Otto Bauer

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Otto Bauer (born September 5, 1881 in Vienna , † July 5, 1938 in Paris ) was an Austrian politician, leading theorist of social democracy in his home country and founder of Austromarxism . From 1918 to 1934 he was deputy chairman of the Social Democratic Workers' Party (SDAP) and from 1918 to 1919 Foreign Minister of the Republic of German Austria .

Otto Bauer around 1905

Life

youth

Bauer, 1919

Otto Bauer was the son of the wealthy Jewish textile manufacturer Philipp Bauer, who professed liberalism. He graduated from elementary school in Vienna and grammar school in Vienna, Meran and Reichenberg . Bauer studied law at the University of Vienna and obtained his doctorate in 1906. Fellow students in the seminars of Eugen Böhm von Bawerk , Eugen von Philippovich and Friedrich von Wieser were Emil Lederer , who was almost a year younger, and Ludwig von Mises , Otto Neurath and Joseph Schumpeter . Bauer spoke English and French and, after being a prisoner of war, also Russian.

Otto Bauer began to be politically active in the SDAP in 1900 and became a member of the Free Association of Socialist Students. In 1902 he enlisted as a one-year volunteer with the 3rd Regiment of the Tyrolean Kaiserjäger, ended his active military service after completing the reserve officer examination and was then transferred as a reservist to Infantry Regiment Friedrich VIII King of Denmark, No. 75. His political interests were also reflected in the studies he began after 1903. In addition to law , history , languages and philosophy , he also enrolled in economics and sociology .

As a student he met the somewhat older party friends Max Adler , Rudolf Hilferding and Karl Renner ; with them he founded the association “Zukunft” as a school for Viennese workers, the nucleus of Austromarxism . People noticed him when in 1907, only 26 years old, he presented the 600-page work Nationalities Question and Social Democracy . Unlike Karl Renner, he wanted to use the principle of cultural autonomy to find a constructive solution to this problem .

The way to the top of the party (1907–1918)

Logo of the SDAP
Parliamentary work

In 1907 the House of Representatives of the Reichsrat was elected for the first time according to the universal and equal male suffrage; The SDAP, represented in parliament for the first time in 1897 with 14 mandataries, won 87 seats and thus formed the second largest parliamentary group (see Reichsrat election 1907 ). At the request of party leader Victor Adler, Otto Bauer became secretary of the club of social democratic members of the Reichsrat .

Party work

In addition, the skilled writer was co-founder in 1907 and until 1914 editor-in-chief of the social democratic monthly Der Kampf , of which he remained co-editor until 1934. 1912-1914 he also served as a member of the editorial board of the Arbeiter-Zeitung , the central organ of the party. This was the beginning of an extremely fruitful career as a publicist , during which Bauer wrote around 4,000 newspaper articles, among other things.

Bauer proved himself to be an impressive speaker and convincing discussant in the Austrian social democracy, which was led by Victor Adler before the First World War . ( Friedrich Heer spoke of a marriage of German and Jewish pathos .)

During this time, private decisions also fell. He fell in love with the married academic and publicist Helene Landau , who was ten years older than him . In 1920 the two married in the Vienna City Temple ; a civil marriage was not legally possible at that time.

Military service and imprisonment

In August 1914, Bauer was drafted as a reserve lieutenant in the infantry. He took part as platoon commander in the heavy skirmishes near Grodek , saved his company from destruction in the battle of Szysaki, for which he was awarded the 3rd Class Military Merit Cross, and on November 23, 1914, he was attacked by the Russians in a “dashing” attack ordered by him Captivity. As he wrote Karl Seitz from captivity, he was working on a comprehensive theoretical work. Seitz sent him money through friends in Stockholm. In his captivity in Siberia, Bauer was able to read Russian, English and French newspapers and did not have to do any physical work because of his privileges as an officer.

Following the intervention of the SDAP, Bauer was able to return to Vienna in September 1917 as an "exchange invalid". His contacts with functionaries of the Mensheviks had made him a staunch supporter of the “Marxist center” in Russia. In Austria, with these views, people belonged to the left (Marxist) wing of the party. In February 1918, Bauer was appointed first lieutenant in the reserve, and in March 1918 he was given leave of absence from active military service for his work in the “Arbeiterzeitung”. Formally, he was in the army until October 31, 1918.

The left in social democracy

These leftists had gained weight at the 1917 party congress because of the plight of the starving civilian population. The fatal assassination attempt by Friedrich Adler on the unpopular Imperial and Royal Prime Minister Stürgkh in autumn 1916 also spurred opponents of the truce policy . The party became increasingly distant from the government's war strategy. The Russian October Revolution increased the importance of the left wing again, as it was now also given the task of preventing the emigration of Austrian workers to the Bolsheviks .

It was therefore obvious that after Victor Adler's death on November 11, 1918, the young, dynamic leader of the left, 37-year-old Otto Bauer, would be brought into the party's executive committee, where he soon outshone the party's chairman, Karl Seitz . As a counterbalance, the leader of the right wing, Karl Renner , was appointed State Chancellor in the first government of the new state of German Austria on October 30, 1918 , which declared itself a republic and part of the German republic on November 12, 1918.

Bauer and Austromarxism (1918–1934)

The question of nationalities and social democracy , 1924

Foreign minister

Bauer's career got off to a promising start. He was proposed by the party as the successor to the first minister in the Foreign Office Viktor Adler on November 12, 1918 as State Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Foreign Minister) of German Austria and then appointed by the State Council . In the elections for the Constituent National Assembly on February 16, 1919, the SDAP achieved a relative majority and entered into a coalition with the Christian Socialists , which - unlike the SDAP - was only slowly able to regain its political footing.

Bauer is considered the most important negotiator on the Austrian side in the Austro-German consultations of 1919 ; his German counterpart was Foreign Minister Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau . The discussions did not produce any tangible result.

Bauer was elected by the National Assembly on March 15, 1919 as head of the Foreign Office of the Renner II state government . As Kreisky reports, Otto Bauer called on the then still democratic Italy to help against the invasion of the southern Slavs in southern Carinthia . Since Bauer's affiliation policy was still to be regarded as a failure in the spring of 1919 due to the impossibility of enforcing it among the war victorious, he resigned from the government on July 26, 1919; State Chancellor Karl Renner took on the foreign office agendas himself.

Bauer was a member of parliament (until 1934) and worked with Ignaz Seipel from March to October 1919 in the socialization commission set up by parliament; Its most important result was the draft of the Works Council Act passed by the National Assembly on May 15, 1919. The socialization of private companies soon petered out due to the divergent views of the coalition partners.

Party work

Together with the leaders of the workers 'and soldiers' councils, Friedrich Adler and Julius Deutsch , Bauer succeeded in keeping the workers on party lines and in nipping the two coup attempts by the communists (November 12, 1918 and June 14, 1919) in the bud. This success was also due to the fact that in the course of the post-war boom, which lasted around two years, the revolutionary vigor of the workers had slackened considerably. It was the period during which workers found a sufficient number of jobs, could earn a decent wage, paid hardly any rent and in Vienna were entitled to the first social benefits of the capital that had become the “Red Vienna” under Jakob Reumann .

Follow-up question

Social democratic union movement

The joining of German Austria, including German Bohemia, to the Weimar Republic of the German Reich , which was initially led by social democrats, appeared to be a natural goal for many, especially urban social democrats, from 1918 onwards. Like other nationalities of the fallen monarchy, the Germans in Austria claimed the right to national self-determination; in addition, the social democrats awaited the socialist revolution in Germany. The most memorable apostle of this belief in Germany is Otto Bauer.

At the party congress on October 31 and November 1, 1918, Bauer declared that from the national point of view as a German and from the international point of view as a Social Democrat one had to demand annexation to Germany. The Provisional National Assembly decided on 12 November 1918 the connection to Germany. On December 25, 1918, Bauer sent a verbal note to the victorious powers that annexation to Germany was the only and correct way.

From February 27 to March 2, 1919, he conducted confidential follow-up negotiations with the German Foreign Minister Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau , whose representatives in Austria warned internally of the bankrupt state. For Bauer, as he said in parliament, Austrian opponents of the union were treason and treason.

In mid-April, Bauer was given advice through a British officer in Vienna to avoid the connection issue as much as possible in the peace negotiations. Bauer did not inform his government colleagues about it until weeks later. As head of the delegation in St. Germain, he initially nominated Franz Klein , who was known as a vehement supporter of the union. When word of the British warnings got around with delay, the leadership of the delegation was transferred to Renner before the negotiations began.

On May 7, 1919, the German delegation in Versailles was given the draft of the peace treaty by the Triple Entente , from which it emerged that the winners of the war did not allow Austria to unite with Germany. This ultimately moved Bauer to resign as State Secretary for Foreign Affairs; On July 26, 1919, the Constituent National Assembly entrusted State Chancellor Renner with the management of the State Office for Foreign Affairs. Bauer remained a supporter of the union until 1933: ... every Social Democrat and every worker in Austria was aware that we wanted to join the German Republic, but not to Hitler's prison.

reception

Seventy years later, on its 100th anniversary, in 1988, the Austrian Social Democracy dealt with the party's affiliation policy, which it usually avoided in the Second Republic. In an SPÖ document, the authors summed up the social democratic view of history and described the aspired connection to the German Reich around 1918/1919 as unreal and irrational - a position that the party in the First Republic did not have in this unambiguous manner until 1933.

In 1988, the attitude of those Social Democrats was criticized or their vision of an intellectual Germany , of which they felt they were a part, was classified as an illusionary notion, and that, in the opinion of the authors, Bauers and other leftists were not shared by workers and unions.

In 1988 Heinisch also emphasized that, despite its idealistic affiliation ideas , the Austrian social democracy was not the pioneer of the Nazi affiliation. It was she who warned the earliest and most violently of the danger of fascism ...

SDAP in opposition

In 1920 the post-war economy , which was mainly based on speculation about inflation, began to subside. In addition to the working people, who had lost their appropriate civil servant salaries, savings and loans due to inflation, pensioners, pensioners and old farmers who were dependent on interest and rent income had now reached the poverty line.

The dissatisfaction of these social classes and the increasing "kick" of the conservatives were reflected in the election results of October 17, 1920 . The SDAP lost its relative majority, the Christian Socials were now 6 percentage points ahead. As Bauer insisted, the SDAP left the black-red coalition; Army State Secretary Julius Deutsch therefore had to give up control of the federal army (which 14 years later would play a decisive role in the suppression of social democracy ). The Social Democrats were no longer to assume any government function at the federal level until 1945.

Karl Renner, who had spoken out against it in the party executive committee, commented on this step, the effects of which were not in sight for decades, as follows:

“Otto Bauer's rigid demeanor, the weight of his personality ... made it impossible for social democracy to join the coalition, except at the cost of a split in the party ... So the experiment was successful, the republic, which was primarily considered by the social democratic workers democratic republic was founded to declare as a pure "bourgeois republic" ... "

Linz program 1926

In 1926 the SDAP decided on its Linz program , which showed Otto Bauer's handwriting. The Greater German politician Franz Langoth from Linz was disturbed by posters and banners such as Out with the dictatorship of the proletariat ; he cited Viktor Adler, who (unverifiable) had described Bauer as the most talented misfortune of the Social Democratic Party .

Bauer's revolutionary rhetoric, which in the sense of Marxism defined the transition from capitalism to socialism as a historical necessity and thus as sooner or later inevitable, overlaid the concrete demands of the party so heavily that the opponents of the SDAP with quotations from the program before Bolshevism could warn. Otto Bauer distanced himself from the excesses, but only hesitantly from the idea of ​​the Bolsheviks and acknowledged his hope: “If ... Russian Bolshevism should succeed ... that a people can achieve prosperity ... then the idea of ​​socialism in the gain irresistible advertising power all over the world. Then the last hour of capitalism would strike. ”But the political practice of social democracy (especially in Red Vienna, where party leader Karl Seitz was mayor ) was reform-oriented and democratic. Kreisky spoke of a terrible verbal mistake: [the] sentence about the "dictatorship of the proletariat" that stuck to the party like a brand. ... It was a dangerous formulation and it contrasted with everything that was to be read in the program. In the left wing and in the student movement, however, a socialist battle song was sung until before Kreisky's electoral success, in which it says: “We want the full dictatorship of the proletariat” and during May marches one heard the slogan: “Democracy, that's not much - Socialism is the goal “On the other hand, Kreisky emphasizes that this verbal radicalism contributed greatly to preventing the split in Austrian social democracy, as was one of the main theses of Norbert Leser.

Rejection of the coalition offers of the Christian Socials

Bauer gives a speech in front of the Vienna City Hall (around 1930)

With the consent of Seitz and Renner, Bauer turned down coalition offers from Federal Chancellors Ignaz Seipel and Engelbert Dollfuß (CS) in 1931 and 1932 ; a mistake that was soon regarded as fatal (Kreisky: In my opinion, this was the last chance to save Austrian democracy. ).

Adolf Schärf later stated that Bauer and Seitz had sent him to Renner on March 4, 1933 with the advice to resign. The resignation of all three National Council presidents that day enabled Dollfuss to declare two days later that the National Council had eliminated itself ; he prevented the reassembly. Although it was stipulated in the party statutes for this case, it did not lead to a general strike .

In May 1933, Bauer declared at a party meeting that the Habsburg danger was by no means less than the danger of Hitler.

Bauer only allowed himself to be urged to act when the deployment plans of the Schutzbund were already in the hands of the executive branch of the Dollfuss government and numerous weapons depots had been cleared by the executive branch.

Theodor Körner had always opposed Julius Deutsch and Otto Bauer's plans for the protection of the Union because he found them inexpedient. Asked at the last minute at the beginning of February 1934 to take over command of the Schutzbund, on February 11, after examining the structure of the Schutzbund in six Viennese districts, he implored Otto Bauer not to allow a clash with the government and its forces under any circumstances. the Schutzbund and SDAP could only lose.

Exile (1934–1938)

RSÖ

Farmer in Brno

When Otto Bauer arrived in exile in Brno during the February fighting in 1934, he drew the conclusions from the failure of his plans and the criticism that met him from within his own ranks. He announced that he would continue to be available to the party as an advisor, publicist and administrator of the saved party funds, but would no longer assume any leadership positions himself.

In this sense, he supported the social democratic underground with advice and action with his foreign office of the Austrian Social Democrats (ALÖS), which contributed to the fact that the Revolutionary Socialists under Joseph Buttinger were able to establish themselves nationwide as the successor organization of the SDAP in the organizational form of a conspiratorial cadre party.

Farmer in Brussels and Paris

Wiener Zentralfriedhof - grave complex with the final resting places of Victor Adler , Otto Bauer, Karl Seitz and Engelbert Pernerstorfer
detail

In 1938 Bauer emigrated to Brussels, where at the end of March his office abroad was merged with the leadership of the Revolutionary Socialists (RS), who had fled from Austria, to form the Austrian Socialists' Representation Abroad (AVOES). The AVOES was led by Joseph Buttinger, Otto Bauer was a prominent member and editor of the newspaper Der Sozialistische Kampf .

Bauer, who, despite developments since Bismarck, raved about Germany as a refuge of spirit and progress, again spoke out in favor of the all-German revolution (including Austria) in his political will written in Paris in 1938, because he did not support the socialist revolution in Austria alone considered enforceable. He considered Renner's declaration for the "Anschluss" in 1938 to be correct. Bauer has always seen and felt himself to be German.

On July 5, 1938, Otto Bauer died of a heart attack in Paris. He was buried in the Père Lachaise cemetery opposite the monument to the fighters of the Paris Commune of 1871. In 1948 his urn was brought to Vienna and on November 12, 1950, he was finally reburied in an honorary grave in the Vienna Central Cemetery (group 24, row 5, number 3), which is next to those of Victor Adler and Karl Seitz.

Ideas World

Analysis and wishful thinking

Otto Bauer's multi-layered world of ideas was shaped by an impressive but fragile mixture of objectified analysis and wishful thinking, Marxism and other time-related influences:

  • Among these is the cultural-idealistic German nationalism, which clearly influenced Bauer's writings on the question of nationality and his attitude towards the problem of affiliation in 1919;
  • furthermore a certain fiscal orthodoxy that Bauer (similar Rudolf Hilferding ) in the Great Depression very skeptical about measures of job creation made.
  • After all, the Marxist topos that Bauer liked to use, of the "objective conditions", which decisively shape the scope for political action, was related to a certain, also personally tinted, attentism of Bauer. This was expressed in a mixture of revolutionary rhetoric and latent awareness of real weakness.

Bauer provided fascinating analyzes in many ways, such as the realization that the world was “between two world wars” at the end of the 1930s, or his thoroughly profound considerations on “rationalization and misrationalization”. However, the analyzes were not followed by any relevant, propaganda-effective and enforceable instructions for action. This deficiency highlighted the thinker's weaknesses as a politician.

Idea of ​​revolution

Otto Bauer's idea of revolution had decidedly reformist features. Bauer ( Revolutionäre Kleinarbeit . Wien 1928, p. 10) himself is quoted as evidence :

“It was not the great geological catastrophe that transformed the world, no, the small revolutions, in the imperceptible atoms that can no longer even be studied with a microscope, they change the world, they generate the force that then triggers a geological catastrophe within a day. The small, the imperceptible, which we call detailed work, that is what is truly revolutionary. "

The problem with this argument was (see section Linz program) that the opponents of the SDAP could rely on the stimulus word revolution. In the twenties, therefore, the political opponents still firmly established the goal of not falling victim to (Austro) Marxist radical reforms.

Justification for waiting for the SDAP

Bauer was convinced that the objective conditions in the sense of historical materialism and in the light of the desolate economic conditions in Austria in the 1920s only had to be allowed to mature, since their occurrence was certain. The party's waiting would also be seen as an appropriate “revolutionary break”, because any joint responsibility within the framework of dubious partnerships (meaning coalition offers of the Christian Socials) would only delay the collapse of the ruling (capitalist) order.

What Bauer was waiting for was the absolute majority of votes in the country. Sooner or later it would fall to the SDAP. Then the achievements of “ Red Vienna ”, from which Bauer drew a large part of his strength and confidence, should not serve as the end goal, but merely as the basis for further development towards the most irreversible socialization of the economy.

With his visions of the sweeping upheavals that would have to follow an election victory, Bauer kept the left wing of the party in line for a long time, but by March 5, 1933 at the latest, the left wing also threw him unreasonable hesitation in defending against the advancing fascism in front.

Integral socialism

At the international level, Bauer tried to maintain the conception of the legitimacy of the victory of socialism in the sense of historical materialism . His idea of integral socialism with the aim of reuniting Bolsheviks and reformist social democrats in an international in the medium term, however, corresponded to pure wishful thinking.

The International Working Group of Socialist Parties initiated for this purpose was assigned the task of mediating between the 2nd (socialist) and 3rd (communist) International. The members of the 3rd International should be encouraged to take steps towards internal democratization and those of the 2nd International to turn away from reformism. The project, ridiculed and ridiculed by Karl Radek (a Polish functionary of the 3rd International) as the product of the world revolution ( decoctus historiae ), failed.

Evaluation and follow-up

opponent

As a leading theoretician of "Austromarxism", Otto Bauer shaped the Linz program of his party that was adopted in 1926 . This, and especially the conditionally worded passage about the dictatorship of the proletariat, also meant that conservatives and German nationalists used to warn against “Austrobolshevism”. Opponents also accused Bauer of having fled in the course of the February uprising in 1934.

Fellow campaigners

Joseph Buttinger :

“The steel framework of his teaching building was the recognition of the objective conditions that determine the 'real course of history' .... The reality that Marx taught to recognize so that man could rise up against it put Bauer on the highest throne. What was real had prevailed against material obstacles and human intentions, was therefore an inevitable result of social development, necessary, and therefore as an evil at the same time good, for it was also the prerequisite for all better things to come. This was not only true of capitalism, it was also true of reformism and the Russian revolution. As a result, it was the duty of the 'revolutionaries' to recognize the 'violence of circumstances' from which reformism sprang. "

However, as Buttinger notes, this can lead to conviction:

"That the opposite of revolutionary politics, if only it corresponds to the 'conditions', is just as good for the victory of socialism as it is itself."

Wilhelm Ellenbogen paints the picture of a dazzling theorist, a powerful, eloquent idealist who was only missing one thing:

“That absolute, instinctive accuracy in political judgment; that 'nose' who distinguishes the real political genius from the dilettante and lets him, so to speak, blindly find the right thing, and for whom there is no rule, no theory and no textbook. "

The “Declaration of the Left” at the Social Democratic Party Congress in October 1933 settled in downright indignant terminology with Bauer's policy:

“The policy of the party leadership since March of this year has been a policy of waiting, a tactic that allows the opponent to dictate all deadlines, all combat situations. This tactic is wrong. In recent months the government has shown its tactics even to the politically blind. We have to fend off not a storming, but a creeping fascism ... The tactic that says: not today, not tomorrow, but if the government will do this and that, we will proclaim a general strike, is wrong. "

Continue to work

The main features of Bauer's Austromarxism can also be found in the Revolutionary Socialists who worked underground from 1934 to 1938 and supported by Otto Bauer and in the Austrian Socialists' Representation Abroad (AVOES) after 1938.

The SPÖ , which was newly founded in 1945, was based on the conceptions of the farmer antipode Karl Renner , who also acted again as State Chancellor of the newly founded republic . The Marxism Bauer shear stamping retained initially, although after the founding of the Social Democratic (then Socialist) Party of Austria (SPO) some formal status, which can be seen ( "Social Democrats and Revolutionary Socialists") and the first-run addition to the official party name. However, its influence quickly waned, since most of the Social Democrats wanted nothing to do with the vocabulary used by communists, as the ÖVP long warned against the "red cat" of the allegedly threatening red united front.

The social philosopher Norbert Leser took the view that Bauer's death in 1938 prevented an arduous dispute over the direction of the SPÖ:

“If Otto Bauer - the brain and soul of Austromarxism - had still been alive in 1945 and had returned to Austria, a dispute about the mistakes of the old leadership could hardly have been avoided, but with the dead icon that you see on public holidays conjured up, but denied it in everyday life, it was a good life for the post-war SPÖ. "

Under Bruno Kreisky Otto Bauer was honored with a nine-volume edition of works published from 1975, which however no longer had any impact on the party's politics.

What had given Austromarxism its international singularity was the attempt to steer a Marxist middle path between the Bolsheviks and the reformist Social Democrats , with the ultimate goal of democratizing the Soviet Union and reunification in a common international . In the period of the Cold War , until the beginning of Gorbachev's reform period, this hope turned out to be an illusion; even later it remained unreal.

Kreisky considered Bauer among the great men he had met in 1986, despite some misjudgments of superior intellect .

Honor

Otto Bauer's house from 1914 to 1934

In 1914 Otto Bauer rented an apartment in the middle-class apartment block on the corner of Gumpendorfer Straße 70 / Kasernengasse 2 in Vienna's 6th district of Mariahilf and lived in it until he fled in 1934. In memory of the fact that he lived in Kasernengasse, it was renamed Otto-Bauer-Gasse in his honor in 1949 .

family

Ida and Otto Bauer as children

Otto Bauer's son Martin, born in 1919, was a successful animator and film producer in Austria, who was responsible for numerous extraordinary television advertisements in the 1950s and 1960s. He produced a model trick commercial at his own expense for the SPÖ for the 1966 National Council election .

Otto Bauer's sister Ida Bauer (1882–1945) became known as a patient of Sigmund Freud , who wrote a famous case story about her in which he referred to her with the pseudonym “Dora”. Katharina Adler , born in 1980, told the story of her great-grandmother in her novel Ida, which was published in summer 2018 .

Otto Bauer's nephew was the conductor Kurt Adler .

Fonts

  • The question of nationalities and social democracy , Vienna 1907.
  • The accumulation of capital (1) . In: The New Time . No. March 23 , 1913, p. 831-838 ( online ).
  • The accumulation of capital (2) . In: The New Time . No. 24 March 1913, p. 862-874 ( online ).
  • The socialization campaign in the first year of the republic , Vienna 1919.
  • The way to socialism , Berlin 1919.
  • Bolshevism or Social Democracy? , Vienna 1920.
  • The Austrian Revolution , Vienna 1923.
  • The question of nationalities and social democracy , Vienna 1924.
  • The struggle for forest and pasture , Vienna 1925.
  • Social Democratic Agricultural Policy , Vienna 1926.
  • Social Democracy, Religion and Church , Vienna 1927.
  • Capitalism and socialism after the world war , Berlin 1931.
  • The uprising of the Austrian workers. Its causes and effects , Prague 1934.
  • Between two world wars? The crisis of the world economy, democracy and socialism , Prague 1936.
  • Karl Marx: The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte . Foreword by Otto Bauer. Eugen Prager, Bratislava 1936.
  • The illegal party , Paris 1939. (posth.)

A nine-volume complete edition of Bauer's work was published by Europa-Verlag in Vienna from 1975 to 1979, for which his texts were linguistically edited.

literature

  • Farmer Otto. In: Austrian Biographical Lexicon 1815–1950 (ÖBL). Volume 1, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna 1957, p. 56.
  • Joseph Buttinger : Using Austria as an example. A historical contribution to the crisis of the socialist movement , Verlag für Politik und Wirtschaft, Cologne 1953.
  • Hans Egger: The politics of the foreign organizations of the Austrian social democracy in the years 1938 to 1946. Thought structures, strategies, effects , Phil. Diss. University of Vienna, Vienna 2004.
  • Ernst Hanisch : Otto Bauer. In: Hans-Ulrich Wehler : German historians. Volume VI, Vandenhoeck u. Ruprecht, Göttingen 1980, ISBN 3-525-33443-5 , pp. 69-88.
  • Ernst Hanisch: The great illusionist. Otto Bauer (1881–1938). Böhlau Verlag, Vienna 2011, ISBN 978-3-205-78601-6 .
  • Karl Gottfried Hugelmann:  Bauer, Otto. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 1, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1953, ISBN 3-428-00182-6 , p. 645 ( digitized version ).
  • Michael R. Krätke: Otto Bauer (1881–1938). The Troubles of the Third Way. In: Sozialistische Politik und Wirtschaft (SPW) , No. 97 (1997), pp. 55–59, No. 98 (1997), pp. 54–59.
  • Tommaso La Rocca (Ed.): Otto Bauer, "Religion as a private matter". Geyer, Vienna 2001.
  • Norbert Leser : Between Reformism and Bolshevism. Austromarxism as theory and practice. Europa-Verlag, Vienna 1968.
  • Norbert Leser / Richard Berczeller : As onlookers of politics. Austrian contemporary history in confrontations. Youth and People, Vienna 1977.
  • Helene Maimann: Politics in the waiting room. Austrian policy in exile in Great Britain , Vienna 1975.
  • Viktor Reimann : Too big for Austria. Seipel and Bauer in the fight for the First Republic. Molden Verlag, Vienna a. a. 1968.

Web links

Commons : Otto Bauer  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Meraner Zeitung of August 16, 1917 p. 4 .
  2. ↑ Bruno Kreisky : In the stream of politics. The second part of the memoir , Kremayr & Scheriau, Vienna 1988, ISBN 3-218-00472-1 , p. 34.
  3. ↑ Bauer's biography on the website of the Archives for the History of Sociology in Austria (AGSO) .
  4. ↑ Friedrich Heer : The struggle for Austrian identity , Böhlau, Graz 1981, ISBN 3-205-07155-7 , p. 179.
  5. ↑ Biographical information about Helene Landau born. Gumplowicz by Johann Dvorák .
  6. ↑ Biographical information including the text of the essay from 1923: Helene Bauer: The harmony of interests, the "common man" and a better man. Alfred Klahr Society.
  7. ↑ Ernst Hanisch: The great illusionist. Otto Bauer (1881–1938). Böhlau, Vienna 2011, ISBN 978-3-205-78601-6 , p. 35.
  8. ↑ Ernst Hanisch: The great illusionist: Otto Bauer (1881-1938). Böhlau, Vienna 2011, p. 85.
  9. ^ Rudolf Spitzer: Karl Seitz : Orphan boy - President - Mayor of Vienna. Franz Deuticke, Vienna 1994, ISBN 3-7005-4643-2 , p. 83.
  10. ↑ Ernst Hanisch: The great illusionist: Otto Bauer (1881-1938). Böhlau, Vienna 2011, p. 86.
  11. ↑ Kreisky: Im Strom ... , p. 146.
  12. ↑ StGBl. No. 283/1919 (= p. 651) .
  13. ↑ Rudolf Spitzer: Karl Seitz: Orphan - State President - Mayor of Vienna , Franz Deuticke, Vienna 1994, ISBN 3-7005-4643-2 , p. 72 ff.
  14. ^ Friedrich Heer: The Struggle for Austrian Identity , Böhlau, Graz 1981, ISBN 3-205-07155-7 , p. 341.
  15. ^ Rudolf Spitzer: Karl Seitz: Orphan Boy - State President - Mayor of Vienna , Franz Deuticke, Vienna 1994, ISBN 3-7005-4643-2 , p. 61.
  16. ↑ Friedrich Funder : From yesterday to today. From the Empire to the Republic , Herold-Verlag, Vienna ³1971.
  17. ^ Friedrich Heer: The struggle for the Austrian identity , Böhlau, Graz 1981, ISBN 3-205-07155-7 , p. 343.
  18. ↑ Friedrich Funder: From yesterday to today. From the Empire to the Republic , Herold-Verlag, Vienna ³1971, p. 472.
  19. ↑ daily newspaper Wiener Zeitung , Vienna, no. 171, July 29, 1919, p.1 .
  20. ↑ quoted from Kreisky: Between the Times , p. 224.
  21. ^ Severin Heinisch: SPÖ and Austrian nation. On the historical picture of social democracy , in: Helene Maimann (Ed.): The first 100 years. Austrian Social Democracy 1888–1988 , Christian Brandstätter Verlag, Vienna, ISBN 3-85447-322-2 , p. 100 f.
  22. ↑ Karl Renner: Postponed works. Volume 2, Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, Vienna 1953, p. 43.
  23. ^ Friedrich Heer: The struggle for Austrian identity , Böhlau, Graz 1981, ISBN 3-205-07155-7 , p. 391.
  24. ↑ Otto Bauer: We Bolsheviks. An answer to Dollfuss. In: Arbeiterzeitung , 1923. Otto Bauer: Werkausgabe , Volume 7, pp. 485–489.
  25. ↑ Bruno Kreisky: Between the Times. Memories from five decades. , Siedler, Berlin 1986, ISBN 3-88680-148-9 , p. 143 f.
  26. ^ Norbert Leser: Between Reformism and Bolshevism , 1968.
  27. ↑ Kreisky: Between the Times , p. 196.
  28. ^ Rudolf Spitzer: Karl Seitz: Orphan Boy - State President - Mayor of Vienna , Franz Deuticke, Vienna 1994, ISBN 3-7005-4643-2 , p. 127.
  29. ↑ Rudolf Spitzer: Karl Seitz: Orphan - State President - Mayor of Vienna , Franz Deuticke, Vienna 1994, ISBN 3-7005-4643-2 , p. 67.
  30. ↑ Eric Kollman: Theodor Körner. Military and Politics , Publishing House for History and Politics, Vienna 1973, ISBN 3-7028-0054-9 , p. 220 f.
  31. ^ Friedrich Heer: The struggle for the Austrian identity , Böhlau, Graz 1981, ISBN 3-205-07155-7 , p. 343.
  32. ↑ Rudolf Spitzer: Karl Seitz: Orphan - State President - Mayor of Vienna , Franz Deuticke, Vienna 1994, ISBN 3-7005-4643-2 , p. 141.
  33. ↑ Kreisky: Between Times, p. 226.
  34. ↑ Radek: Theory and Practice of the 2½. International (Vienna 1921)
  35. ↑ For details see Friedrich Adler
  36. ↑ Using Austria as an example. P. 195.
  37. ^ Readers / Berczeller: As onlookers of politics. P. 32.
  38. ^ Left party congress criticism of Bauer's policy and Otto Bauer's response in October 1933 .
  39. ↑ Norbert Leser: "... halfway and halfway ..." Political effects of an Austrian state of mind . Amalthea, Vienna 2000, ISBN 3-85002-457-1 , p. 130 f.
  40. ↑ Kreisky: Between the Times , p. 222.
  41. ↑ Ernst Hanisch: The great illusionist: Otto Bauer (1881-1938) . Böhlau, Vienna 2011 ( online ).
  42. ↑ District Museum Aryanization (and "Restitution") in Mariahilf ; accessed on June 10, 2018
  43. ^ Otto Bauer in the Vienna History Wiki of the City of Vienna
  44. ↑ Claudia Voigt: The big "Aha" . In: Der Spiegel , Hamburg, No. 30, July 21, 2018, p. 120 f.
  45. ↑ Excerpts published in: Internationales Ärztliches Bulletin , Prague, 1st year (1934), Issue 3–4 (March-April), pp. 41–42 digitized .
personal data
SURNAME Bauer, Otto
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Austrian politician (SDAP)
DATE OF BIRTH September 5, 1881
PLACE OF BIRTH Vienna
DATE OF DEATH July 5, 1938
Place of death Paris