG. The Jews who returned from exile were regarded in the GDR as 'victims of fascism' less than 'fighters against fascism'. But they were now also experienced as the better Germans who wanted to build a better Germany and for that they were more or less hated. Roggenkamp draws a comparison with the fragment of the novel When the hour is, to speak of Brigitte Reimann , who also addressed the hatred in the GDR of Jewish returnees from exile.

Uwe Stolzmann (in: Neue Zürcher Zeitung ) criticized Kahane's “tunnel vision” of the GDR. In her memory, “the small German state is a repulsive entity: cold and narrow, narrow-minded and racist, a source of hatred and lasting frustration”. B. Privileges such as vacation spots at Wiepersdorf Castle and on the Black Sea , as well as stays abroad. He suspected it was anger at her father, who in her opinion conformed too much, or shame that she was serving the State Security. A “document of an extraordinary life”, as the publishing house advertising announced it, did not make her book.

For the political scientist Andreas Bock (in: Süddeutsche Zeitung ), Kahane's German-German autobiography is “a book about the state of civil society in reunified Germany”. The old children's game that gave the book the title, I see what you don't see , becomes a diagnosis for society as a whole. The experience of racism in the GDR led to Kahane's break with the regime. According to her story, the state, which has put the stamp on itself as "anti-fascist", has completely prevented a confrontation with guilt and responsibility for the Jewish victims of National Socialism and "thus planted the seeds for new old hatred of foreigners". Kahane's book holds up a mirror to German society.

Awards

Memberships

Publications

Autobiography

Editor and author

  • After Auschwitz. Difficult legacy of the GDR. Plea for a paradigm shift in GDR contemporary history research . With Enrico Heitzer, Martin Jander, Patrice G. Poutrus, Wochenschau Verlag Wissenschaft, Frankfurt am Main 2018, ISBN 978-3-7344-0705-5
    • Effect of a taboo. Jews and Anti-Semitism in the GDR . Pp. 39-48
    • From the ideological defense of guilt to national propaganda . Pp. 264-276
  • Shared memory? On dealing with National Socialism in East and West . Amadeu Antonio Foundation, Berlin 2011, ISBN 978-3-940878-10-6 .
  • We didn't have that! Anti-Semitism in the GDR . Book for the exhibition of the Amadeu Antonio Foundation, with Annette Leo and Heike Radvan, Berlin 2010, ISBN 3-89331-176-9
  • Encounters that give hope. Overcome borders with foreigners. With Eleni Torossi , Herder, Freiburg 1993, ISBN 978-3-451-04236-2

Book contributions

  • Right-wing extremism. Challenges for the whole of society. In: W. Frindte, D. Geschke, N. Haußecker, F. Schmidtke (eds.): Right-wing extremism and "National Socialist Underground" , Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2016, ISBN 978-3-658-09997-8 , p. 303– 307
  • German sacrifice . In: Liske, Markus, Präkels, Manja (Ed.): Caution people! Or: movements in madness? Verbrecher Verlag, Berlin 2015, ISBN 978-3-95732-121-3 , pp. 137-139
  • The partisan from Chemnitz. In: Gisela Dachs (Ed.): Protests. Jewish rebellion in Jerusalem, New York and elsewhere. Jüdischer Verlag im Suhrkamp Verlag, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-633-54261-1 , pp. 59–71.
  • Remembering is life. In: Beatrice von Weizsäcker, Hildegard Hamm-Brücher (eds.): Democracy is no guarantee of happiness: forty years of Theodor Heuss Prize, 1965 to 2005: Chronicle and time announcement. Hohenheim, 2005, ISBN 3-89850-129-9 , p. 227 ff.
  • Jeckes in the GDR. In: Gisela Dachs (Ed.): The Jeckes. Jüdischer Verlag im Suhrkamp-Verlag, 2005, ISBN 3-633-54219-1
  • I have the opportunity to do something. In: Elmar Balster (Ed.): Moments. Portraits of Jews in Germany. Mosse, Berlin 2003, ISBN 3-935097-08-5 , pp. 45-46
  • Acting for democracy is acting against right-wing extremism . In: Jens Mecklenburg (ed.): What to do against right , Elefanten Press, Berlin 1999, ISBN 978-3-88520-749-8 , pp. 58-71
  • I was allowed to, the others had to… In: Vincent von Wroblewsky (Ed.): Between Torah and Trabant. Jews in the GDR . Structure, Berlin 1993, ISBN 3-7466-7011-X , pp. 124-144
  • Strangeness with consequences: the story of a foreigner commissioner. In: Namo Aziz, Thea Bauriedl (ed.): Strangers in a cold country: Foreigners in Germany. Herder, Freiburg 1992, ISBN 3-451-04130-8 , p. 137 ff.

Article (selection)

literature

  • Peter Schneider : Anetta Kahane and the Amadeu Antonio Foundation. In: Peter Schneider: It can't be because of the beauty. Berlin - portrait of an eternally unfinished city. btb, Munich 2016, ISBN 978-3-442-71379-0 , pp. 228-238.
  • Esther Schapira , Georg M. Hafner : You just can't stand a strong Jew - A visit to Anetta Kahane. In: Esther Schapira, Georg M. Hafner: Israel is to blame for everything: Why the Jewish state is so hated. Bastei Lübbe, Cologne 2015, ISBN 978-3-7325-0596-8 , pp. 190–194.
  • Heribert Prantl : Anetta Kahane. Bring the moon to Berlin. In: ders .: What an individual can do. Political history. Süddeutsche Zeitung Edition, Munich 2016, ISBN 978-3-86497-352-9 , pp. 194-209

Web links

Commons : Anetta Kahane  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Annette Leo :  Kahane, Max Leon . In: Who was who in the GDR? 5th edition, volume 1. Ch. Links, Berlin 2010, ISBN 978-3-86153-561-4 .
  2. ↑ Ulla Plener (Ed.): Women from Germany in the French Resistance. A documentation. Edition Bodoni, Berlin 2005, ISBN 3-929390-90-6 , p. 284
  3. ^ Rita Thalmann: Jewish Women exiled in France After 1933 . In: Sibylle Quack (Ed.): Between Sorrow and Strength. Women Refugees of the Nazi Period. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2002, ISBN 978-0-521-52285-4 , pp. 55-56.
  4. ^ Heribert Prantl: Anetta Kahane. Bring the moon to Berlin. In: ders .: What an individual can do. Political history. Süddeutsche Zeitung Edition. Munich 2016, ISBN 978-3-86497-352-9 , p. 206.
  5. ↑ Laurence Duchaine-Guillon: La vie juive à Berlin après 1945. CNRS Éditions, Paris 2012, ISBN 978-2-271-07262-7 , p. 211, fn. 2015.
  6. ↑ Peter Schneider: Anetta Kahane and the Antonio Amadeo Foundation , in: ders .: It can't be because of beauty ... , Kiepenheuer & Witsch, Cologne 2015, ISBN 978-3-462-04744-8 , p. 230
  7. ↑ Max Kahane: Doris Kahane - an artist in the Drancy camp . In: Inge Lammel (Ed.): Jüdische Lebenswege. A cultural and historical foray through Pankow and Niederschönhausen . Revised and expanded new edition, Hentrich & Hentrich, Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-938485-53-8 , pp. 48/49
  8. ↑ Kahane, Max (SED) , in: Michael Minholz, Uwe Stirnberg: Der Allgemeine Deutsche Nachrichtenendienst (ADN) , Saur, Munich et al. 1995, ISBN 3-598-20557-0 , p. 413
  9. ↑ a b Anetta Kahane: Chair of the Amadeu Antonio Foundation in conversation with Jochen Kölsch , ARD-alpha , br.de, April 24, 2014 (PDF)
  10. ↑ "I was not made for the GDR". Anetta Kahane . Interview with Sabine am Orde. In: Taz, August 30, 2004
  11. ^ Philippe Gessler: The new anti-Semitism. Behind the scenes of normality. Herder Verlag, Freiburg im Breisgau 2004, ISBN 978-3-451-05493-8 , p. 42f
  12. ^ Mary Fulbrook : The People's State. East German Society from Hitler to Honecker. Yale University Press, New Haven 2005, ISBN 978-0-300-14424-6 , p. 264
  13. ↑ Helmut Müller-Enbergs : Summary expert opinion on Ms. Anetta Kahane and the GDR State Security . Amadeu Antonio Foundation, November 26, 2014 (PDF), p. 6
  14. ↑ Thomas Rogalla : Anetta Kahane. A Stasi debate that did not end , in: Berliner Zeitung, issue 78 of April 2, 2003, p. 19
  15. ↑ Helmut Müller-Enbergs, pp. 7 and 10
  16. ↑ Anetta Kahane: I see what you don't see. My German stories . Rowohlt Verlag, Berlin, 2004, ISBN 978-3-87134-470-1 , p. 98
  17. ↑ Müller-Enbergs, page 7
  18. ↑ Müller-Enbergs, p. 7
  19. ↑ Anetta Kahane: I see what you don't see. My German stories . Rowohlt, Berlin 2004, ISBN 978-3-87134-470-1 , p. 19
  20. ^ A b Martin Jander: Democratic culture of respect. Anetta Kahane on repressed National Socialism and racism in the GDR . In: Horch and Guck , Heft 46, 2/2004, pp. 87-88. Online in: H-Soz-Kult, November 3, 2004
  21. ↑ Helmut Müller-Enbergs, p. 8
  22. ↑ Thomas Rogalla: Anetta Kahane. A Stasi debate that did not end , in: Berliner Zeitung, issue 78 of April 2, 2003, p. 19. Quoted in: Roger Engelmann : The «legitimation crisis» that was written about. Anatomy of a campaign against the Stasi records authority , in: Germany Archive , 6/2007, pp. 1071-1078 and Fn31.
  23. ^ Peter Schneider: Anetta Kahane and the Amadeu Antonio Foundation. In: Peter Schneider: It can't be because of beauty , Munich 2016, p. 232.
    Britta Schellenberg: The right-wing extremism debate. Characteristics, conflicts and their consequences. 2nd edition, Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2013, ISBN 978-3-658-04176-2 , p. 208, fn. 844
  24. ↑ a b Rupert Strachwitz, Florian Mercker: Foundations in theory, law and practice: Handbook for a modern foundation system. Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 2005, ISBN 978-3-428-11680-5 , p. 1135
  25. ↑ Anetta Kahane: I see what you don't see. My German stories . Rowohlt Verlag, Berlin, 2004, ISBN 978-3-87134-470-1 , p. 134 and p. 138
  26. ↑ Anetta Kahane: I see what you don't see. My German stories . Pp. 141-142
  27. ↑ Helmut Müller-Enbergs: Supplement to the summarizing expert opinion on Ms. Anetta Kahane and the GDR State Security. Amadeu Antonio Foundation, January 17, 2017 (PDF); accessed on March 21, 2020.
  28. ↑ Gerald Beyrodt: Mute exclusion. Jews in the GDR. Deutschlandfunk Kultur, November 6, 2009
  29. ↑ a b c Martin Jander: Anetta Kahane, Konrad Weiß and the "catching up revolution." Hagalil, October 29, 2019
  30. ^ Federal Archives (ed.): DA 3/27 sessions. - Minutes and templates of the 1st to 10th meeting January - March 1990. List of participants in the meeting of AG-Foreigners' questions on January 2nd, 1990. (facsimile)
  31. ↑ Andrea Böhm: "... a lot of understanding for the Germans too". In: taz , Berlin local, May 10, 1990; online at ddr89.de.
    Thomas Schwarz: Integration policy as agent policy. The Commissioner for Foreigners of the Berlin Senate , in: Fran Gesemann (Ed.): Migration und Integration in Berlin , VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2001, ISBN 978-3-8100-3060-3 , p. 137
  32. ^ Sergey Lagodinsky: Germany's new Judaism and the changed relationship to Israel. In: Olaf Glöckner , Julius H. Schoeps (Ed.): Germany, the Jews and the State of Israel. A political inventory , Georg Olms Verlag, Hildesheim / Zurich / New York 2016, ISBN 978-3-487-08580-7 , p. 194
  33. ↑ Britta Kollberg, Cordula Mäbert, Herbert Weber: "- then I shaved off my Hitler mustache": Exit - leaving the right-wing extremist scene. In: Right-wing extremism, youth violence, new media, Volume 2. Center for Democratic Culture, Klett Schulbuchverlag, 2002, ISBN 3-12-060202-7 , pp. 3–5
  34. ↑ Barbara Junge: John successor: candidate was Stasi-IM. Tagesspiegel, October 9, 2002
  35. ↑ Klaus Peter Wallraven: Manual political education in the new federal states. Wochenschau Verlag, 2003, ISBN 978-3-87920-627-8 , p. 74
  36. ^ Silke Kirschnik: Right-wing extremism in schools. What to do? Suggestions and arguments for teachers. In: Christoph Butterwegge , Georg Lohmann (Ed.): Youth, right-wing extremism and violence: Analysis and arguments. Leske & Budrich, Opladen 2001, p. 147
  37. ↑ Imke Chommichau: Foreigners in the GDR - the unloved minority . In: Germany Archive , Volume 23/1990, p. 143
  38. ^ Heribert Prantl: Anetta Kahane. Bring the moon to Berlin. In: Heribert Prantl: What an individual can do. Political history. Munich 2016, p. 200f.
  39. ^ A b Britta Bugie: Right-wing extremism of young people in the GDR and in the new federal states from 1982-1998 , Lit Verlag, Münster / Hamburg / London 2002, ISBN 978-3-8258-6155-1 , p. 220f
  40. ↑ Jeanette Goddar: Human rights activist with files. taz, October 10, 2002
  41. ^ Michael Hammerbacher: Right-wing extremism and xenophobia: Strategies for action against a right-wing extremist youth culture and xenophobic attitudes. Diplomica, Hamburg 2015, ISBN 978-3-95934-688-7 , p. 67 f.
  42. ^ Wolfgang Edelstein : The expansion of right youth culture in Germany , in: Felix Büchel et al. (Ed.): Xenophobia and right-wing extremism. Documentation of a multidisciplinary lecture series , Leske and Budrich, Opladen 2002, ISBN 978-3-8100-3542-4 , p. 20
  43. ^ Heribert Prantl: Anetta Kahane. Bring the moon to Berlin. In: ders .: What an individual can do. Political history. Munich 2016, p. 194
  44. ↑ Dundula Haage: conference on anti-Semitism. “Discomfort with the Jewish”. taz, December 15, 2017
  45. ^ Sergey Lagodinsky: Germany's new Judaism and the changed relationship to Israel. In: Olaf Glöckner, Julius H. Schoeps (Ed.): Germany, the Jews and the State of Israel. A political inventory. Georg Olms Verlag, Hildesheim / Zürch 2016, ISBN 978-3-487-08580-7 , p. 208
  46. ^ Anetta Kahane: Anti-Semitism in the GDR. “We didn't have that!” In: Yad Vashem Newsletter, November 2011 .
    Constanze von Bullion: Anti-Semitism in the GDR. Rush after work. Süddeutsche Zeitung, May 17, 2010
  47. ↑ Katrin Richter: Interview: "Everything Jewish was taboo in the GDR". In: Jüdische Allgemeine , December 23, 2010
  48. ↑ Anetta Kahane quoted by Wolfgang Frindte : Review of 23 August 2019 on: Enrico Heitzer, Martin Jander, Patrice Poutrus, Anetta Kahane (eds.): Nach Auschwitz. Difficult legacy , Wochenschau Verlag (Frankfurt am Main) 2018, ISBN 978-3-7344-0705-5 . In: socialnet reviews, ISSN 2190-9245. Accessed February 1, 2020
  49. ^ To Auschwitz. Difficult legacy of the GDR . Review by Roland Kaufhold . In: Hagalil, June 11, 2019
  50. ↑ Barbara Junge : John successor: candidate was Stasi-IM , Der Tagesspiegel , October 9, 2002
  51. ↑ Thomas Rogalla : A Stasi Debate That Did Not End , Berliner Zeitung , April 2, 2003, accessed on January 14, 2020
  52. ↑ Maritta Tkalec: The "German stories" of Anetta Kahane: The seer and her blind spot . In: Berliner Zeitung, August 16, 2004; accessed on March 21, 2020.
  53. ↑ Helmut Müller-Enbergs: Comprehensive expert opinion on Ms. Anetta Kahane and the GDR State Security (PDF). Amadeu Antonio Foundation, November 26, 2014, p. 3; accessed on March 21, 2020.
  54. ↑ a b Hubertus Knabe : Stasi IM as a network spy? , Focus , December 2016
  55. ^ A b Matthias Meisner : Dispute about Anetta Kahane's Stasi past , Der Tagesspiegel, December 13, 2016
  56. ^ Samuel Salzborn : Hate disguised as freedom of expression. The right-wing campaign against the Amadeu Antonio Foundation , Scientific Report, October 3, 2016, p. 38 f.
  57. ↑ Salzborn report, p. 11 ff.
  58. ↑ Salzborn report, p. 11f.
  59. ^ Frank Jansen: Stasi allegations and threat of violence: Right-wing extremist hate wave against Amadeu Antonio Foundation , Tagesspiegel, April 25, 2016, accessed on January 14, 2020
  60. ^ Salzborn report; Matthias Meisner: More state money for the Amadeu Antonio Foundation, Der Tagesspiegel, December 7, 2016
  61. ↑ Salzborn report, p. 9
  62. ↑ Salzborn report, p. 11
  63. ↑ Salzborn report, p. 12.
  64. ↑ Salzborn report, p. 28.
  65. ↑ Salzborn report, p. 17 ff.
  66. ↑ Salzborn report, p. 30 ff.
  67. ↑ a b Cf. Britta Schellenberg : The right-wing extremism debate. Characteristics, conflicts and their consequences . Springer VS, Wiesbaden 2014, pp. 208-209
  68. ↑ Salzborn report, p. 30ff.
  69. ↑ a b c Götz Aly : The anti-Semitic hatred against Anetta Kahane , Berliner Zeitung, October 2, 2018
  70. ↑ Salzborn report, p. 31.
  71. ↑ Salzborn report, pp. 30 ff., 34 ff .; Paul Garbulski: When Right-wing Virtual Violence Becomes Real , Vice.com, April 26, 2016, accessed January 22, 2020
  72. ↑ Salzborn report, p. 35.
  73. ^ Terror suspect Franco A. had confidants , Die Zeit, May 3, 2017, accessed on January 14, 2020
  74. ↑ Matthias Gebauer, Fidelius Schmid and Wolf Wiedmann-Schmidt : Franco A. is now indicted after all , Der Spiegel, November 19, 2019, accessed on January 17, 2020
  75. ↑ Martin Jander: Anetta Kahane on repressed National Socialism and racism in the GDR , Hagalil, July 18, 2004
  76. ↑ Thomas Ahbe: The East German memory as an iceberg. Sociological and discourse theoretical findings after 20 years of state unity . In: Elisa Goudin-Steinman, Carola Hähnel-Mesnard (eds.): East German memory discourses after 1989. Narrative cultural identity. Frank & Timme Verlag, Berlin 2013, ISBN 978-3-86596-426-7 , p. 52
  77. ↑ Micha Brumlik: Iphigenia in the Uckermark. , taz. on the weekend, June 26, 2004
  78. ^ Viola Roggenkamp: German lesson. Die Welt, No. 80, April 3, 2004, Literary World, p. 7
  79. ↑ Uwe Stolzmann: What, you are not an Eastern woman? Neue Zürcher Zeitung (NZZ), No. 239, October 13, 2004, features section p. 45
  80. ↑ Andreas Bock: Antifascism is not enough. The life of Anetta Kahane in both Germany. Süddeutsche Zeitung, October 25, 2004, Political Book, p. 18
  81. ^ Theodor Heuss Foundation: Prize Winner 1991
  82. ↑ Upright gait. Theodor Heuss Prize for civil rights activists , Zeit Online , Die Zeit 12/1991 from March 15, 1991
  83. ↑ Amory Burchard: Operation in the midst of the brown tide. Anetta Kahane was awarded the Moses Mendelssohn Prize for her commitment against the right today , Der Tagesspiegel , September 5, 2002
  84. ↑ On the person: Kahane, Anetta , BR-alpha, April 1, 2014
  85. ^ Der Tagesspiegel, March 19, 2001
personal data
SURNAME Kahane, Anetta
BRIEF DESCRIPTION German journalist and author; Head of the Amadeu Antonio Foundation
DATE OF BIRTH July 25, 1954
PLACE OF BIRTH East Berlin