Friedrich Wilhelm Schulz

Wilhelm Schulz around 1820. Pencil drawing by an unknown artist.

Friedrich Wilhelm Schulz (mostly Wilhelm Schulz , after his second marriage Wilhelm Schulz-Bodmer , born March 13, 1797 in Darmstadt , †  January 9, 1860 in Hottingen (city of Zurich) ) was a Hessian officer and German radical democratic journalist . Condemned as a demagogue , he escaped from prison in 1834, emigrated to Switzerland and worked from there as a freelance political writer. Elected to the Frankfurt National Assembly in 1848 , he was on the left . His best known work is The Death of Pastor Friedrich Ludwig Weidig .

Life

Youth and military career

Wilhelm Schulz came from a Protestant-Lutheran civil servant family in the Hessian-Darmstadt service. His grandfather Wilhelm Friedrich Ernst (1713–1786) and his father Johann Ludwig Adolf (1753–1823) protested several times against arbitrary acts by the landgrave's administration and were reprimanded for them. The high school student Schulz opposed the class prejudices of his teachers and was not transferred to the school year 1811 despite good performance. The fourteen-year-old decided to become a soldier and, with the support of his father, applied for admission to the ruler's body regiment .

Hesse-Darmstadt, meanwhile elevated to the Grand Duchy by Napoleon , belonged to the Confederation of the Rhine and its troops sided with France. In 1813 the sixteen-year-old Lieutenant Schulz had already fought in three battles, the last in the Battle of the Nations near Leipzig , where a French comrade saved him from drowning while retreating over the Elster . After the Confederation's change of front, he took part in two further campaigns on the Prussian-Austrian-Russian side until the final defeat of France in 1815.

Political agitation and the first high treason trial

Between the campaigns, Schulz was given leave of absence from active duty and assigned to the University of Giessen to study mathematics and military science . In 1814 he got in touch with the brothers Karl and Adolf Ludwig Follen via the “ Teutsche Lesegesellschaft ” , around whom the “Giessen Blacks”, the nucleus of the emerging fraternity movement, gathered . In 1816 he became a member of the Gießen Germanic Association and later, in 1821, he joined the Germania Gießen fraternity.

Back in the garrison, Schulz joined the group around Darmstadt lawyers Heinrich Karl Hofmann and Theodor Reh , which included opposition craftsmen, workers, students and officers. In contrast to the radical fraternity members, the “Darmstadt blacks” do not rely on overthrow by an elite of staunch revolutionaries, but turned to the people and called on citizens and peasants to passive resistance by refusing to pay taxes. In 1819 Schulz anonymously published the question and answer booklet about all sorts of things that are particularly needy in the German fatherland . The pamphlet, forerunner of the Hessischer Landbote , was written in the form of a catechism :

"Is an emperor, king, prince, or whatever the highest authority is called, also paid and received by the people?"

"Yes. They are nothing more than the highest servants and officials of the people and should get so much that they can live in honor and as they deserve, but no more. As long as a citizen and farmer has to suffer from hunger and grief, it is absolutely wrong for princes - parasites, comedians, whores, horses and dogs to feed, hunt and feast and gossip and indulge in the sweat of the country. "

The question and answer booklet was widely distributed in the states of the German Confederation and went from hand to hand in 1819 during the peasant uprising in the Odenwald . When the demagogue persecution began after the murder of August von Kotzebue by the fraternity member Karl Ludwig Sand , Schulz was identified as the author of the book, arrested and charged with high treason after a year in custody. Since the military court was lenient because of the Hessian constitution, which was newly enacted in 1820, its closed-door trial ended with an acquittal. However, the pressure that the Crown Prince put on the officers' corps after this decision prompted Schulz to submit his departure.

Law studies, professional ban and activity as a journalist

After his discharge from military service, Schulz studied law in Giessen and passed the law faculty examination in 1823 . But the Hessian authorities refused him admission to the court, which amounted to a ban on practicing the desired profession as a lawyer .

Between 1825 and 1831 Schulz worked as a correspondent and translator for Johann Friedrich Cottas Hesperus. Encyclopedic magazine for educated readers . With the series of articles published there, Errors and Truths, from the first years after the last war against Napoleon and the French , he distanced himself from the political romanticism of the fraternities and their “over-German national pride, in which one could for a short time even despise other peoples had fantasized ". He even went so far as to approve of the Karlsbad resolutions , which he later regretted, as it earned him an honorable mention in Goethe's diary, but it cost the friendship with his fellow campaigner Heinrich Karl Hofmann, who was affected by the "incomprehensible aberration of a man from such mind and heart ”wrote.

In 1828 Schulz and the liberal lawyer Karl Buchner founded the Monday newspaper for friends of educated entertainment in Darmstadt . In the hope of founding a material existence on it, which failed a little later, he married Caroline Sartorius, the cousin of the “Darmstadt black” Christian Sartorius, after a nine-year engagement .

Political journalism, second high treason trial and escape from dungeon

When political life began to move again in Germany after the July Revolution in France in 1830 , Schulz took part in various Cottas newspaper projects that temporarily took him to Augsburg, Munich, Stuttgart and Karlsruhe. As an employee of the General Political Annals founded by Friedrich Wilhelm August Murhard and published by Cotta, Schulz became friends with the Baden liberals Karl von Rotteck and Carl Theodor Welcker . In Munich he met Johann Georg August Wirth and made contributions to his German tribune . At the end of 1831 he submitted his dissertation on the contemporary relationship between statistics and politics to the University of Erlangen . In January 1832 Cotta made the newly minted doctor juris editor-in-chief of Hesperus , but dismissed him that same month when Schulz tried to convert the magazine into a political daily newspaper and a liberal campaign organ. The Schulz couple were expelled from Württemberg .

Schulz was one of the participants in the Hambach Festival

In early 1832 , August Wirth, Philipp Jakob Siebenpfeiffer and Friedrich Schüler founded the German Press and Fatherland Association to ward off the increased censorship that went hand in hand with police persecution and military repression . The political protest movement reached broad sections of the population and raised its demands in numerous mass rallies. In May Schulz took part in the Hambach Festival , in June he appeared as a speaker at the festival in Wilhelmsbad . When the Bundestag banned further public festivals and the wearing of black, red and gold on June 28th , he wrote the pamphlet Das Recht des Deutschen Volkes and the resolutions of the Bundestag on behalf of the Preß- und Vaterlandsverein , in which he asked about the election of members of the opposition called on the state parliaments to refuse taxes and to arm the people. This writing was banned immediately. The same happened with other pamphlets from his pen and with the twice-weekly newspaper Der deutsche Volksbote , which he published in Offenbach am Main in 1833 together with Karl Buchner . His main work from this time, published under his full name, dedicated to Germany's unity through national representation , Rotteck and Welcker, was only banned in Prussia and Württemberg, but served as evidence in the subsequent trial against him. Schulz's biographer Walter Grab comments on this work: "There is hardly a second political forecast by a contemporary that predicted the events of 1848 in France and Germany with such precision."

In autumn 1833, six months after the Frankfurt Wachensturm , the time had come for the Hessian judicial authorities to arrest Schulz and try him. His defense lawyers August Emmerling and Theodor Reh could not prevent that he was tried as a civilian before a non-public military tribunal and sentenced to five years of strict arrest on June 18, 1834 "for continued attempt to commit the crime of violent alteration of the state constitution". Immediately after the start of his sentence at the Babenhausen Fortress, he and his wife made plans to escape. Caroline Schulz provided him with tools and connections. The outbreak succeeded in an adventurous way on the night of December 30th to 31st, 1834. At New Year's, Schulz was already in temporary safety in Alsace . He described his escape 12 years later in an exchange of letters between a state prisoner and his liberator.

First exile in Strasbourg and Zurich

Reunited in Strasbourg , the Schulz couple made friends with the poet Georg Büchner , who was wanted as a co-author of the Hessischer Landbote . Since the city did not offer a safe asylum, Schulz applied for a teaching license at the university newly founded by the victorious Zurich liberals . Büchner followed his example, and from the autumn of 1836 his friends, now colleagues, lived next door to each other at Zurich Spiegelgasse 12. When Büchner fell seriously ill a few months later, the Schulz couple looked after him until his death on February 19, 1837. Schulz ' Memories of Büchner are now considered one of the main sources for the last year of the poet's life.

Friedrich Wilhelm Schulz was one of the authors of the Rotteck-Welcker State Lexicon

In the first years of his exile in Switzerland , Schulz dealt with economics , statistics and the political situation in Switzerland. The energetic movement that began with the rural population, which in 1831 had bloodlessly eliminated the domination of the nobility and patricians in the so-called Regeneration and had given several cantons, including Zurich, liberal constitutions, corresponded to his ideal. Carefully monitored by Metternich's agents because of the “conditions in Switzerland influencing Germany”, he delivered correspondent reports to Cottas Augsburger Allgemeine , Brockhaus' Blätter für literary entertainment , Campes Telegraph for Germany and, from 1842, to the Rheinische Zeitung edited by Karl Marx .

Schulz exercised an influence on Marx through his study The Movement of Production and the theory of impoverishment, which is carefully substantiated by statistics, which can be demonstrated in the economic-political manuscripts . Like Marx, Schulz saw the polarization of society in poor and rich as a necessary consequence of the capitalist mode of production. In contrast to him, he viewed bourgeois property relations as an unchangeable result of historical development and, like Lorenz von Stein , whose writings he knew, expected the social contradiction to be abolished from the welfare state and Christian ethics . The communist and anarchist movements seemed to him to be an inevitable reaction of the poor to the exploitative economic system and its support, the absolutist state, but their methods were reprehensible, their goals illusory and their leaders therefore dangerous fantasists and fanatical enthusiasts. Communism and nihilism , (as which he understood the doctrinal atheism of the left Hegelians ), he described as “the twin bears, who, with their intrusive friendship with the people, endanger and botch the holy cause of liberating the people from mental pressure and physical distress in all places where they eat each other . "

Schulz also expressed his warnings against communism and anarchism in the relevant keyword articles in the Rotteck-Welcker State Lexicon . For this "Bible of German Liberalism" he wrote over 50 articles and many additions. In addition, he published several extensive books in the literary comptoir in Zurich and Winterthur . This publishing house belonged to the German emigrants Julius Fröbel and Adolf Ludwig Follen, Schulz's old acquaintance from Giessen, and in the early 1840s it developed into an important publication site for German “censorship refugees”.

Here in 1843 Schulz published The Death of Pastor Friedrich Ludwig Weidig anonymously . A documented and documented contribution to the assessment of the secret criminal process and the political situation in Germany . Weidig had co-authored the Hessian country messenger and - four days after Büchner - died in the Darmstadt dungeon under dubious circumstances. The Hessian judicial authorities presented his death as a suicide. Schulz documented the inhumane conditions of detention and the severe abuse of Weidig by his inquisitors , examined the circumstances of his death and came to the conclusion that it is very likely that Weidig had been murdered by his examining magistrate Konrad Georgi and his assistants to cover up the attacks was. Schulz's indictment caused a domestic political storm , much like Zola's " J'accuse " later . The German governments tried in vain to stem the wave of protests against the secret justice system. Schulz repeatedly took up pen in the journalistic debate about Weidig's death. Co-authored by Welcker, the text Secret Inquisition, Censorship and Cabinet Justice in Perishable Covenants was published in 1845 . Final negotiation with many new files on the Weidig trial . But that did not close the file: “The waves of excitement over the judicial murder of Weidig were still high in the revolution of 1848.” In fact, the elimination of the inquisition process and the secret justice system are among their few lasting successes. Schulz's role in enforcing the rule of law in political criminal proceedings has only recently been properly appreciated. His biographer writes: "The introduction of orderly jurisdiction, which was in the interests of the general population and without which a modern state is unthinkable, was in no small part due to the struggle of Wilhelm Schulz and his companions."

The Zurich atheism dispute in 1845 (Ruge, Follen, Heinzen, Schulz). Caricature by an unknown artist.

Wilhelm Schulz's workload did not stop him from cultivating a number of friendships with his wife, especially with poets. He met Georg Herwegh , Hoffmann von Fallersleben , Gottfried Keller and Ferdinand Freiligrath in the Follenschen house "am Sonnenbühl", the center of the Zurich emigrants . In 1845 Schulz and Keller sided with Follen when he was involved with Arnold Ruge and Karl Heinzen in the “Zurich atheism controversy”. When Ruge attacked Schulz's personal honor, he challenged him to a duel. Ruge did not respond to the demand and began to oppose it journalistically.

Caroline Schulz died in early 1847 after a serious illness. Shortly before her death, she had initiated a marriage between her long-time friend Katharina Bodmer and Schulz in the event of her death. In fact, the two married in September 1847 at the Freiligrath family's new London residence. In late autumn of the same year Schulz served as an officer in the federal army for the brief duration of the Sonderbund War .

Member of the Frankfurt National Assembly

After 13 years of exile, Wilhelm Schulz-Bodmer returned to German soil for the first time in March of the revolutionary year 1848 and took part in the deliberations of the Frankfurt pre-parliament . When its liberal-conservative majority decided to work with the “Fürstenbundestag” , his initial hopes for a German republic vanished. As a candidate for the constituency of Hessen-Darmstadt, he promised his electorate to put their own republican sentiments aside and to stand up for the constitutional monarchy as the future German form of government in the National Assembly . Struves and Hecker's attempt to drag the German people along with them through further revolutionary actions in Baden and to enforce the republic, he rejected as hopeless and even spoke in his election call of a “crime against the German people”.

Session of the National Assembly in June 1848; contemporary painting by Ludwig von Elliott

Nevertheless, Schulz remained aware that even the minimal program of a constitutional monarchy could only be realized if parliament implemented energetic measures to protect against reactionary attacks and to strengthen its reputation among the population. So he urged 10 days after the meeting of the Paulskirche assembly

• Immediate measures against unemployment and economic hardship of the lower classes
• Creation of a militia army
• Establishment of an executive committee to enforce parliamentary decisions.

His motions and repeated appeals, however, were just as unsuccessful as those of the whole of the left to which he counted himself. Instead of an executive committee responsible for the National Assembly, a prince was elected Reich Administrator on June 29th ; instead of creating a people's militia, Parliament decided on July 15 to increase the number of reactionary officers of the German Confederation. In the Poland debate on July 29, Schulz's joint motion to declare the partition of Poland “a shameful injustice” was defeated by 101 votes to 331 and 26 abstentions. On the Schleswig-Holstein question , the left first reached a tight majority decision against the Prussian-Danish armistice , which was however reversed on September 16, whereupon a bloody uprising broke out in Frankfurt on the 17th. The Schulz-Bodmer couple took part in a commemoration ceremony at Weidig's grave in Darmstadt on the same day and only returned to Frankfurt when the state of siege was lifted. After the left was split up, Schulz joined the Westendhall parliamentary group , mocked as the “left in tails”, without adopting their program, which did not include any social measures.

In the second half of 1848 the Paulskirche parliament completely lost its political influence. The representatives of the people had nothing to oppose the dissolution of the Prussian National Assembly and the assassination of Robert Blum during the Viennese counter-revolution except paper proclamations. Schulz gave his last major speech on November 23rd in the debate about banking and money in the future constitution. He reminded the assembly of their failure to implement the popular idea of ​​a national bank and thus to resolve the economic crisis. Instead, she made herself militarily and financially dependent on the mercy of the particular states and “instead of real unity only managed to create an inverted Peter Schlehmil , from whom the devil did not steal his shadow, but his body itself in order to leave only a shadow . ”The protocol notes outbursts of anger on the part of the right.

At the beginning of 1849, the debates in the Paulskirche focused on the role of Austria and Prussia in the future federal state and the question of who should become emperor. Schulz had published the memorandum on the international politics of Germany in 1848 and advocated the inclusion of Austria as a Southeast European regulating power and counterweight against Prussia. Here, too, he fought a losing battle: the assembly decided in favor of the small German solution and offered the Prussian king the hereditary imperial dignity. After the rejection of the emperor's deputation , Schulz applied for a series of revolutionary measures on April 23, such as the removal of all princes and the Reich administrator if they did not recognize the Reich constitution, election of a five-member Reich Regency, summoning of all young men to arms, etc. rather than desperate satire and ridiculed the already dissolving assembly and referred to committees. Weeks later, after the May uprising in Dresden was put down , and when the rump parliament, which had melted down to 104 members, had already fled to Stuttgart, they were pulled out again and decided - much too late to provide any political support for the uprisings of the imperial constitutional campaign . The counter-revolution had triumphed. Wilhelm Schulz-Bodmer, again on the wanted list as a “political criminal”, fled back to Switzerland at the beginning of July.

In the pamphlet published in Frankfurt in 1849: Germany's current political situation and the next task of the democratic party , Schulz summed up the defeat of the German revolution with the words:

“An assembly authorized and appointed by the nation left power, the entire army and the entire financial power in the hands of the same governments, whose power it should and wanted to limit in order to save the common fatherland, and since it indulged itself in vain madness, through words To be able to make history, the hopes of the nation failed because of this colossal folly and had to fail for the time being. "

Second exile in Zurich and military-political journalism

After her return, Kitty Schulz-Bodmer founded a private school for girls in Zurich, thereby enabling her husband to devote himself entirely to the economic and political analysis of the army.

Schulz shared the expectations of the defeated left for an early revival of the revolution and, when this failed to materialize, their hope for a general war campaign by the western nations against Russia as the center of the absolutist reaction in Europe. But the success of such a war seemed to him dependent on previous far-reaching army reforms. In 1855, after the outbreak of the Crimean War , he published his major work, Military Policy , in Leipzig . With special reference to Switzerland's resilience and the struggle of a militia army against standing armies . Following on from the writings of the Prussian officer and democrat Wilhelm Rustow , who lived in exile not far from Zurich, he condemned the organization of standing armies as "military slavery", the benefits of which are out of all proportion to the costs that they impose on the peoples. In their place, he propagated popular armies on the North American and Swiss models. Having become skeptical of the pull of ideas such as freedom and solidarity among nations, he relied more on human egoism and devised a system of material incentives to maintain discipline and morale in the national army. In the words of his biographer, he agreed with Riistow “that there was an inseparable connection between the military and the political constitution and that the free state structure must also and above all be expressed in the army.” Schulz's remarks on the Crimean War and the recommendations contained therein to Napoléon III. however, allow the conclusion that, in contrast to Riistow, who later became Chief of Staff Giuseppe Garibaldis , he was of the opinion that the conversion of the standing armies into national armies would result in the longed-for liberal state constitutions.

The military policy did not find the echo its author had hoped. Believing that the materialism dispute between Carl Vogt and Rudolf Wagner , which was about the existence of an immortal soul and the Christian belief in creation, had stolen the audience from his book, Schulz pitted both of them in a pamphlet, but especially the one former Reich Regent Vogt. He almost ruined it with his old friend Gottfried Keller, who had changed from an opponent to a supporter of atheism under the influence of Ludwig Feuerbach while studying in Heidelberg . To the astonishment of his friends, Schulz, who was plagued by an eye problem, tried to bring his project to the attention of politicians and military personnel whom he considered to be influential. So he turned repeatedly to the former Prussian ambassador in London Christian Karl Josias von Bunsen . When the latter praised military policy , Schulz submitted a second work, The Rescue of Society from the Dangers of Military Rule , in which he took up the teachings of the English free trader and supporter of disarmament Richard Cobden to statistically substantiate his thesis of the barbarity and uselessness of standing armies . Bunsen promised to recommend the book to befriended English politicians and publishers, but could not keep his word.

Schulz did not allow himself to be discouraged even by this disappointment, which was all the more bitter since Frau Kitty had already translated the rescue of society into English. In May 1859, on the eve of the Sardinian War , seven months before his death, he published the pamphlet Disarmament or War . His last urgent appeal to common sense culminated in the words:

“No war! The crushing punishment of public opinion on the peacebreaker! The peoples and governments want peace, they want disarmament that guarantees peace! [...] The peace-breaking government not a centime more, not a soldier! "

Schulz's biographer sees his legacy in this slogan: "A decisive contribution to the controversy of 1859 are his pacifist disarmament slogans, which claimed general validity and should be taken up by bourgeois democrats of future generations." This was Schulz's radical criticism of the army constitution of his time in the wording with which Alfred Nobel endowed the peace prize named after him in his will in 1896 : “A part of the one who most or best for the fraternization of peoples and for the abolition or reduction of the standing armies as well as for the formation and holding of peace congresses worked. "

meaning

In the words of his biographer Walter Grab: “This man with the common name, behind whom there was no mass movement, no organized party, was the only political publicist in Germany who had been over forty during the entire period from the fall of Napoleon to the emergence of an independent workers' movement For years, the liberal principles of bourgeois democracy consistently and steadfastly championed. "

Works

Pamphlets, books, articles (selection)

• Question and answer booklet to the German citizen and farmer about all sorts of things that are particularly needy in the German fatherland. Germany [d. i. Frankfurt am Main] 1819. (Anonymously published pamphlet.) Reissued and edited by Karl-Ludwig Ay , as the little question and answer book of the Darmstadt officer Friedrich Wilhelm Schulz. In Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte , Vol. 35 (1972), Verl. D. Commission, Munich pp. 728-770.
• Errors and truths from the first years after the last war against Napoleon and the French. Darmstadt 1825. (Book publication of the series of articles for the magazine Hesperus ).
• The one thing Germany needs. In: General Political Annals . Edited by Carl von Rotteck. 7th volume, 1st issue, July 1831, pp. 1-44.
• To the assembled representatives of the German people . In: German Tribune. A constitutional daily paper . Edited by August Wirth. No. 2, July 2, 1831.
• About the contemporary relationship between statistics and politics . In: Supplement to the morning paper for educated stands . No. 310, November 25, 1831. (Print version of Schulz's Erlangen dissertation).
• The law of the German people and the resolutions of the Frankfurt Bundestag of July 28, 1832 . Germany [d. i. Frankfurt am Main] 1832. (Anonymous pamphlet on behalf of the Press and Fatherland Association).
• Germany's unity through national representation . Stuttgart 1832.
• About Bürgergarden, Landwehr and a few other things related to it. A word to the citizens and peasants to heart . Hanau 1833.
• The movement of production. A historical-statistical treatise on the foundation of a new science of the state and society. Zurich and Winterthur 1843. MDZ Reader (reprint with an introduction by Gerhard Kade. Glashütten im Taunus 1974).
• The death of pastor Dr. Friedrich Ludwig Weidig. A documented and documented contribution to the assessment of the secret criminal process and the political situation in Germany. Zurich and Winterthur 1843. Digitized (published anonymously. Photomechanical reprint. Leipzig 1975).
• Secret inquisition, censorship, and cabinet justice in perishable leagues. Final negotiation with many new files on the Weidig trial . Karlsruhe 1845. (Co-author: Carl Theodor Welcker).
• The real story of the German Michel and his sisters. Edited from previously unknown sources and illustrated by six pictures by M. Disteli . Zurich and Winterthur 1845. MDZ Reader (published anonymously, Schulz's greatest bookselling success.)
• Correspondence between a state prisoner and his liberator. 2 vol. Mannheim 1846. BSB digitized: Vol. 1 and Vol. 2 .
• A literary feud over new philosophical nihilism . In: Sheets for literary entertainment . No. 104, Leipzig April 14, 1846.
• To the German men in villages and towns . Darmstadt [May] 1848. (leaflet with Schulz's election call).
• Memorandum on Germany's international politics . Darmstadt 1848. MDZ Reader
• The Austrian Question and the Prussian-German Empire. A speech not given in the Paulskirche. Darmstadt 1849.
• Germany's current political situation and the next task of the democratic party. Frankfurt 1849. (Analysis of the reasons for the defeat of the revolution.)
• Review of the Nachged Schriften collection by G. Büchner, edited by Büchner's brother Ludwig . In: Adolph Kolatschek (Hrsg.): German monthly for politics, science, art and life. 2nd year 2nd issue. Bremen 1851, pp. 210-235. (Reprinted in: Walter Grab: Georg Büchner and the Revolution of 1848. The Büchner essay by Wilhelm Schulz from 1851. Text and commentary by Walter Grab. With the collaboration of Thomas Michael Mayer . Königstein im Taunus 1985. ISBN 3-7610 -8310-6 ).
• Military policy. With special reference to Switzerland's resilience and the struggle of a militia army against standing armies . Leipzig 1855.
• Rescuing society from the dangers of military rule. An investigation on a historical and statistical basis about the financial and economic, political and social influences of the army . Leipzig 1859.
• Disarmament or war? A memorandum for the Italian Congress. Leipzig 1859.

Encyclopedic articles in the Rotteck-Welcker State Lexicon (selection)

Articles from the Rotteck-Welcker State Lexicon written by Schulz :

• Africa
• Egypt since 1845
• anarchy
• Asia since 1845
• Australia since 1845
• population
• Cassel, Hessen-Cassel
• Communism and socialism
• Demagogue
• democracy
• Dictatorship
• unit
• Europe
• Italy
• art
• Political arithmetic
• revolution
• Beet sugar
• Spain
• Political studies, statistics
• Tactics and strategy

literature

• Helmut Berding:  Schulz, Wilhelm Friedrich. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 23, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-428-11204-3 , p. 717 f. ( Digitized version ).
• Helge Dvorak: Biographical Lexicon of the German Burschenschaft. Volume I: Politicians. Sub-Volume 5: R – S. Winter, Heidelberg 2002, ISBN 3-8253-1256-9 , pp. 359-362.
• Johann August Ritter von Eisenhart :  Schulz, Wilhelm . In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (ADB). Volume 32, Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1891, p. 752 f.
• Walter Grab : A man who gave Marx ideas. Wilhelm Schulz. Georg Büchner's companion. Democrat of the Paulskirche. A political biography. Droste publishing house. Düsseldorf 1979, ISBN 3-7700-0552-X .
• Walter Grab: Dr. Wilhelm Schulz from Darmstadt. Companion of Georg Büchner and inspirer of Karl Marx . Gutenberg Book Guild, Frankfurt am Main 1987.
• Walter Grab: Schulz, Wilhelm . In: Manfred Asendorf, Rolf von Bokel (ed.): Democratic ways. German résumés from five centuries . JB Metzler, Stuttgart, Weimar 1997 ISBN 3-476-01244-1 , pp. 565-567.
• Ludwig Maenner: A crosshead of pre-March liberalism: Wilhelm Schulz-Bodmer . In: Archive for Hessian History. New episode. Vol. 13, 1922.

Web links

• Literature by and about Friedrich Wilhelm Schulz in the catalog of the German National Library
• Mention of Schulz's The Movement of Production in Das Kapital by Karl Marx (Chapter 13, Section 1, Note 88).
• Overview of Friedrich Wilhelm Schulz's courses at the University of Zurich (summer semester 1837 to winter semester 1838)

Individual evidence

1. ↑ Cf. Walter Grab: A man who gave Marx ideas. Wilhelm Schulz. Georg Büchner's companion. Democrat of the Paulskirche. A political biography . Düsseldorf 1979, p. 17. - The historian Walter Grab, who was born in Vienna in 1919 and lives in Israel, gives an almost 400-page account of Schulz's life and political and journalistic effectiveness against the background of his extensive knowledge of the pre- and post-history of the March Revolution . He draws from a multitude of sources, some of them remote, and also makes unprinted material accessible. The article follows the only biography of Wilhelm Schulz available in book form to date.
2. ^ Helge Dvorak: Biographical Lexicon of the German Burschenschaft. Volume I Politicians, Part 5: R – S. Heidelberg 2002, p. 359.
3. ^ Peter Kaupp: Burschenschafter in der Paulskirche , brochure of the Society for Burschenschaftliche Geschichtsforschung, 1999
4. ↑ Quoted from Grab, p. 41.
5. ↑ Entry from January 12, 1826, cf. Grab, p. 58.
6. ↑ Quoted in Ludwig Maenner: A cross-head of pre-March liberalism: Wilhelm Schulz-Bodmer . In: Archive for Hessian History. New episode. Vol. 13, 1922. p. 295.
7. ↑ Grab, p. 111.
8. ↑ Grab, p. 132.
9. ↑ 2 vol. Mannheim 1846. BSB digitized: Vol. 1 and Vol . 2 .
10. ↑ Published in a review of G. Büchner's Nachgelassene Schriften . In: Adolph Kolatschek (Hrsg.): German monthly for politics, science, art and life. 2nd year 2nd issue. Bremen 1851, pp. 210-235.
11. ↑ See the Zurich liberal constitution of 1831
12. ↑ Hans Adler, Ed .: Literary Secret Reports. Metternich agents' logs . Cologne 1977, Vol. I, p. 129. According to Grab, p. 178.
13. ^ Evidence in Grab, pp. 217–241. Schulz is quoted appreciatively in Marx's Capital (see links below).
14. ^ Letter to Ruge, quoted from Grab, p. 268.
15. ↑ Grab, p. 175.
16. ↑ Grab, p. 176.
17. ↑ Grab, pp. 287f.
18. ^ In Schulz's election call: To the German men in villages and towns . Darmstadt (May) 1848. See Grab, p. 287.
19. ↑ See Franz Wigard: Stenographic report on the negotiations of the German constituent national assembly in Frankfurt am Main . 9 vol. Frankfurt 1848f, Vol. 2, p. 1247.
20. ↑ Stenographic Report , Vol. 5, p. 3525. The image of Schlemihl reversed is also encountered in Karl Marx's 1852 published work The Eighteenth Brumaire by Louis Bonaparte . In: Marx-Engels-Werke, Dietz-Verlag, Berlin 1972, vol. 8, p. 136.
21. ↑ See Grab, p. 341.
22. ↑ Quoted from Grab, p. 320.
23. ↑ Grab, p. 343.
24. ↑ See Grab, p. 343f.
25. ↑ On this, after Schulz's death, Keller wrote in a letter to Freiligrath dated April 22, 1860: “A few years ago, when he wrote a pamphlet against Vogt on matters of materialism that I didn't like, I behaved badly in his house with ranting and Censure and became so rude that Frau Schulz even shed a few tears of anger. Now there have been a few weeks of pouting; but whoever came to me first was good old Schulz, so that the fiery coals almost burned a hole through my skull. ”Cf. also Grab, p. 349.
26. ↑ In the above-mentioned letter to Freiligrath, Keller continued: “Schulz's only mistake was his addiction to always wanting to do something and intrigue, and he always had a thousand small orders and concerns in matters of politics, especially military policy. Of course, this persistence is part of a virtuous pursuit; only one does not have to hope so much from personal direct intervention and influence on others. In this sense he had also started with Bunsen and was then really fooled by the Faselhans, which I would have liked to have told him in advance if I had wanted to sadden him. "
27. ^ Quote from Grab, p. 361.
28. ↑ Grab, p. 361.
29. ↑ It should be remembered that the demand for the abolition of standing armies is one of the basic demands of bourgeois state thought. As early as 1795, Immanuel Kant placed them at the beginning of his work On Eternal Peace under the "Preliminary Article". (Immanuel Kant: Smaller writings on the philosophy of history, ethics and politics . Ed. By Karl Vorländer . Verlag Felix Meiner, series: Philosophische Bibliothek vol. 471. Hamburg 1913, reprint 1964, p. 119 f.)
30. ↑ Grave, p. 10.

This article was added to the list of excellent articles on August 10, 2007 in this version .