February fighting 1934

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Soldiers of the Federal Army in front of the State Opera in Vienna

The February battles in 1934 or the February uprising in 1934 , also known as the Austrian Civil War , are the armed battles in Austrian industrial locations from February 12 to 15, 1934, which resulted in several hundred deaths.

Opposite each other in these disputes:

The trigger for these events was the violent resistance of the Upper Austrian Schutzbund leader Richard Bernaschek and his fighters against the evacuation of the weapons depot of the now banned Schutzbund in the Linz Hotel Schiff .


On November 12, 1918, the Provisional National Assembly for German Austria decided that the new state, which had existed since October 30, 1918, was a republic and that it was part of the German republic. On the ramp of the parliament building on the Ringstrasse then that found proclamation of the Republic instead. The first state chancellor was the social democrat Karl Renner .

In large parts of the population, as well as among the new political elites of most parties with the exception of the monarchists and the communists, the prevailing view was that German Austria should be regarded as part of the German nation. Across the political camps, the opinion was expressed that this “remnant” or “ rump state ” - deprived of the Hungarian agricultural and Bohemian industrial areas - could not be viable on its own. The annexation to the German Reich , which was still sought in the spring of 1919 , was prevented by the victorious powers of the First World War . In September 1919, they stated in the Treaty of St. Germain ( understood by the German Austrians as a dictation) that Austria (the name German Austria was ignored) had to remain independent. On October 21, 1919, with the ratification of the treaty by the Constituent National Assembly , the state name “Republic of Austria” was introduced.

The economy of the young state was sluggish after the two-year inflation-related post-war boom. The hyperinflation ("galloping inflation") could not be ended until the beginning of 1924 with the help of a League of Nations loan. In 1914 you could get a block for 10,000 kroner, whereas in December 1922 you could only get a loaf of bread for it. Only with the introduction of the shilling currency in 1925 did a hesitant economic upswing begin, which, however, only represented an interim high and came to an abrupt end with the global economic crisis in 1929. In addition to the latent structural crisis, the great economic crisis had come. In 1933 about a third of the working population was unemployed.

With the unrest immediately after the war and the economic problems of an increasingly severe political polarization was accompanied (see eg. Linz Program of the Social Democrats ): General opponents were on the one hand the ruling with little mandate lead Christian Social Party and the strong especially in Vienna Social Democrats . The third tendency was the German Nationalists , who also functioned as coalition partners of the Christian Socials; they continued to strive for the unification of Austria with the "Reich" and had a large following, especially outside Vienna (for example in Styria or Salzburg).

In addition, paramilitary units such as the Heimwehr on the right-hand side of the political spectrum (with no clear party affiliation) and the Republican Protection Association of the Social Democratic Party on the left played a disastrous role. The Heimwehr saw themselves as protective associations against alleged left-wing extremism and not as guardians of democracy. The Schutzbund, on the other hand, saw itself as the guardian of the republic, but had to accept the term “ dictatorship of the proletariat ” in the social democratic party program. Associations of the NSDAP ( SA and SS ) , which were still insignificant in the 1920s, and other groups were also organized in a paramilitary manner .

The political contrasts in Austria were great and finally escalated in 1927: In Schattendorf ( Burgenland ), two people were shot dead by members of a front-line fighter association loyal to the emperor, including a child. In the Schattendorfer verdict , however, the alleged perpetrators were acquitted by a jury. The demonstrations by an indignant crowd that followed on July 15, 1927, the day after the acquittal, could no longer be controlled by the Social Democratic Party leadership. The Palace of Justice next to the parliament was stormed by demonstrators in the so-called July Revolt and set on fire. After police guard rooms had also been stormed, the police received an order from their President Johann Schober to break up the demonstration by force of arms and shot at people who were fleeing or bystanders.

The result: 89 dead (including four police officers), 1,057 wounded, almost 1,000 new members joining the right-wing home guards under their leader Ernst Rüdiger Starhemberg and - because of the unyielding attitude of the Christian Social Chancellor Prelate Dr. Ignaz Seipel , who rejected any criticism of the excessive police operation - 28,000 church members left by the end of the year. The final polarization was complete. Social democracy was decisively weakened by these events.

In the early 1930s, fascist movements began to prevail in a number of European states . Austria was not spared from this development either. The Heimwehr in particular represented fascist ideas along the lines of Italy. Mussolini was also seen as the main support by the government, which was isolated in Western Europe.

Elimination of the National Council and establishment of a dictatorship

Engelbert Dollfuss (1933)

In March 1933, turned Christian Social Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss the Parliament of. Dollfuss used a dead-end vote on railway workers' salaries and tactical resignations of the three parliamentary presidents to declare parliament incapable of acting and to speak of the National Council's elimination. Attempts to constitutionally resolve the crisis of the parliament's rules of procedure were not made by Federal President Wilhelm Miklas or by the federal government.

In March 1933, the Austrian railway workers went on strike because their salaries were to be paid in three stages. On March 4th, a vote was to be taken in parliament on the procedure against the strikers. However, since all three National Council presidents resigned to vote with their parliamentary groups, the parliament no longer had a quorum because the session could not be continued and closed properly.

The federal government's emergency ordinance law was once established by the War Economic Enabling Act of 1917 and was only insufficiently adapted to the republican constitution in the post-war period. This right was used in order to be able to govern without a representative body. The attempted renewed meeting of the National Council on March 15, 1933 (the third president, a Greater German, had withdrawn his resignation) was stopped by police force.

In addition, the constitutional court was paralyzed by the resignation of its Christian-social members, since neither the Federal President nor the Federal Chancellor ensured the appointment of new judges. The path to an authoritarian corporate state based on the example of fascist Italy was thus taken. On May 20, 1933, Dollfuss founded the Fatherland Front as a pool for all so-called patriotic and Christian-thinking Austrians.

After armed conflict, the Communist Party of Austria (KPÖ) was banned on May 26, 1933 . On May 31, 1933, the Republican Protection Association of Social Democrats was also banned.

On June 19, 1933, explosive attacks led to the ban on Styrian Homeland Security and the NSDAP, which from then on - like the Republican Protection Association and the KPÖ - operated underground.

In July 1933 the "Protection Corps Ordinance" was issued, with which the so-called Protection Corps was formed as an auxiliary force for the executive branch .

After the Communist Party and its front organizations were banned, Dollfuss, his Patriotic Front and the Heimwehr began to smash the last remaining structures of the social-democratic and Marxist-oriented workers' movement . On January 21, 1934, the sale of the social democratic “ Arbeiter-Zeitung ” was banned. Three days later the order was issued to search party buildings and apartments for weapons belonging to the Schutzbund. The leaders of the Austrian Social Democrats had no recipe against the gradual disempowerment and defenselessness of their movement.

Uprising or civil war

Army soldiers in front of the State Opera
Memorial plaque at the Schlingerhof in Floridsdorf

When, however, in the morning hours of February 12, 1934, the police wanted to search for weapons in the Linz party home of the Social Democrats, the Hotel Schiff , in order to continue the disarmament of the Social Democrats (ordered by Dollfuss), the Schutzbunds under the local Schutzbund commander Richard Bernaschek resisted . Schutzbündler opened fire in front of the party home. An encrypted telegram from the Social Democratic party leadership sent to Bernaschek in the night of February 11-12, 1934, urgently warning him of an action and instructing him to await the decisions of the party leadership, was intercepted by the authorities and did not reach the recipient:

“Aunt's condition almost hopeless. Therefore postpone the operation until after the doctors' meeting on Monday. "

Kinderfreunde Secretary Alois Jalkotzy, on the other hand, reached the Kinderfreunde office in the Hotel Schiff by phone after a long effort and gave the following message:

“The health of Uncle Otto and Aunt will only be decided tomorrow. Doctors advise to wait and do nothing for the time being. "

Memorial stone for Hans Preiner, a victim of the February uprising

Word of the resistance to disarmament in Linz spread very quickly: the uprising spread to larger parts of the country. Especially in Vienna and other industrial cities ( Steyr , St. Pölten , Weiz , Eggenberg near Graz , Kapfenberg , Bruck an der Mur (also Upper Styria ), Ebensee , Wörgl ) there was fierce fighting for a few days. The centers of the uprising in Vienna were workers' homes and community buildings ( Karl-Marx-Hof in the 19th district, Goethehof in Kaisermühlen in the 2nd today 22nd district, Sandleitenhof 16th, Reumannhof 5th, Schlingerhof 21st district).

Above all, Chief of Staff Alexander Eifler had worked out plans for fighting in Graz, the Styrian industrial areas and Vienna since 1931 for the Schutzbund. There were also battle and alarm plans for Linz and Salzburg. An attack was intended to prevent the police forces and the armed forces from working together. Barracks, police stations and guard rooms were to be sealed off with barricades and then stormed. Attempts should be made to take hostages from the Viennese government and the administrative authorities of the federal states in a flick of the hand in order to paralyze communication with a general strike and cut off the enemy from supplies. In the event of failure, people wanted to defend themselves in the large workers' settlements, party hostels and the large Viennese apartment blocks until they had a connection to the other theaters of the battle or the opposing side had stopped fighting. Roughly speaking, the executive and the armed forces were already familiar with these plans before February 1934. As countermeasures, they had planned to mobilize the armed forces and the civil armed forces in order to arrest the leaders of the Schutzbund in a preventive attack. Since the spring of 1932, simulation games had also taken place that led to military guidelines for urban warfare in cities. An escalating use of weapons was determined, which increased from light infantry weapons to artillery. The police had been reorganized for the civil war and equipped with armored cars in Vienna, for example.

Both the social democratic party leadership and the federal government were surprised by the outbreak of fighting. Due to differences within the leadership, the Social Democrats were at no point in a position to coordinate their action. The federal government, however, put all of its preventive measures into effect. Most of the fighting was fought by the executive, but mostly decided by the armed forces. As a rule, the police tried to disperse gatherings of Schutzbund, to carry out house searches and arrests. If there was resistance from the Schutzbund, military reinforcements were brought in, the contested localities were cordoned off and the resistance suppressed. In the big cities, the neighboring districts and districts were cordoned off. In addition, the right to stand was pronounced, bans on going out were imposed and schools were closed. In the large resistance centers, the armed forces were deployed in increased company to battalion strength with heavy infantry weapons and artillery, whereby the use of artillery was planned from the outset and, as the historian Kurt Peball noted in the files, "certainly with live ammunition".

In large parts of the country (Lower Austria, Carinthia, Salzburg, Tyrol, Vorarlberg and Burgenland), however, there was complete calm; leading Social Democrats in Carinthia and Vorarlberg distanced themselves from the attempted insurrection from the outset. The mayor of Klagenfurt and the deputy governor of Carinthia announced that they were leaving the Social Democratic Party.

So it would be wrong to paint a picture according to which the whole of Austria, or even just the federal capital Vienna, was in complete turmoil. In the daily newspapers of the day there were only minor reports about this revolt. A report by Stefan Zweig may also be characteristic, as a contemporary witness and as an observer inclined to social democracy puts the following on paper:

“Anyone who has resolved to give as honest and descriptive a picture of their time as possible must also have the courage to disappoint romantic ideas ... As strange as it may seem, I was in Vienna on those historic February days in 1934 and saw nothing of the decisive ones Events that took place in Vienna and knew nothing, not the least bit, of them while they were happening. Cannons were fired, houses were occupied, hundreds of bodies were carried away - I haven't seen a single one. … Everything went on in the inner circle of the city just as calmly and regularly as usual, while the struggle raged in the suburbs, and we foolishly believed the official reports that everything was already settled and settled. "

- Stefan Zweig

The police, the armed forces and the Home Guard departments that support them were ultimately able to defeat the poorly networked, desperately fighting Schutzbund relatively easily. Probably the most important reason for this was the non-compliance with the call for a general strike ; Likewise, the hoped-for solidarity of the executive with the rebels failed to materialize - the armed forces, police and gendarmerie were loyal to the dictatorial state. In addition, the imbalance of forces and the use of artillery by the Austrian Armed Forces had a decisive effect .

The Dollfuss regime published a list on March 1, 1934, according to which 170 men, 21 women and two children of civilians were killed and 493 wounded in the fighting, while there were 104 dead and 309 wounded on the part of the executive. Social Democrats and Communists questioned these numbers. The British journalist George Eric Rowe Gedye estimated 1,500 to 2,000 dead and 5,000 wounded. The historian Kurt Peball adopted these numbers, while Gerhard Botz thought they were too high. Botz estimated between 196 and 270 deaths on the part of the civilian population and 124 deaths on the government side. According to the historian Kurt Bauer (based on his database of February victims), the civil war or February uprising cost a total of 357 deaths. On the part of the executive / government forces (armed forces, police, gendarmerie, voluntary protection corps) there were 112 deaths, and at least 112 bystanders (non-combatants, random victims) were also killed. Since no clear assignment is possible in 44 other cases so far, there were between 89 and 133 deaths on the part of the insurgents (Republican Protection Association and allies). On February 14th the last rebels in Vienna- Floridsdorf surrendered their weapons.

After the fighting

St. Pölten main cemetery: Gravestone for Viktor Rauchberger and Johann Hois, executed on February 16, 1934
Badge of the Heimwehr in memory of the February fighting in 1934

The Dollfuss government subsequently made many arrests. As early as November 11, 1933, martial law was imposed over the whole of Austria, which reintroduced the death penalty for certain crimes (murder, arson and malicious damage to property). The defendants were tried within three days in an abbreviated process by standing courts, which consisted of four professional judges. Before February 1934, two criminal cases had been sentenced to death by standing courts, one of which (against Peter Strauss ) was also carried out. On February 12, 1934, the martial law was proclaimed by emergency ordinance also for the offense of "riot", so that Schutzbündler, who had been captured armed, could be sentenced to death by court martial.

The German political scientist Everhard Holtmann criticizes the court jurisdiction in his presentation. In the proceedings against Emmerich Sailer, Josef Kastinger and three other Schutzbündler from Vienna-Margareten, for example, the trial court relied on the police information, although the defendants reported that their "confessions" had been forcibly obtained. Holtmann sees judges' verdicts such as the death sentences against Sailer and Kastinger as "not just simple procedural negligence, but bias and a subjective willingness that goes beyond the institutionalized mechanisms of oppression to assist the regime in the violent and illegal elimination of the social democratic labor movement by means of tendentious jurisprudence". For the historian Winfried R. Garscha , the subsequent pardon for most of those sentenced to death was due to political tactics that did not change the basic attitude of the judiciary. Emmerich Tálos describes the action taken by the courts after February 12th as an “impressive example of political tendencies in justice”. The harshness of the government and the judiciary is also evident in the action taken against Koloman Wallisch . The effectiveness of the martial law was extended in order to be able to sentence him to death.

After the February fighting, the martial courts sentenced 24 people to death, 15 of whom were pardoned. Nine men , some of them prominent Schutzbunds, were executed:

The execution of the death sentences of the insurgents was controversial even among those responsible in the government. Home Guard Leader Starhemberg saw no point in this and shameful revenge, while Home Guard Leader Emil Fey insisted. Requests for clemency from Cardinal Theodor Innitzer and the Holy See were ignored. In the autumn of 1933, was Wöllersdorf the detention camp Wöllersdorf been established for opponents of the regime. At the beginning, primarily communists and National Socialists were interned there, and after February 1934 also social democrats.

The social democratic party leadership under Otto Bauer (leading theoretician of Austromarxism ), Julius Deutsch and others fled to Czechoslovakia on February 12, 1934 , which was evaluated by the representatives of the corporate state for propaganda purposes. The Social Democratic Party , the Social Democratic trade unions and all social democratic workers' organizations (including the Arbeiter-Samariter-Bund ) were banned. This largely eliminated the opposition and cleared the way for the official establishment of the corporate state through the May constitution of May 1, 1934, which Dollfuss had commissioned Otto Ender to draft in 1933.

Mussolini's influence had played an important role in this, and the federal government, which was also fighting the growing Nazi agitation, expected backing from this. For a long time he has been urging Dollfuss to turn away from democracy.

The German Sopade had already installed an exile office in Prague ; the Austrian Social Democrats who fled to Czechoslovakia (including the later Federal Chancellor Bruno Kreisky ) founded the RSÖ ( Revolutionary Socialists Austria ) here in exile . With the help of the RSÖ, editions of the forbidden workers' newspaper were smuggled into Austria by rail. Shortly after February 1934, the KPÖ organized a support campaign for the families of the fallen as part of the Red Aid and was able to collect a total of 800,000 schillings at home and abroad by July 1934, with numerous workers even in the Soviet Union receiving an hourly wage Victims in Austria donated.

Dollfuss's greatest foreign policy opponent was Hitler , who pushed for the "annexation" of Austria to the German Reich. At that time, National Socialism already had a rapidly increasing number of supporters in Austria and would have become a strong political force in new elections; the NSDAP was banned before the establishment of the corporate state . An attempted coup, well prepared by the Austrian National Socialists, took place on July 25, 1934. The “ July coup ” was unsuccessful because here too the executive remained loyal; The putschists were able to penetrate into the Federal Chancellery, where Dollfuss was shot shortly after 1 p.m.


Memorial to the victims and fighters for freedom and justice at the starting point of the civil war, in the inner courtyard of the
Hotel Schiff in Linz

With the “February events” and the ensuing Constitution of the Estates, Austria placed itself in the ranks of the semi-dictatorial or fully dictatorial states of Central Europe and isolated itself from the remaining democracies in terms of foreign policy. The only protective power against the expansionist tendencies of the German Empire in the time of National Socialism was now Italy , which, however, as a result of the Abyssinian War, deepened its relations with the German Empire and consequently took less and less consideration of Austria's interests.

Domestically, the government saw itself increasingly isolated, as the Social Democrats turned away from this state - mainly because of the execution of the death sentences - and, for example, issued leaflets calling for open resistance or emigrating. Bruno Kreisky also pointed this out in his defense speech at the socialist trial in 1936: “It is also possible that at a serious moment the government must call on the broad masses to defend the borders. But only a democratic Austria will bring about this popular mobilization. Only free citizens will fight against the gagging. "

Social Democrats and National Socialists met in the detention camp or in the prison of the corporate state. For both, Austrofascism was the opponent. This commonality was to have an impact on the political assessment of former National Socialists after the Second World War .

After a long time it became clear that Austria's resistance to National Socialism was decisively weakened by the February battles and their consequences. According to later estimates, the dictatorial state could only rely on about a third of all citizens.

Historical reception

The "February events" of 1934 are assessed differently to this day. If some speak of civil war , others are closer to the term February uprising or February fighting. This divergence is based on party political preferences or on different judgments as to whether the whole of Austria, a large part of the country or a large part of all residents was involved or whether it was only incidents in smaller parts of the country that only affected a small part of all Austrians .

The battles are documented in detail in the Vienna Army History Museum . On display are the uniforms of the Republican Protection Association , the Heimwehr and the Ostmärkische Sturmscharen , as well as Schattendorf's murder weapon, a hunting rifle made from an Austrian infantry weapon. Singed files from the Palace of Justice from July 15, 1927, as well as one of the 1918 field cannons with which the armed forces fired at the Viennese municipal housing, round off the permanent exhibition "Republic and Dictatorship" in the Army History Museum.

In 2014, the historian Kurt Bauer completed a project with the aim of recording the names of all those killed at the time. His books on this topic were published in 2014 and 2019.

In 2020 the historian Hans-Peter Weingand published the internal reports of the KPÖ district groups, the original of which are in Moscow, and examined the effects of the events on the politics of the Communist International.

Since the end of the Second World War, the SPÖ and ÖVP have only commemorated events together in 1964 and 2014.


  • Kurt Bauer : The February uprising in 1934. Facts and myths. Böhlau Verlag, Vienna / Cologne / Weimar 2019, ISBN 978-3-205-23229-2 .
  • Josef Fiala: The February fights 1934 in Vienna Meidling and Liesing. A civil war that wasn't. Dissertation, University of Vienna 2012 ( PDF file on univie.ac.at).
  • Irene Etzersdorfer, Hans Schafranek (ed.): February 1934 in Vienna. Story told. Verlag author collective, Vienna 1984, ISBN 3-85442-030-7 .
  • Helmut Fiereder: The Republican Schutzbund in Linz and the fighting in February 1934. In: Historisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Linz 1978. Linz 1979, pp. 201–248, PDF 1st part in the forum OoeGeschichte.at, PDF 2nd part in the forum OoeGeschichte .at.
  • Winfried Garscha : The dispute about the victims of February 1934. In: Messages from the Alfred Klahr Society. Volume 21, No. 1, March 2014 ( PDF file on klahrgesellschaft.at).
  • Erich Hackl , Evelyne Polt-Heinzl (eds.): In cold fever. February stories 1934. Picus Verlag, Vienna 2014, ISBN 978-3-7117-2009-2 .
  • Stephan Neuhäuser (Ed.): “We'll do a great job.” The Austro-Fascist coup d'état in 1934. Books on Demand, Norderstedt 2004, ISBN 3-8334-0873-1 ( table of contents , PDF).
  • Gerhard Oberkofler : February 1934. The historical development using the example of Tyrol. Innsbruck 1974.
  • Kurt Peball : The fights in Vienna in February 1934. (= Military historical series. Issue 25). 2nd edition, Österreichischer Bundesverlag for Education, Science and Art, Vienna 1978, ISBN 3-215-01667-2 .
  • Hans Schafranek: "We were the leaders ourselves." Militancy and resignation in February 1934 using the example of Kaisermühlen. In: Helmut Konrad, Wolfgang Maderthaner (Hrsg.): Recent studies on the history of workers. Volume 2, Contributions to Political History, Vienna 1984, pp. 439–469.
  • Robert Streibel : February in the provinces. A forensic investigation on February 12, 1934 in Lower Austria. Edition Geschichte der Heimat, Grünbach 1994, ISBN 3-900943-20-6 .
  • Emmerich Tálos , Wolfgang Neugebauer (Hrsg.): Austrofaschismus. Politics, economy, culture. 1933-1938. 5th edition. LIT, Vienna 2005, ISBN 3-8258-7712-4 .
  • Emmerich Tálos with the assistance of Florian Wenninger : Das Austro-Fascist Austria 1933–1938. LIT, Vienna 2017, ISBN 978-3-643-50814-0 .
  • Hans-Peter Weingand : The KPÖ and February 1934. Clio Verlag, Graz 2020, ISBN 978-3-902542-83-0 .
  • Erika Weinzierl : February 1934 and the consequences for Austria. Picus Verlag, Vienna 1994, ISBN 3-85452-331-9 .
Contemporary press reports

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. Peter Huemer : The 34th year: Resistance and heroism. In: Der Standard daily newspaper , Vienna, February 12, 2014, p. 35, and the paper's website of February 11, 2014.
  2. ^ Austrofascism. In: dasrotewien.at - Web dictionary of the Viennese social democracy. SPÖ Vienna (Ed.)
  3. The German Reich, which existed after a merger, would have been larger in area than in 1914 despite the loss of territory after the lost war, which is seen as the main reason for the prevention.
  4. ^ Herbert Steiner : The Communist Party of Austria and the national question . In: Documentation archive of the Austrian resistance (ed.): "Anschluss" 1938 . Österreichischer Bundesverlag, Vienna 1988, ISBN 3-215-06898-2 , p. 79 .
  5. Ordinance of the Federal Government of July 7, 1933, regarding the establishment of a voluntary protective corps (Schutzkorpsverordnung) . In: BGBl . No. 292/1933 . Vienna July 12, 1933 ( online at ALEX ).
  6. a b Bauer 2019, p. 29. Also: February 12-15 , 1934 In: Weblexikon der Wiener Sozialdemokratie. on dasrotewien.at, accessed on April 4, 2019.
  7. ^ Kurt Peball : February 1934: The fights. In: Ludwig Jedlicka, Rudolf Neck (Hrsg.): The year 1934: February 12th. Protocol of the symposium in Vienna on February 5, 1974. Oldenbourg / Vienna 1975, pp. 25–33, here pp. 27 f .; Contribution to the discussion by Kurt Peball, p. 135.
  8. ^ Kurt Peball: February 1934: The fights. In: Ludwig Jedlicka, Rudolf Neck (Hrsg.): The year 1934: February 12th. Protocol of the symposium in Vienna on February 5, 1974. Oldenbourg / Vienna 1975, pp. 25–33, here p. 29.
  9. Stefan Zweig: The world of yesterday . Memories of a European. S. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 1994, ISBN 3-10-397017-X , p. 441.
  10. a b Bauer 2019, chapter on the problem of the number of victims. Pp. 71-74.
  11. ^ Gerhard Botz: Violence in Politics. Assassinations, clashes, coup attempts, unrest in Austria 1918 to 1938. Munich 1983, pp. 257f and 306, quoted from Bauer 2019, p. 72.
  12. a b Bauer 2019, chapter number and distribution of the February victims. Pp. 74-79.
  13. Kurt Bauer: The victims of February 1934 . Ed .: Future Fund. February 2015, p. 11 ( kurt-bauer-geschichte.at [PDF] - but updated version in the meantime).
  14. a b Emmerich Tálos: The Austrofascist system of rule: Austria 1933–1938. 2nd Edition. Lit, Vienna 2013, p. 48 f .; Wolfgang Neugebauer: Repression apparatus and measures 1933–1938. In: Emmerich Tálos (Ed.): Austrofascism: Politics, Economy, Culture, 1933–1938. 7th edition. Lit, Vienna 2014, p. 301 f.
  15. Quoted from Winfried R. Garscha: number of victims as taboo. Commemoration of the dead and propaganda after the February uprising and July coup 1934. In: Ilse Reiter-Zatloukal, Christiane Rothländer, Pia Schölnberger (ed.): Austria 1933–1938. Interdisciplinary approaches to the Dollfuss / Schuschnigg regime. Böhlau, Vienna 2012, pp. 111–128, here p. 116 f.
  16. a b Winfried R. Garscha: number of victims as taboo. Commemoration of the dead and propaganda after the February uprising and July coup 1934. In: Ilse Reiter-Zatloukal, Christiane Rothländer, Pia Schölnberger (ed.): Austria 1933–1938. Interdisciplinary approaches to the Dollfuss / Schuschnigg regime. Böhlau, Vienna 2012, pp. 111–128, here p. 117.
  17. Emmerich Tálos: The Austrofascist system of rule: Austria 1933–1938. 2nd Edition. Lit, Vienna 2013, p. 48.
  18. ^ Gudula Walterskirchen: The blind spots of history: Austria 1927–1938 . Kremayr & Scheriau, Vienna 2017, p. 83 .
  19. ^ Franz Kain : The February battles in Linz 1934: Communists were actively involved. In: “The fight was hard and difficult” February 1934. The KPÖ in the February fights in Upper Austria. A documentation of the KPÖ Upper Austria. Linz 2009, p. 9 ( PDF file ( Memento of the original from January 12, 2006 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link has been inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. ) . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.kpoe.at
  20. ^ Manfried Rauchsteiner , Manfred Litscher (Ed.): The Army History Museum in Vienna. Graz / Vienna 2000, p. 75 f.
  21. Kurt Bauer: The victims of February 1934. Project material “Database: The victims of the February uprising 1934”, “Monuments, memorials and memorials” etc.
  22. ^ Kurt Bauer: Hitler's second putsch. Dollfuss, the Nazis and July 25, 1934. Residenz Verlag, St. Pölten 2014, ISBN 978-3-7017-3329-3 ( list of links ).
  23. Hans-Peter Weingand: The KPÖ and February 1934. Clio Verlag, Graz 2020, ISBN 978-3-902542-83-0 .
  24. ^ "Warning for the future": Government commemorates the civil war , press article from February 11, 2014.