German grandstand

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Binding of the collected German tribune for the year 1832, original in the Homburg city archive

The Deutsche Tribüne was a daily newspaper published from July 1, 1831 to March 21, 1832 and planned to be used every weekday . It is counted among the most important liberal opposition newspapers that appeared during the restoration period and at the beginning of the pre-March period . At first the paper was based in Munich . When the editorial team moved, the location moved to Homburg at the turn of the year 1831/32 .

Johann Georg August Wirth was the editor and main editor of the Deutsche Tribüne . The businessman Friedrich Sonntag (1790-1870) financed the establishment. Friedrich Ludwig Lindner initially worked on the editorial team; Georg Fein filled his position after his departure. Christian Scharpff was part of the editorial team . In addition to the editorial authors and writers, the newspaper also offered readers the opportunity to express their opinion in articles . The newspaper reported on events in other European countries, the German Confederation and individual German states. The paper dealt particularly with events in the Kingdom of Bavaria .

The Deutsche Tribüne abused government-related magazines in a controversial tone; The newspaper received criticism in response in the same way. Introductory articles " argued " about measures taken by the authorities. Action against sales, production and employees by the Kingdom of Bavaria, such as the German Federation, at the request of member states, obstructed the German tribune . Due to the violated “dignity of the federal government” and other allegations as well as the previous censorship that was ignored in Bavaria , a ban was imposed at the beginning of March 1832.

Wirth was a co-founder of the "German Fatherland Association for Support of the Free Press" ( German Press and Fatherland Association ). On February 3, 1832, the article " Germany's obligations " appeared in the German tribune , in which Wirth called for an ideal and material contribution to the association. Since the newspaper accompanied the development of the association, it is regarded as an association and, in a broader sense, as a party newspaper. The simultaneous ban of the newspaper and the association in the course of a general association ban led to sympathy among the people. The acquittal of Wirth and the resulting injustice of the ban on associations favored the Hambach Festival .

Wirth planned throughout his life, most recently in 1848, to reissue the Deutsche Tribüne without ever implementing this project.

Influence of the restoration on the press

Map of Europe after the Congress of Vienna:             Border of the German Confederation (1815)
  • Russia
  • France
  • United Kingdom
  • Prussia
  • Austria and Habsburg possession
  • Napoleon Bonaparte's era came to an end with defeat in the Wars of Liberation . At the Congress of Vienna from 1814 to 1815, the winners divided up Central Europe and drew new borders. The German Confederation, as a composite state, succeeded the Holy Roman Empire . The European monarchs strove for an absolutist form of government; They wanted to be sovereign over their peers and as unrestricted as possible, as far as the respective constitution allowed them, to rule over the broad strata of the class society . The restoration did not mean restoring the small territories. Nevertheless, state hegemonic interests ensured the preservation of small states in the German-speaking area. In the opinion of Wolfgang Hardtwig , the modernization processes of the state system towards nation and nation- state building were different in Germany compared to France , England or Spain . Concrete ideas of nation-state unification increased in Germany from 1815 onwards. Both those who demanded popular sovereignty and their opponents on the side of the princes strove for a unified state in Germany . With the German Federal Act, the monarchs intended to standardize laws in 1815. However, the chiefs only came to an agreement in individual measures because conflicting interests prevented national regulations. The harmonization of press laws was also affected. The Federal Act regulated the framework for the press under Article 18 d.

    The restorative conditions of the period, sometimes referred to as the Metternich era or system , from 1815 onwards caused the people to retreat into private life due to politically motivated disappointment. The behavior of the citizens was mostly "righteous", so honest , so as not to conflict with the authorities. Censorship stopped the citizens from speaking; Surveillance committed by informers was commonplace. Karl August Herzog von Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach introduced a liberal press law in 1817, which he maintained until 1820, and thus offered extensive “ freedom of the press ” during this time . Under the protection of the duchy, Ludwig Wieland's opposition newspaper or Weimar newspaper rose to become a highly regarded publication. The radical-liberal newspaper published by Friedrich Justin Bertuch interfered in the political struggles over German constitutions and was therefore in conflict with the court, government and society of the classical Weimar . Enlightenment thoughts from the university town of Jena spread among the students with the paper . Striving for national unification and questioning monarchical sovereignty, for example, the gymnastics movement founded by Friedrich Ludwig Jahn around 1811 and the students who organized themselves in primitive fraternities were the carriers of displeasure with the political situation. The students were numerous participants in the wars of liberation, such as in the Lützow Freikorps . The student fraternity members strived for the motto “freedom, honor, fatherland” and advocated the “moral and intellectual renewal of student life”. Their dissatisfaction found expression at the Wartburg Festival in 1817 and thus received political attention. Of the 8,500 German students at the time, around 450 fellows gathered and demanded in addition to the first principle: “One Germany is; should be and stay! ”, freedom of the press.

    The rebellious meeting was followed by the suppression of the youth and professors, who were called demagogues (seducers of the people). The Frankfurt Bundestag issued provisions against the so-called “revolutionary activities” on September 20, 1819, which, according to the German historian Thomas Nipperdey, came about “in a more than questionable urgent procedure”. The laws known as the Karlovy Vary Decrees reversed the intentions stated in Article 18d in 1815. According to his understanding of the state, Metternich had a share in it. The action against " ultra-liberals " was legally recognized by the resolutions. For the press this meant pre-censorship. This applied to all writings that appeared as daily sheets or in booklets and had fewer than 20 sheets (320 pages) in print. The German Confederation allowed itself to act with the sixth paragraph of the Federal Press Act itself if the "dignity of the Confederation" was attacked. The federal government set up the "Bundestag Commission in Press Matters" as an observation site. However, the individual states continued to reserve the right to handle censorship differently, depending on the constitution. The Karlsbad resolutions were initially valid for five years. In 1824 the German states extended the agreement indefinitely. The legislation was suspended during the German Revolution of 1848/49 . The rulers also passed restrictive laws in other European countries. In the same year England restricted freedom of the press and assembly with the Six Acts . A year later, France resumed prior censorship in the law. The French state also banned critical newspapers. In addition, French law made it possible to arrest so-called “conspirators” for three months.

    The constitution of the Kingdom of Bavaria of 1818 guaranteed "freedom of opinion", set down in Title IV § 11, but were for the press "legal restrictions against abuse" by the III. Constitutional supplement incorporated. Censorship restricted “political” and “periodical” writings, whereby the word “political” was initially interpreted to mean that it only applied to other states and foreign policy. For the German media scientist Jürgen Wilke , the assumption of office of the Bavarian King Ludwig I from 1825 initially created a “prosperous climate” for the press. Domestic political issues remained exempt from prior censorship. The regent sought an independent policy towards the German Confederation and the estates. The French July Revolution of 1830 and the November uprising in the so-called Congress Poland inspired the opposition. Food prices rose by more than a third between 1829 and 1832. Additional tolls , customs and tax charges led to displeasure . The relationship between the press and the state deteriorated. The freedom that Ludwig I had granted the press up to then was now considered dangerous to him. Gaining seats by the opposition in the Second Chamber of the Bavarian Estates Assembly in the new elections in December 1830 led to enthusiasm, but also to tumults, as at Munich University . The state viewed the event as a riot and Ludwig I found the reason to implement measures that tightened press censorship on January 28, 1831. In the dispute with the opposition in the Second Chamber, the government had to give in; it withdrew the press regulation on June 12 of the same year.

    In 1816 the Austrian Empire ceded the “ Rhine District ” to the Kingdom of Bavaria in the Treaty of Munich . This part of the left bank of the Rhine was slammed into Austria during the Congress of Vienna. The French declaration of human and civil rights from 1789 also included freedom of the press. However, it was restricted in the aftermath of the French Revolution . Under Napoleonic rule, further edicts with restrictive measures were added. With the decree of February 5, 1810, all printers required a state permit and had to be sworn in. In addition, the previous censorship was reintroduced with the decree and politically inappropriate newspapers could be confiscated. The constitutional rights introduced in the Rhine Confederation during the Napoleonic era could not be completely repealed by the new authorities from Bavaria. The law shaped by the civil code was retained in parts. According to the legal opinion of the Bavarian authorities, legal provisions from the Napoleonic era were valid in the “Rhine District”. Liberal opposition members doubted the validity, since, contrary to French legislation of the revolutionary era, these had come about without the participation and support of representatives of the people.

    In general, the authorities had various means of coercion against newspapers - the government launched articles in magazines to influence public opinion in its own right. Counter-articles to bring disapproved magazines into disrepute, the regents let flow through intermediaries. Authors of fonts had to provide indications of origin . Furthermore, newspapers and leaflets were confiscated. The censors set inconvenient times for controls and carried out the work slowly in order to impair the timeliness . The authorities interfered with sales, refused permission to printers and sentenced journalists to fines and prison terms. The expulsion of unpopular writers from the country was another means. The censored writings had to pay for the cost of the censorship. The Kingdom of Prussia put a regulation into force on January 1, 1825. In order to circumvent the censorship regulations, the newspapers commuted between different states. Authors and editors kept hiding rebellious statements better and better. Psychologists like Sigmund Freud later looked at the procedure.

    The newspaper "Inland" as a harbinger

    Illustration by Johann Georg August Wirth on the Hambach cloth

    Johann Georg August Wirth gained notoriety before the appearance of the German Tribune . During his law studies, which he began in 1817, he joined several student associations and was committed to his ideals. First he followed the career choice he had made with his studies, but began his journalistic activity in 1831 with the publication of the Cosmopolitan in Bayreuth . The short-lived paper listed the subject of freedom of the press in its first issue on January 4th with an article of the same name.

    In March 1831 Wirth found a job at the literary and artistic establishment of Cotta'sche Verlagbuchhandlung, founded in Munich in 1827, for lithographic reproduction and copperplate printing, as well as book, art and map dealers . The well-known, government-affiliated Stuttgart bookstore published the newspapers Das Auslands and Das Inland in the branch . Johann Friedrich Cotta's managing director was Friedrich Sonntag. Wirth was employed as an editor for Germany . In the dispute over the content, King Ludwig I wanted in April 1831 that Cotta, as a publisher, should refrain from Wirth; The sheet has to appear in the old orientation. By ending the publication of the inland on June 30, 1831, Cotta anticipated the ministerial closure. The German tribune appeared a day later. In domestic Wirth applied the new newspaper. Readers learned in advance of the orientation towards a "rebirth of Germany" under strict adherence to the " constitutional principle ". Wirth wanted the free press; censored articles from other German states should be readable uncensored.

    Wirth's domestic editorial work comprised around one hundred issues. During this time the editor got in touch with members of the assembly of estates in Bavaria. The session of the Fifth Second Chamber lasted from February 20 to December 29, 1831. The newspaper reported in detail on topics and resolutions of the meeting of the estates, as these were of social interest. The sixth Bavarian Second Chamber did not meet again until three years later in 1834. According to the German historian Manfred Treml , the pro-government magazine Inland developed under Wirth into “one of the leading opposition papers”. Wirth's political profile has sharpened in a constitutionally liberal orientation.

    Sonntag participated as a donor in the pre-financing of the German tribune . Cotta had no objection to participation. However, he insisted on a request: "To refrain from anything that brought him close to Wirth's work". Nevertheless, contemporary observers as well as King Ludwig I believed that there was a connection between Wirth and Cotta, despite assertions to the contrary. The assumption was also based on the circulation of pre-order lists . On Sunday the Deutsche Tribüne performed in it alongside other products from the literary-artistic establishment in order - as he said - to interest his circle of friends in the paper. Cotta complained about it in correspondence with his manager.

    History of publication

    Based in Munich

    The German Tribune first appeared in Munich on July 1, 1831. The Kingdom of Bavaria was concerned about the previously announced alignment. Government agencies watched the newspaper from the first edition. At the beginning, Wirth did not intend to break the framework set by the constitution. The initial editions were left uncensored because the regulator failed to assign an inspector. Only the sixth edition was reviewed. Wirth circumvented the censorship of the articles contained therein by publishing the deleted content in a leaflet with the title: "Political Capuchin Sermon" and the statement: "We ask all newspaper editors and writers who are deleted from the censorship to inform us. We will then bring them to the public in our paper or through leaflets ”. The German tribune caused a nuisance at the international level after a week. The Prussian legation complained to the Bavarian Foreign Minister Joseph von Armansperg . Other states also expressed their displeasure. The censors complained about the unsuccessfulness of their work in the middle of the month.

    Entertainment magazine Flora No. 69 from July 29, 1831, Munich, advertisement: "The German tribune is banned in the Prussian states, at least the Prussian post offices are prohibited from delivering this sheet and accepting orders on it."

    The inspectors had issues and leaflets confiscated. The police authorities were ordered to impose a fine of fifty talers on printers who produced political leaflets. The fine was life threatening. There was opposition; the Bavarian Ministry of the Interior under Johann Baptist von Stürmer gave way at the end of July 1831. The ministry declared the punishment against printers as well as the censorship of pamphlets inadmissible. Another way of influencing Wirth also failed at the end of the month. It failed to recruit him as an editor for the government. The co-editor Friedrich Ludwig Lindner gave in to the advertising. Georg Fein increasingly filled the vacancy. After the failure of the first attempt, the Bavarian state devised new strategies. So the king launched counter-articles about confidants. At the intergovernmental level, governments interfered with distribution channels.

    Wirth had two other writings appear in addition to the Deutsche Tribüne . In association, the publisher wanted to make censorship measures ineffective, in compliance with the press regulations. From July 19, 1831, the opposition paper for Baiern was available . This magazine provided information on Bavarian issues. Not allowing the application of the Karlovy Vary resolutions, the Bavarian opposition paper should appear “like a large work”, i.e. all the individual editions of the newspaper added together, in an indefinite period of time with a volume of more than 30 sheets. Since the press regulation was withdrawn, it was permitted to report on topics within Bavaria without censorship. Liberal Germany should be read as the third script. Wirth published the newspaper from August 3rd with a volume of 60 to 90 sheets of half a sheet. In terms of content, the fonts were coordinated with one another, but had to be ordered individually. Sonntag and Wirth also discussed the issue of a target group-specific newspaper for farmers. The so-called "Bauernzeitung" was supposed to clarify the status of his constitutional rights. The legally qualified landlord wanted to give advice in the newspaper. The two did not pursue the "Bauernzeitung" .

    At the end of August 1831, Wirth adopted a new attitude towards the censors. In his opinion, the offending authorities would have to provide evidence of which statutory provision had been violated and provide appropriate evidence. He then had deleted passages printed uncensored. The authorities then imposed fines to keep Wirth from printing. The editor appealed against the measure. To this end, he stated that there was no law prohibiting the printing of deleted parts. Over 10,000 talers added up in a short time. On the occasion of the demand, the editor scoffed on September 7th: "after a mathematical progression" (the amount of the fine doubled starting with 10 thalers) the German tribune will soon settle Bavaria's state budget alone. According to this circumstance, the Ministry of the Interior recognized most of Wirth's complaints. Fines were no longer part of the sanctions policy, because from now on this form of punishment was deemed "expressly unsuitable" by ministerial instructions.

    In the middle of September 1831 Wirth received the first arrest sentence ; a two-day imprisonment was ordered. Because of the uncensored articles that continued to appear in the Deutsche Tribüne , this form of punishment was used as the next higher means. A second arrest warrant extended the sentence for another four days within the 48 hours. The MP Karl von Closen addressed the imprisonment in the Bavarian Second Chamber without his speech having any effect. The President of the Chamber pointed out that Wirth should help himself with legal remedies. In the meantime, Wirth had complained to the Interior Ministry. The Ministry granted the request for release. The President of the First Chamber, Carl Philipp von Wrede , instructed Graf von Seinsheim, as the government director of the Isarkkreis and thus responsible for censorship, to refrain from arrests and to only proceed within the framework of the law. Seinsheim tried to hinder the German tribune in other ways. He allegedly threatened Jacquet, the printer of the newspaper, that the government would terminate the contracts and not place new orders. Wirth intended to open his own print shop out of independence and intimidation. This should be equipped with a new high-speed press . In October 1831, Wirth founded a " stock corporation " in order to raise the necessary funds for the company. Seinsheim would have gladly relieved himself of the duty of supervision; several times he asked for a transfer; von Wrede did not comply with the request.

    Wirth saw further imprisonment sentences that followed. The responsible authority again resorted to imprisonment at the end of October. Wirth was in custody almost continuously. Reports filled the German tribune and in turn led to further arrests. Interior Minister von Stürmer noted in his November 16 issue that criminal action should be taken because of the articles it contained. More serious of the sentence were several allegations of lese majesty . The editors saw themselves in the right and continued to publish the charges and the progress of the dispute. The authorities now aimed to detain Wirth for a long time; his job at the newspaper would be canceled; that would hamper the newspaper. The request did not go as planned. Only one sentence resulted in a prison sentence of six weeks. Wirth sought an appeal, which is why the immediate due date failed to materialize (the judgment will only be carried out in April 1836). Despite the successes on the judicial route, Wirth decided to move away from Munich. He therefore planned the change of location. In the meantime, even the relocation of the German tribune to other European countries to France came into consideration. Presumably Philipp Jakob Siebenpfeiffer , editor of the Westbote , suggested Wirth move to the " Rhine District ". Wirth traveled to Homburg in preparation for the move on November 23, 1831 , in order to get an idea of ​​the location. Also Speyer and Zweibrücken stood for election. The employees had the last Munich edition printed on December 18. The funds required to purchase the high-speed press were collected. Before the turn of the year on December 9th, Wirth wrote to the district government of Speyer that he intended to publish issues with his own press. On the 15th of the month, he asked the Homburg censors by post to arrange the times for the control with him. According to Hüls and Schmidt, this shows that Wirth did not intend to avoid the pre-inspection.

    Based in the Rhine district

    Title line of the German Tribune from January 1, 1832 in Homburg

    At the end of December 1831, Wirth moved to the Rhine district , in other words what was then Bavaria "to the left of the Rhine". The first edition of the Deutsche Tribüne appeared on January 1, 1832 in Homburg. Wirth produced the edition on his own hand press . The newspaper announced that Homburg was chosen as a location with care. At that time there was a largely independent judiciary in the Rhine district. After the Bavarian Reichsrat under von Wrede dissolved the Second Chamber at the end of the session, the opposition was drawn "like a center of gravity" to the region near the Rhine. There were other reasons for the move. In addition to the law applicable there and the expected support from the returning MPs, there were other opposition magazines nearby. Wirth wanted to coordinate with them. If measures threatened the newspapers, one could report about it promptly. The editors believed that Homburg had good transport and postal conditions, which seemed suitable for speedy news transmission.

    Footer of the German tribune dated January 6, 1832, with the addition: "Printed by G. Ritter in Zweibrücken"

    The authorities made it difficult for the Deutsche Tribüne to exist at the new location. The Homburg regional commissioner did not approve the printing works. Wirth initially had the high-speed press brought to Georg Ritter (1795–1854) in Zweibrücken. In addition, Wirth was unable to submit its own printer permit. Then he tried the licensed Kaiserslautern printer Philipp Michael Kohlhepp (1807-1863). Wirth signed a contract with him to open a branch in Homburg. The planned second location of the printer was not allowed. Wirth continued to publish his newspaper without permission. On January 4, 1832, the mayor of Homburg, who had been instructed the day before, blocked the hand press with a seal , citing the Napoleonic decree of February 5, 1810. As a result, Wirth took care of printing on the Ritter’s high-speed press. Wirth and Siebenpfeiffer, whose press had also been closed with a seal, worked together to have it lifted. The district court trial generated public sympathy. The verdict ruled that one was not authorized to “intervene in the decision made”. Many observers followed the trial. Despite the outcome, the process was in itself a success, as it mobilized citizens for the free press.

    The censors received further editions of the Deutsche Tribüne , but their own messengers delivered printed editions directly to the Homburger Post. Without waiting for the censoring editing , the editions were sent. The prior checking was thus nullified; the civil servants also complained here that the censorship was made "a public mockery". The employees also sent some under envelopes . Sending under an envelope precluded holding back and made control by censors impossible. Prince von Wrede tried to cancel the mailing in envelopes. In mid-February, he proposed to the Council of Ministers to breach postal secrecy . His efforts were unsuccessful.

    Title line of the German tribune of January 21, 1832, with the addition: "On the rebirth of the fatherland"

    The circle of friends around Wirth discussed the realization of the freedom of the press. In the edition of July 12, 1831, Wirth proposed an association for promoting the free press. The “ First Student Festival ” is related to this. This was organized by the citizens of Zweibrücken-Bubenhausen as a celebratory meal for the Bavarian Chamberlain Friedrich Schüler to celebrate his return to his homeland - meetings were forbidden. Those present including Wirth saw themselves as patriots . At the celebration they decided to found the German Press and Fatherland Association (PVV) on January 29, 1832. In order to promote the association, Wirth called for moral and material participation in the article " Germany's Obligations " of February 3. The activities of the association consisted mainly in collecting money, organizing meetings, sending out protest notes and supporting writers and magazines.

    Other states of the German Confederation issued a ban on delivery to their territory because the censorship did not take effect. In mid-February 1832, Wirth had the high-speed press brought from Zweibrücken to Homburg and printed with it without permission. The installation and the unauthorized operation of the high-speed and manual press in Homburg gave cause for action against Wirth. On February 23, the mayor received orders to lock all presses with a seal. Wirth refused entry two days later, and with it the execution, because a court order had to be available. Wirth went so far as to announce in the German tribune that he wanted to use gun violence to keep those who did it. For this purpose, weapons were stored in the building.

    In March 1832, Baron von Pechlin, representing Holstein and Lauenburg before the Bundestag commission in press matters, stated that the German tribune would try to overturn “everything that exists in Germany” “by winning public opinion for a so-called German reform or for the establishment of one German Reich in the democratic sense ”. According to the information provided by the ambassadors, the commission determined with conviction: that Wirth's Deutsche Tribüne , Siebenpfeiffer's Westbote and the Hanauer Neue Zeitschwingen , “violate the dignity and security of the federal government and individual states, endanger the peace and tranquility of Germany, the bonds of trust and the To dissolve the attachment between rulers and people, to strive to destroy the authority of the governments, to attack the inviolability of the princes, to threaten people and property by inciting violence, to incite rioting, to bring about and spread a political transformation of Germany and anarchy ”. The prohibition based on the Press Act of September 20, 1819, §. 1, 6 and 7 for the federal government. The federal vote arrived as news in Jena after the memory of a Silesian in a fraternity as follows: “[…] the question was asked for the decision whether the support of this paper by subscription for high treason should be respected. The question was answered in the affirmative by all those who voted (it was said) against only one person who disagreed [...] ”. Only the Bavarian ambassador had abstained. The Bavarian government banned the German tribune on March 1st as long as it did not bow to the censorship. One day later, the German Confederation was banned under the Press Act. This also banned the appearance of follow-up publications and imposed a five-year professional ban on the main editors responsible.

    How the citizens would behave in enforcing the ban remained unclear. As a result of the announcement, troops were concentrated; Billing was threatened. On March 7th, Wirth revoked his readiness to use weapons and assured him that he would take legal action. The seals were nevertheless attached the following day under military protection, with entry to the business premises being forcible, but no gunshot on either side. Contrary to the prohibitions at state and federal level, an edition produced by Georg Ritter was published on March 13, 1832. The Bavarian government then arrested Wirth. Georg Fein and Friedrich Sonntag, who continued the work and did not have Bavarian citizenship , were expelled from the country. The authorities obliged Georg Ritter not to continue printing for the German Tribune . The last appearance on March 21, 1832 was also the end of the German Tribune .

    A "new" old grandstand?

    Advertisement by Wirth in the weekly newspaper for the Royal Bavarian Court District Zweibrücken No. 65 of May 30, 1848 for the re-edition of the German Tribune

    The last edition of March 21st gave no indication of the end of the German tribune . The operators expected it to be preserved. Before he was evicted by Bavaria, Fein met the printer Georg Ritter, Joseph Savoye (board member of the PVV), Paul Camille Denis (main financier of the PVV) and Christian Scharpff. The further course of action was discussed. On April 6, 1832, Wirth informed the Homburg postal administration that the three sheets should appear again from May 1. The Homburg district administration breathed a sigh of relief when rumors were circulating that Wirth wanted to relocate the place of publication to the Grand Duchy of Baden . However, no place of publication was known even before the cut-off date. In the meantime, Wirth traveled to Kaiserslautern and from there to other cities. In the meantime, the authorities in Zweibrücken and Homburg did not find any signs of a condition and reported this to their superiors. Another rumor was that the newspaper was printed on portable press. In retrospect, Hüls and Schmidt see the associated excitement as premature, as there was no indication of an actual reappearance.

    The Bavarian state authority - giving priority to the sovereignty of state law - subverted the orders of the German Confederation. The professional ban pronounced against Wirth would be null and void if he adhered to all legal requirements on censorship. On April 14, 1832, the judges at the Court of Appeal (Court of Appeal) in Zweibrücken Wirth acquitted in connection with the allegations at the beginning of March. They interpreted the Bavarian censorship paragraphs in such a way that no criminal acts were recognizable by Wirth. The court also emphasized the freedom of the press. Journalists would have the right to defend themselves journalistically in need. The acquittal meant Wirth's procedure was okay. As of April 16, the press reportedly distributed sixty thousand pamphlets in support of acquittal. As a result, the German Press and Fatherland Association received encouragement that seemed justified by this detour. The association should no longer have existed since March 1st because of a general association ban. Shortly afterwards, he published the invitation to the Hambach Festival .

    Even before the Hambach Festival, Wirth announced that the German tribune would be revived on June 1, 1832 . Most likely, Wirth was heavily involved in the preparation of the festivity, so the announcement remained. On May 28, the second day of the festival, important participants gathered. in the house of the state estate Schoppmann (1767-1840). Those present discussed and reached an agreement that the German Press and Fatherland Association should have three press organs. To this end, Siebenpfeiffer's Westbote was supposed to merge with Wirth's German tribune to create the newspaper Wiedergeburt des Vaterlandes and act as a mouthpiece alongside the Mannheim guard on the Rhine and the people's tribune . Differences of opinion about the direction of the association, which were already apparent, prevented agreement on the further procedure.

    A short time after the festival on June 15, 1832, Wirth was arrested for the speeches given at the festival. The extraordinary Assisengericht (jury court) of Landau heard the trial in 1833. The trial ended with an acquittal. Subsequently, another procedure began in Zweibrücken for offenses in connection with allegedly insulting domestic and foreign authorities. The Breeding Police Court came to a verdict of two years. The government welcomed the verdict. The authorities then transferred him to the Kaiserslautern prison. As an inmate, Wirth held on to the revival of the German tribune during this time . Ultimately, however, Wirth fled to Switzerland to avoid further measures. According to Hüls and Schmidt, there was no publication of the newspaper before the flight abroad.

    How much Wirth occupied the newspaper can be seen in the fact that in the revolutionary year of 1848 he again advertised the reprint. However, on July 6, the 49-year-old tied himself with his election to the Frankfurt National Assembly . Wirth died a short time later on July 26th of the same year; his plan remained unfulfilled for him.

    Contributors to the German Tribune

    Employee

    Friedrich Ludwig Lindner was initially a co-editor, but switched to the Bayerische Staatszeitung . Georg Fein subsequently became co-editor and initially delivered articles on a fee basis . Wirth presented him with the offer of permanent employment in August 1831. Fein probably only agreed to this in November. In the meantime he was doing errands for the German tribune on his travels . Friedrich Sonntag took part in research, especially for the "Daily Chronicle" section. It is believed that he was the only one who spoke English and translated reports accordingly. Christian Scharpff worked with the German Tribune in the final phase and tried to keep it going. Joseph Savoye was named co-editor in Prussian sources, but his share is not known. He is therefore only considered an advocate and supporter of the newspaper.

    Wirth's company employed several people in the Palatinate period. According to Wirth, he wanted 30 to 40 employees under contract. More precise figures are not known. According to Feins, at least one “Mechanicus”, one “Factor” (managing director), one “printer” and four typesetters worked for Wirth . A rumored spy report dating from 1836 names the editors: “Wirth, Fein, Scharpf jun .;” Staff: “ Knöbbel , Geib Savoye, Kolhepp, Schoppmann, Brogino” and correspondents: “Closen, Heinzelmann , Mebold, Funk , Sauerwein , Frei, Itzstein , Hornus, Jordan , König, Forster, Börne ”.

    Other authors

    Since it was not customary in the 19th century to mark articles by name, contributing journalists can hardly be identified - according to Hüls, there were around twenty authors. Karl Weddo von Glümer (father of Claire von Glümer ) wrote for the Deutsche Tribüne during the time in Munich . Friedrich Giehne, who was the editor of the newspaper Der Freisinnige , can also be identified. Contributions signed by name included Ferdinand Geib , Carl Weil , Karl Weinmann , Richard Otto Bewegungs , Wilhelm Schulz , probably Ernst Koch (under the pseudonym Emil Hubert Leonhard), Ernst Ludwig Große . Correspondents also sent messages to the editors. Wirth tried to get articles by Ludwig Börne and Heinrich Heine . His inquiries remained without result.

    Reporting, content and dissemination

    reporting

    In addition to research by journalists, reports from correspondents , letters to the editor and reports from other newspapers served as sources . The content of more than 180 other daily papers and journals was incorporated into reports. The editors often used articles in the Allgemeine Zeitung , the Schwäbischer Merkurs , the Stuttgarter Allgemeine Zeitung , the Neue Speyerer Zeitung , the Hanauer Zeitung and the Niederrheinischer Courier . For the foreign topics, the editorial team used sources from France, Belgium, Poland and England. On the one hand the editors compiled reports from other newspapers, on the other hand there are literal and almost literal copies of passages.

    Range of topics

    General variety of topics

    In the beginning, the German Tribune was committed to the “constitutional idea”. In the course of the reports on the Second Chamber of the Bavarian Estates Assembly, she turned to national , liberal and republican ideas. The editorial team presented events in other European countries and saw them as an important component. Essentially, the newspaper covered topics on contemporary events.

    With regard to Europe, the Deutsche Tribüne reported on various countries and their policies. The events of the French July Revolution of 1830 were taken up and reported on the subsequent July monarchy of the “citizen king” Louis Philippe . The government was judged with reference to the former Napoleonic rule and the Wars of Liberation . The beginnings of the Belgian state in 1830 were also an issue. The newspaper presented events of the Portuguese succession and civil war , in particular commented on the liberal current and the ongoing Miguelistenkrieg . The emergence of Congress Poland was commented on because the “Poland question” (the Polish rebels on Germany into exile in France) was a topical issue at the time after the “ November uprising ”. The authorship also dealt with the uprisings in Italy . The reforms in England were the subject of articles. With regard to the Greek Revolution (1821–1829), oriental politics - especially that of the Ottoman Empire - were questioned in articles.

    The German Confederation and constitutional issues of the German member states represent a further complex of topics. Accordingly, articles appeared in 1831 that dealt with the politics in the state assemblies of Kurhessen and Baden . The Bavarian State Assembly of 1831 filled the newspaper with additional content. Wirth criticized the meeting of the estates in the German tribune . He condemned the constitution because it did not represent “a freely chosen representation of the people”, but a “representation of the classes and castes that must emerge from castes.” Wirth called for “freedom of choice to be established 'in the purest sense' and for all citizens to have a general and equal right to vote The press policy of Bavaria and Baden played a special role in the newspaper's content. Wirt suspected that Prince Metternich was behind the measures against the German tribune and discussed this in the newspaper.

    In addition to political issues, the cholera epidemic of 1831/1832 was included in the reporting. The cultural and everyday life was depicted. There were articles dealing with free trade. Authors called for the "public teaching" in the newspaper to be improved. The Deutsche Tribüne stood for the "balancing of public customs with the needs of an intellectually educated society."

    Defending freedom of the press

    At the turn of the year 1831/32 there was a radicalization in political views. The European content increasingly lost weight. The subject of the Second Chamber dropped at the end of the session. The opposition press saw itself as "the only remaining forum for a liberal public". The German Tribune saw itself as a substitute parliament. The change at the turn of the year is shown in the edition of January 1, 1832, in whose “ leading article ” you can read: “So, my German confreres, choose the motto 'order, freedom and light' everywhere for your motto; be obedient to the law, only the law protects in a legal way, adhere to all popular institutions, live and die for freedom and above all write the following sentence: 'Without full implementation of the constitutional principle and without political unity, no salvation for Germany' with flames in your heart ”. As a result of the repressive measures taken against the magazine, the editorial team made itself an issue. There were also detailed reports on the German Press and Fatherland Association. The Deutsche Tribüne thus became, along with other magazines, “not just a motor, but also a mirror and commentator on the events”.

    The realignment of the German Tribune becomes visible in the form of the subtitle. From the beginning, the newspaper had the addition: "a constitutional daily paper". Wirth left out the added title at the beginning of the New Year. From issue no. 18 of January 21, 1832, the sheet had the subtitle: "On the rebirth of the fatherland".

    In conflict with the pro-government press

    Counter-articles criticized the German Tribune . Several times there were disagreements in unfriendly tones between the German tribune on the opposition side and responding government-related magazines. The Eos newspaper , which quarreled with the domestic market , remained true to its stand against Wirth. Moritz Gottlieb Saphirs Blatt The German Horizon also took part in the dispute with Wirths Blatt. Other opponents in Bavaria were, for example, the Münchner Politische Zeitung , the Bayerische Volksblatt and the old and new times . Carl Ernst Jarcke's Berliner Politisches Wochenblatt should be mentioned at the intergovernmental level. According to Hüls and Schmidt, it is noticeable that the opposing leaves were expressly named. The text even often told the reader - albeit in a few words - the opinion of the other side. Hüls and Schmidt explain that "an open exchange of blows between the arguments" would have taken place - the better one should win.

    In the dispute, the newspapers used literary means such as humorous allusions, satirical and critical tips and polemical accusations. As an example of the exchange of blows, Hüls and Schmidt cite the newspaper Die Alte und die neue Zeit , published in Munich , in which it said: "The language of the 'German Tribune'" is " most understandable to the half- understood as well as the mob ". In violent arguments, there were sometimes mutual personal insults. The aversion increased up to the duel as in the case of Karl Wilhelm von Heideck (called: Heidegger). The duel was preceded by Heideck demonstrably confessing to an article written in the Münchner Politische Zeitung . This appeared in response to a contribution from the German Tribune on the military constitution of Bavaria. Friedrich Sonntag expressed to Cotta the assumption that counter-articles for Ludwig I from: "Hormeyer, Fladt, Oberkampf, Heidegger and Welten" were interspersed in the press. Hüls and Schmidt assign this name to the people Philipp von Flad and the barons Georg Karl von Welden, Karl August von Oberkamp, Joseph von Hormayr and Karl Wilhelm von Heideck.

    Circulation and readership

    It is not possible to determine how high the edition was originally. At the beginning of the publication there is information about 120 postal customers and a further 53 readers in Munich. Among other things, members of the Bavarian Second Chamber were interested in the German Tribune . They were appointed by about fifty members of the 128  estates . Fraternities like the Jenaer also asked for orders. The readership reached beyond the pure numbers of the sold editions, since citizens belonged to reading circles in the 19th century . In addition, newspapers were read and discussed in restaurants. At the beginning of September 1831, 580 people ordered the German Tribune .

    The Press and Fatherland Association assured the newspaper that it would buy a certain number of items. After the newspaper was banned, Wirth tried to revive it and persuade Georg Ritter to be the printer again. However, the latter had undertaken not to produce any new issues, so Wirth tried to sue for the contractually agreed two thousand pieces. However, the court pointed out that Wirth's magazine was banned. According to the statutes of the Press and Fatherland Association, the approximately 5,000 members were entitled to an edition of the German Tribune . However, no information on the actual number of copies is known.

    At the time, the leaflet “ Germany's Obligations ” generated a high level of circulation, supposedly fifty thousand copies, when measured against comparable products. The leaflet appeared for the article of the same name in the Deutsche Tribüne on February 3, 1832. The article was taken over by other opposition newspapers. Subsequently, the authorities confiscated this edition of the Deutsche Tribüne , the leaflet and journals with prints.

    Name and structure

    Wirth did not announce how he got the name of the German tribune . Hüls and Schmidt believe that the addition of “ German ” should on the one hand express the claim to report for the whole of Germany, and on the other hand it would represent a move towards a united nation-state. The word tribune has two points of view. On the one hand, it stands for a better insight as a reader into what is happening. On the other hand, it can also be understood as an elevated platform on which a speaker communicates to the broader audience. There could also be an allusion to the magazine with the title Tribüne , which was only published by Cotta in 1819 under the editor Friedrich Ludwig Lindner . There is evidence that Lindner worked for the Deutsche Tribüne in Munich during the early days . In addition to this incident, Wirth could also have borrowed from the French opposition magazine La tribune des départemens .

    Daily reporting was planned for the publication - also on Saturday and Sunday. The topicality could largely be kept, but was repeatedly limited by measures of the censors. The printed font used is the most commonly used Fraktur at the time . The newspaper format usually comprises four pages. The pages are structured in the then common quarto format and usually contain eight columns. The introductory articles are one or more " reasoning " contributions. This is followed by the so-called “daily chronicle”, which is normally divided into four columns. This is followed by rubrics that contain reports from other German states and other countries. There are exceptions to this pattern if inappropriating text has been deleted by censors. Some of the places remained without filler text. Ads are only a few included. There is more advertising when empty spaces are created by censorship.

    With the establishment of the German Press and Fatherland Association in February 1832, the number of reports about it increased steadily. The Deutsche Tribüne published subscription lists, club news, letters to the editor and lists of members. If the club's publication exceeded the allotted space, additional supplements were printed.

    Sales and pricing

    distribution

    Foreigners ordered the Deutsche Tribüne through the post office by subscription with a minimum term of three or six months, depending on the distance. People from Munich ordered for at least a month, but could also purchase the newspaper on site at the Schäffer art dealer in Perusagasse. In addition to mail sales, there were delivery men in Munich who delivered to their own premises. The Deutsche Tribüne also found readers in countries outside Germany such as Belgium, France and England. Shipping under envelope was added later.

    After the Karlovy Vary resolutions, the post offices refused to introduce newspapers whose responsible editor and publisher were not marked. This requirement determined the imprint requirement . In the early days of the Deutsche Tribüne it happened several times that Wirth's name was not printed on the issues. Bans in individual states restricted the spread. Shortly after its publication, Austria and Prussia prohibited postings to their territories. Smuggling in such territories undermined the prohibitions. Other small states increased the transport fee . Although no direct influence of the Thurn-und-Taxis-Post can be proven, expenditure did not reach the destination. In 1832 editions were probably brought to Prussia via the Leipzig Fair .

    In February 1832 the reprisals on the German tribune intensified . The Kingdom of Saxony and the duchies of Saxony-Coburg-Gotha and Nassau issued bans and followed the line of Prussia and Austria. The operators tried to balance the measures with their own delivery system. The numerous members of the German Press and Fatherland Association did not succeed in setting up a Germany-wide distribution network, but there were two delivery routes in mid-March.

    Pricing

    Footer of the Deutsche Tribüne dated January 4, 1832, publication of the new price at which the Homburg post office bought the newspaper

    In the beginning the newspaper cost one guilder ( florin ) a month without postage . In the case of half-yearly orders, the price for external customers ranged from 7 florins to 15 kr, depending on the distance. up to 7 fl. 45 kr. With the change of year and location, Wirth intended to lower the prices in order to attract more readers. For this he sought a special contract with the Bavarian Post, which in turn demanded a high fee for the transport. King Ludwig I himself interfered in the matter: the special contract should not be concluded. Armansperg meant to recognize that the German tribune should no longer be promoted. However, the king insisted on his instruction: "Every sheet that is handed over for dispatch [... is] to be treated according to the letter tax". For half a year the subscription price between “ Rheinpfalz ” and “Altbayern” was 7 to 8 guilders.

    The composite publications Oppositions-Blatt für Baiern and Das liberale Deutschland were cheaper for those who ordered the Deutsche Tribüne .

    Financing and profitability

    Pre-financing

    For a long time Cotta was seen as a backer of funds. Friedrich Sonntag reported to Cotta about the developments. He also asked Cotta whether he wanted to take part in the German tribune . The offer that the profits would go to the literary-artistic establishment did not help either. Sunday ultimately participated alone. He expected a profit from a thousand subscriptions. The success of the German tribune seemed certain to him. Cotta agreed to the prospect of success for the paper in correspondence with Sonntag.

    The contract between Wirth and his financier Sonntag has apparently not been handed down, but could be deduced from further papers. Sunday was solely responsible in the event of financial failure. Conversely, he was entitled to a fee in the event of success and, in addition, half of the profit. According to the contract, Sunday was only considered a participant and employee of the company; this was important to him, because the authorities could not hold him responsible for the content. The German Tribune described Sunday as a co-owner and " publisher ". However, Sonntag did not want to be named as a “publisher”, but it was de facto in the opinion of Hüls and Schmidt, since he had the economic sovereignty as a businessman and opened up sales markets.

    Joint stock company to finance the express press

    The establishment of stock corporations has been regulated since 1807 according to the code de commerce applicable in the Rhineland . In 1815 the government adopted the provisions for the “société anonyme” from French law in the Rhenish Commercial Code. In order to obtain permission to set up a stock corporation, proof of non-profit status was required . Before 1843, only 41 joint stock companies (excluding railways and highways ) had been applied for for comparison in the “ Rhine Province ” of Prussia . The investment costs totaled 10,000 guilders for the printing company. Six thousand guilders were estimated for the high-speed press. The repayment of the two hundred shares issued was to be made by lot over five years from December 1, 1832. The share certificates earned interest at five percent per year during the term. Interested parties ordered two thirds by mid-November. In addition to private individuals from the “Rhine District” and several small German states, interest went as far as France. Unusually, but spiritually connected, competitor papers also took part. For example, Siebenpfeiffer, the editors of Constitutional Germany from Strasbourg and the publishers of the Hochwächers (later in 1833: The Observer ) from Stuttgart drew it . Georg Friedrich Kolb , publisher of the Neue Speyrer Zeitung , as well as the printer Georg Ritter from Zweibrücken, offered their press for printing, if it was not purchased. The offers were unnecessary because the funds came together before the turn of the year.

    economics

    Wirth had offprints made several times and did not give them away at cost or free of charge. Contemporaries assumed that Wirth was pursuing commercial interests because of the close ties between the German Tribune and the Press and Fatherland Association. According to the German historian Cornelia Foersters, who examined the German Press and Fatherland Association, the financial interest was there, but probably not in the foreground. According to Wirth's book Walderode, a recent historical novella , all income from the sale of the Deutsche Tribüne and also the share capital were used up by the costs. If this information were correct, the repayment of the debt capital to the shareholders and the payment of the promised interest would be unrealistic.

    Characteristics of the newspaper

    According to Dieter Paul Baumert's “functional” distinction from 1928 on “The Origin of German Journalism”, the Deutsche Tribüne can be assigned to the period of literary or reasoning journalism up to the end of March in the professional field of journalism . In terms of time, it lies between the preceding phase of the corresponding and that of the subsequent editorial journalism. The deviation from the ideal type of newspapers between 1750 and 1850 in the separation of the editor and publisher newspaper, which the historian Jörg Requate made, is another characteristic. Requate designated the Deutsche Tribüne as the publisher's newspaper. According to new investigations by Hüls and Schmidt, Sonntag took on the financial risk. Thus, according to facts, he is a “publisher”. Therefore, according to Hüls and Schmidt, the German grandstand deviates from both ideal types and forms a hybrid form.

    For the German media scientist Heinz-Dietrich Fischer, the newspaper was close to the “(party) political groups” of the time and cultivated “combative liberalism”. He mentions the Deutsche Tribüne in the history of the party newspaper because the magazine, as an opinion leader, represents a stage in the development. This is related to the German Press and Fatherland Association. Several contemporary historians who examine modern history see the association “as a relatively well developed pre-form of a modern political party” with regard to the history of German democracy . For the German historian Christian Jansen , Wirth linked the Deutsche Tribüne directly with the liberal-nationalist movement. In particular, the newspaper is associated with the Press and Fatherland Association - "probably the first political mass organization in Germany" and beyond that with the Hambach Festival - "the first large demonstration " .

    Voices on the German grandstand and its significance

    From the 19th century

    The co-editor Georg Fein said about the work: “And even if: the German tribune would […] be suppressed forever, so it has done its best in the short time of its work and can leave the scene calmly. [...] The German tribune encouraged the fearful, held the swaying, excited the lazy ”.

    Wirth's contemporary, the writer Heinrich Heine (1797–1856), wrote that when he looked at "[his] German republicans " he rubbed his eyes and, while reading the German tribune, wondering whether "Doctor Wirth" really exists. Heine counted Wirth among the great poets and said that he "would be a mistaken but brave knight of freedom, as Germany has seen its few". In addition, Heine placed the publicist on the level of the knight Ulrich von Hutten .

    The German cultural historian Johannes Scherr (1817–1886) said in the Deutsche Kultur- und Sittengeschichte (first edition 1852) about Wirth he had “taught his compatriots the language of patriotic anger again” with the German tribune .

    The German cultural historian Johann Jakob Honegger (1825–1896) wrote about Wirth in 1871 that he was driven into republicanism by “ongoing conflicts with the censorship as an indomitable head” and that he was the editor of the “Deutsche Tribüne, which is distinguished by the boldness of language which was immediately banned by the Bundestag ”.

    For the German historian Heinrich von Treitschke , the magazine was part of a “wild” press, and he said that “the Franke Wirth in the German Tribune” spoke “the wildest”. He also said that men of honor who otherwise “never spoke a word” would have stood up and read speeches, “whose sentence structure and thoughts clearly showed the editor of the Deutsche Tribüne.” Wirth was an “unsolicited journalistic employee” who with " terrorism " "the negotiations of the estates [...] poisoned and falsified".

    From the 20th century

    In 1977, the German historian Manfred Treml began evaluating Funk from 1955. He wrote in the Palatinate Homeland sheets that the Deutsche Tribüne and the Westbote were two of the most powerful and decisive growths in liberal journalism and that they had grown out of the "political island of Palatinate".

    For the German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler , Wirth's Deutsche Tribüne, like Siebenpfeiffer's Bote aus dem Westen, was one of the exposed, liberal, short-lived newspapers that appeared in the monotonous panorama of the German press at that time as colorful spots before they were banned or forced into exile. A diverse, materially and legally permanently secured spectrum of opinions would look different.

    From the 21st century

    The German historian Wolfram Siemann , who co-edited an annotated new edition of the Deutsche Tribüne, and the editors Elisabeth Hüls and Hedwig Herold Schmidt wrote that the Deutsche Tribüne was undoubtedly one of the most important opposition papers from Vormärz. Last but not least, the importance would be evident in the efforts to ban the German Confederation and Ludwig I, who intervened directly. The Deutsche Tribüne is mostly only available in fragments in a few libraries. Historical newspapers are endangered written material and are rarely made available as the original, but often only as a film or microfilm. The German Tribune is present in the research literature and often appears in connection with the literature of the 19th century and the Vormärz. Works containing references to the magazine are literature on Johann Georg August Wirth, works on the press and censorship, studies on the opposition movement of the Vormärz and the developments in the party system, state literature on Bavaria and the Bavarian Palatinate, and works on the German- Polish relationship.

    In 2008, the media scientist Jürgen Wilke wrote about the newspapers from 1831/32, which also included the Deutsche Tribüne , that they rose up as a liberal-democratic voice with a firm journalistic objective. However, the newspapers provoked the authorities with clear language and a critical tone and contributed to ending the period of freedom in Bavaria, which had begun promisingly when King Ludwig took office in 1825.

    In 2013, the German historian Christian Jansen said , as the co-editor Siemann wrote in the foreword to the new edition, that the readers of the Deutsche Tribüne had access to this newspaper “to a communication space that, since the revolutions in England, North America and France, the opposition and liberal opinion leaders of the Word and pen in Europe connected ”.

    Elisabeth Hüls thinks that the German tribune is suitable as a learning material. The magazine would be exemplary as an example of school lessons for education in the political press and censorship as well as press law and should illustrate the time of the Vormärz.

    Worth mentioning

    Ernst Sammer - Wirth Memorial - Grandstand I - 1998.jpg
    Monument "Deutsche Tribüne II" for Johann Georg August Wirth in front of the Freedom Hall Hof.jpg


    Left: Sculpture Tribune by the sculptor Andreas Theurer in the inner city of Hof an der Saale
    Right: Sculpture Tribune II also by Theurer in front of the Freedom Hall in Hof

    The ban efforts in connection with the Deutsche Tribüne and Siebenpfeiffer's Westbote cost the district government in the Rhine district almost 300 guilders, with the Wirths newspaper accounting for the largest share of the costs. The Rhine district exceeded its budget because of this. The costs placed such a burden on the budget that supplements were requested from the Ministry of the Interior.

    Issues of the Deutsche Tribüne from January to March 1832 achieved a lover's price of 17 gulden in 1835.

    In his newspaper Wirth had a dispute with the publication in which the painter and general Karl Wilhelm von Heideck (called Heidegger) wrote. The argument led to a duel between the opponents. The writer Ernst Ludwig Große wrote a poem in memory of this in 1832 with the title To the Doctor Wirth, editor of the Deutsche Tribüne. After the duel with Mr. von Heidegg in Munich. in his work Songs from Exile .

    Monument of the German Tribune :

    • The city of birth of Johann Georg August Wirth's Hof an der Saale honored him on the 150th anniversary of his death (July 26, 1998) with a memorial in the city center: On the Dr.-Wirth-Platz named after him , the city placed one by the Berlin sculptor Andreas Theurer created, accessible, abstracted side of the grandstand in the dimensions 14 × 11 meters. In 2012 the city covered the monument and removed it a little later. At the end of the year, a smaller version was installed near the Freiheitshalle .

    Honor for Wirth's work:

    • Since 2009, the Academy for New Media in Kulmbach has awarded the Johann-Georg-August-Wirth-Prize to people who have made a special contribution to the training and further education of young journalists.
    • In Homburg, on April 21, 2012, a memorial plaque was unveiled on the house at Eisenbahnstrasse 11 in memory of Wirth's work in the city.

    Source edition

    • Johann Georg August Wirth: German Tribune (1831-1832). newly published by Wolfram Siemann and Christof Müller-Wirth. 2 volumes in 3 sub-volumes (new version of the original with extensive commentary volume). KG Saur, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-598-11543-1 . Volume 1: German grandstand. edited by Elisabeth Hüls and Hedwig Herold-Schmidt. Volume 2: Presentation, commentary, glossary, register, documents. by Elisabeth Hüls and Hedwig Herold-Schmidt.
      • Reviewed by Christian Jansen in the Historische Zeitschrift and Paul Hoser for the Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte . Commentary on the source edition on Perlentaucher .
      • Elisabeth Hüls: The German Tribune 1831/32 . Political press and censorship. In: Nils Freytag, Dominik Petzold (Ed.): The ›long‹ 19th century . Old questions and new perspectives. Münchner Universitätsschriften Volume X. Herbert Utze Verlag, Munich 2007, ISBN 978-3-8316-0725-9 , pp. 27–45 ( limited preview in the Google book search - summary article of the 2007 anthology edited by Wolfram Siemann and Christof Müller-Wirth).

    literature

    • Christof Müller-Wirth: The "German Tribune" - Vision or Monument? The fate of a newspaper and its publicist in the pre-March years 1831/32 . In: Hambach Society for Historical Research and Civic Education eV (Ed.): Yearbook 13 . Neustadt an der Weinstrasse 2005, ISBN 3-89735-434-9 .
    • Michail Krausnick : Johann Georg August Wirth, champion for unity, law and freedom, a biography . Beltz-Quadriga, Weinheim 1997, ISBN 3-88679-289-7 .

    Web links

    Commons : Deutsche Tribüne  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

    Remarks

    1. Dealing with the press and its censorship is also attributed to the treatment of the German Tribune at that time and generalized from it. In: Elisabeth Hüls, Hedwig Herold Schmidt: German tribune. Volume 2: Presentation, commentary, glossary, register, documents. P. 7, P. 99. & in: Elisabeth Hüls, Die Deutsche Tribüne 1831/32, Herbert Utze, Munich, P. 27
    2. Since 1820 the entertainment magazine Flora appeared in Munich . The editor was Friedrich Albert von Klebe (1769–1843); Doctor, professor of geography and councilor in Munich. In the 1830s, however, appeared as editor and editor a Dr. [Andreas Christian] Birch . In Elisabeth Hüls, Hedwig Herold Schmidt: German tribune. Volume 2: Presentation, commentary, glossary, register, documents. P. 226.
    3. For comparison: Income in the 19th century in Westphalia (reason for emigration, in particular, of the thirties and Forty-Eighters to America): “A farmhand earned between 1 and 2 talers per month, an experienced foreman a maximum of 30 talers a year, plus food and lodging , as primitive as the latter was. Her female counterparts rarely earned more than 1 thaler a month, except as a weaver. The wages for weavers, regardless of gender, were estimated at around 2 thalers per month, plus board and lodging. Except in a few very specialized trades, other craftsmen hardly made any money. In 1861 an official in Tecklenburg estimated that craftsmen earned only around 20 to 30 thalers a year in addition to their housing and food. [...] A sum of 60 thalers meant the savings of a few years, [...] ”; in Walter D. Kamphoefner : Westphalia in the New World - A Social History of Emigration in the 19th Century. , Studies on historical migration research, V&R unipress, Göttingen, 2006, ISBN 3-89971-206-4 , p. 63.
    4. In Baden the conditions for founding an opposition newspaper were favorable, because at the end of December 1831 the Baden Chamber passed a press law that "all censorship of printed matter that is published or distributed in the Grand Duchy of Baden" was repealed. In: Elisabeth Hüls, Hedwig Herold Schmidt: German tribune. Volume 2: Presentation, commentary, glossary, register, documents. P. 61.
    5. Present were: Siebenpfeiffer , Wirth , Schüler , Savoye , Brüggemann , Georg Strecker, Hütlin (Mayor of Konstanz ), Delisle (City Council of Konstanz), Cornelius, Funck , von Rauschenplatt , Stromeyer , Hallauer , Meyer, Huda, Berchelmann, Venedey and more by chance Benjamin Ferdinand von Schachtmeyer (Rittmeister retired); In: Benjamin Krebs: Presentation of the main results from the investigations carried out in Germany because of the revolutionary plots of recent times. Frankfurt am Main 1838, p. 26 and In: Anton Bauer: criminal law cases. Göttingen 1837, p. 286.
    6. For comparison: Eduard von Schenk (Minister of the Interior until May 1831) classified 36 MPs with a politically unclear orientation and 46 people were considered to be opposition members. In: Elisabeth Hüls, Hedwig Herold Schmidt: German tribune. Volume 2: Presentation, commentary, glossary, register, documents. Pp. 19, 491.
    7. For comparison: Susanne Lachenicht notes with regard to the quarto format during the time of the French Revolution in the Alsace region that it was used by several newspapers. The advantage was the larger space for the design of the sheet. A third more information could be conveyed per side than with the octave format. In addition, newspapers in quarto format had a more serious and solid reputation than those that appeared in octave format. In: Susanne Lachenicht : Information and Propaganda . The press of German Jacobins in Alsace (1791–1800). Oldenbourg, Munich 2004, ISBN 3-486-56816-7 , p. 202 ( limited preview in Google Book search).
    8. For comparison, first: “In the first half of the 19th century, a servant earned around 60 florins, a maid 30 florins, the Lord Mayor of Karlsruhe around 300 florins and his city servant 125 florins and a pastor up to 500 florins a year. In addition, there were mostly benefits in kind ”. In Peter Pretsch: Gulden, Mark, Euro - minted in Karlsruhe. , in From Gulden to Euro - 175 Years of Karlsruhe Mint. , INFO Verlagsgesellschaft, Karlsruhe 2002, ISBN 3-88190-290-2 , p. 14 ( limited preview in the Google book search)
      Secondly for comparison: The journalist Moritz Saphier earned an annual salary of as an informer in the service of Prince von Metternich 1,500 florins In: Elisabeth Hüls, Hedwig Herold Schmidt: Deutsche Tribüne. Volume 2: Presentation, commentary, glossary, register, documents. P. 39.
      Thirdly, for comparison: Georg Fein, as a co-editor, counted on an income of 1,000 to 1,200 florins and assumed that he would receive at least 800 florins. In: Elisabeth Hüls, Hedwig Herold Schmidt: German tribune. Volume 2: Presentation, commentary, glossary, register, documents. P. 80.
    9. Excerpt: “A small faction branched out from liberalism and pursued revolutionary purposes. It was recruited from the youth of the fraternity , who were prepared to exchange romantic French-gnawing for French republicanism ; But there were also men who, like Johann Georg August Wirth, whose journal 'the German Tribune' taught his compatriots the language of patriotic anger again, in the spirit of the Wars of Liberation, remained averse to the French and the idea of ​​a republic only on a national basis wanted to see realized. [...] The demagogues - that was their official designation - were cruelly mistaken and, to their bitter damage, were to find out that sometimes French, but never German history makes leaps ". See Johannes Scherr, Deutsche Kultur- und Sittengeschichte. 2nd Edition. Otto Wigand, Leipzig 1858, p. 497.

    Individual evidence

    1. a b c d Dieter Langewiesche : On the survival of the Old Empire in the 19th century . The composite state tradition. In: Andreas Klinger, Hans-Werner Hahn, Georg Schmidt (eds.): The year 1806 in a European context . Balance, hegemony and political cultures. Böhlau, Cologne • Weimar • Vienna 2008, ISBN 978-3-412-19206-8 , pp. 126-128 .
    2. ^ Heinrich August Winkler : The long way to the west - German history . from the end of the Old Reich to the fall of the Weimar Republic. IV edition. CH Beck, Munich 2002, ISBN 3-406-46001-1 , p. 71 ( limited preview in Google Book search).
    3. Wolfgang Hardtwig : The German way into modernity . The simultaneity of the non-simultaneous as a basic problem of German history 1789–1871. In: Nationalism and civil culture in Germany, 1500–1914: selected essays / by Wolfgang Hardtwig. Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, Göttingen 1994, ISBN 3-525-01355-8 , pp. 173 ( limited preview in Google Book search).
    4. Jürgen Müller: The German Confederation . 1815-1866. tape 78 . Oldenbourg, Munich 2006, ISBN 3-486-55028-4 , p. 6 .
    5. a b c d e f g Elisabeth Hüls, Hedwig Herold Schmidt: Deutsche Tribüne. Volume 2: Presentation, commentary, glossary, register, documents. P. 21 f.
    6. ^ Wolfram Siemann : Metternich . Statesman between restoration and modernity. CH Beck, Munich 2010, ISBN 978-3-406-58784-9 , p. 71 ( limited preview in Google Book search).
    7. a b Ilja Mieck : Handbook of Prussian History . The 19th century and major themes in the history of Prussia. Ed .: Otto Büsch. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 1992, ISBN 3-11-008322-1 , p. 179 f .
    8. ^ Rolf Grimminger: Between Restoration and Revolution 1815–1848 - Hanser's Social History of German Literature from the 16th Century to the Present . Ed .: Gert Sautermeister, Ulrich Schmid. tape 5 . Deutscher Taschenbuch-Verlag, Munich 1998, ISBN 3-423-04347-4 , pp. 1 ( online at dtv.de [PDF]).
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