Rights to life movement

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The pro-life movement (also pro-life , life protection movement , anti-abortion ) is a social movement that emerged in the early 1970s, first in the US and primarily against abortions done. Since the 1990s she has also campaigned against euthanasia , cloning , prenatal diagnostics and some areas of biotechnology , such as consuming stem cell research and consuming embryo research . The opposite social movement on the subject of abortion is called Pro-Choice .

term

The term "pro-life" was first used in 1971 , according to the Oxford English Dictionary and Merriam-Webster's Dictionary . In the usual sense today, that is, as a term for the refusal to abortion, the term was not mentioned until January 18, 1976 in an article in the New York Times .

In German-speaking countries, groups that have organized themselves against abortion are self-labeled as "right-wing" or "life protectors". After a book with the title Caution Life Guards The Power of Organized Abortion Opponents was published in 1991 , the term "Life Guards" was perceived as discriminatory by the activists, so they used the American term for the pro-life movement at times .

history

1960s

A historical change began in the industrialized countries of the West from the mid-1960s: the first birth control pills came onto the market, and the so-called sexual revolution began around the same time . At the same time, the new women's movement was formed , which called for women to determine their own pregnancies. In the FRG, the reform of § 218 StGB was discussed in a publicly effective way.

After abortion had previously been approved to varying degrees in some European countries , the American Law Institute proposed a relaxation of the relevant legislation in the United States in 1962. Other social groups joined this over the course of the decade. From 1967 onwards, more and more US states changed their laws. 1967, the first American life rights organization that emerged Virginia Society for Human Life , and in 1968 with the National Right to Life Committee (NRLC) is the oldest US-wide organization of its kind. In 1968, the legislation was to abortion in the UK reformed.

1970s

1973 issued Supreme Court of the United States , the decision in Roe v. Wade , who derived an unspecified right to privacy from the constitution , including the right to abortion . This made the termination legal in the 31 US states in which no corresponding parliamentary resolution had been passed. As a result of this decision, numerous pro-life organizations were founded. In 1978 the American Life League was formed .

In 1972, with the law on the interruption of pregnancy, the period regulation for termination of pregnancy was introduced in the GDR . A corresponding attempt by the legislature in the Federal Republic of Germany failed in 1975 due to a ruling by the Federal Constitutional Court , whereupon a new version of Section 218 of the Criminal Code, namely the indication solution with a combination of indication and advice certificate, came into force in 1976 .

The first right to life groups in the Federal Republic of Germany emerged in the early 1970s as a reaction to the project to legalize abortion and the public discussion about a reform of § 218. They were founded explicitly as antagonists of the Second Women's Movement and other emancipatory movements. In 1974 a group of students founded the Aktion Lebensrecht für Alle (ALfA). Another organization followed was the Christian Movement for Life / Action Life eV, founded in Absteinach / Odenwald in 1979, which, together with the European Doctors' Action and other smaller groups, formed the reactionary wing of the movement and is known for its aggressive behavior in so-called atonement marches and demonstrations was. In leaflets and in the magazine Christ und Welt , abortions were compared with the Holocaust and the deadline solution equated with the final solution . More moderate groups of the rights to life movement refused to work with these groups. However, differences between the individual groups do not concern the question of what one wants to achieve politically, but rather questions of strategy and public image.

In Austria , a period regulation was introduced in 1975, where the first major organization for the right to live was the Aktion Leben Österreich, which mainly operates in the social field . The Swiss Association Yes to Life was formed in 1972 to fight 1971 launched federal popular initiative unpunished abortion .

1980s

In the mid-1980s, several German life rights organizations were founded, such as the Juristen-Vereinigung Lebensrecht e. V. , to which Rainer Beckmann belongs, with her magazine for right to live . In 1985, the Christian Democrats for Life were founded by party members of the CDU / CSU .

In the 1980s, German lawyers tried to tighten § 218, because, in their opinion , a social indication would in fact be equivalent to the time limit that the Federal Constitutional Court had declared unconstitutional. They also sued unsuccessfully against the assumption of costs for abortions by health insurance companies , which cover the costs in 90 percent of all abortions.

Also in 1985, the “Right to Life” initiative was voted on in Switzerland, aiming to anchor the principle “A person's life begins with his conception and ends with his natural death” in the constitution . The constitutional amendment was rejected by the Swiss electorate with a 70 percent majority.

1990s

By the 1990s, the right-to-life groups in the United States had grown into a movement with millions of followers and exerted significant social influence. In contrast to the situation in Europe , the political lobbying work of the right to life movement ( Pro-Life ) as well as the advocates of free abortion ( Pro-Choice ) play a very significant role in public opinion in the USA .

In the new federal states , more than 40 smaller life protection groups and initiatives joined forces in 1990 to form the umbrella organization Kaleb , which formulates a Christian self-image for the right to live movement and is now organized nationwide and, among other things, now operates nationwide with advice centers for pregnant girls and women.

In 1995, the indication solution in Germany was replaced by a time limit for prescribed advice. The dispute between the German right to live groups and the regional churches over the advisory certificate came to a head. Many right-of-life groups turned against the advice certificate issued by the Catholic Church and most of the Protestant churches in their counseling centers, which from August 1, 1995 was the only legal requirement for an abortion without punishment, as it saw the churches involved in abortion. In 1999 the Pope ordered that Catholic counseling centers no longer issue such counseling certificates.

The toleration of euthanasia, legalized since 2001, in the Netherlands, Belgium , Oregon , Colombia and parts of Australia became a central theme of the movement towards the right to life, which is strictly against active euthanasia. Also bioethical issues ( brain death debate , bioethics convention , medically assisted reproduction) won in the pro-life movement is becoming increasingly important.

Since 2000

In connection with the cloning attempts on animals (e.g. the cloned sheep Dolly ), the right to life movement campaigned against reproductive and therapeutic cloning. Other bioethical topics were added, for example research and interventions in the human genome or research on and with embryonic stem cells .

In November 2000, the Swiss life rights organizations submitted the popular initiative “for mother and child - for the protection of the unborn child and for help to its mother in need”, which was submitted in 2002 at the same time as a referendum against the 2001 of 2001 by life rights organizations and the Christian Democratic People's Party Parliament approved revision of Articles 118–121 of the Criminal Code (time limit regulation) came to a vote. The deadline regulation was adopted in a referendum in 2002 with 72.2 percent of the votes, the initiative was rejected with 81.8 percent.

In February 2007, the movement for the right to life was defeated in the referendum in Portugal , which confirmed the deadline for termination of pregnancy with around 60 percent. In 2009 the right to life movement in Spain fought against a bill by the Spanish government to liberalize Spanish abortion law and took part in large demonstrations, such as a rally in Madrid in October 2009 with around 1.5 million participants.

In Italy, with the support of the Catholic Church and the Catholic press , the movement is fighting against the approval of the “abortion pill” Mifegyne (RU 486).

In Germany, in June 2010 , the Federal Constitutional Court overturned an injunction against public protests in front of abortion practices with reference to the fundamental right to freedom of expression, but pointed out that certain protests could also be prohibited if, for example, patients were on the way would be exposed to a "gauntlet run" into the doctor's office, since the Basic Law protects freedom of expression, but not actions that are supposed to impose an opinion on others.

In September 2011, in a referendum in Liechtenstein, an application to legalize abortion within the first twelve weeks was rejected.

World outlook and philosophical background

Overall, the movement towards the right to life is heterogeneous, so that a clear sociological classification is not possible. Within Catholicism , but also within Protestantism , the idea of ​​protecting life is strongly represented. Some organizations see themselves as cross-denominational, others as explicitly Protestant or Catholic. In the USA, for example, Christian groups are particularly involved in the pro-life movement. But there are also other organizations that have a more liberal or left - progressive background, or describe themselves as feminist.

The idea of ​​protecting life is partly justified on a religious basis, for example by referring to the Christian image of man. American rights activists rely on Christian theology and religious metaphors and deontological ethics . In addition, life rights activists fall back on enlightening traditions or other philosophical theories. Often reference is made to the argument formulated by Immanuel Kant , for example , according to which human dignity consists precisely in never being a “means to an end”, i.e. ultimately being the object of others, but always an “end in itself”. Lifelong advocates argue that the rejection of all abortions is also a result of “Western values”. In order to justify its claim to comprehensive change in society in its favor, the right to life movement presents itself as a legitimate representative of different moral traditions.

Not all life rights activists in turn recognize all life as worthy of protection. According to Backhouse and Flanery (1992), Lippy (2006) and Ford (1994), life protectors opposed abortion, but some advocated the death penalty. According to a 2011 US poll, 70% of Republicans and 85% of Tea Party supporters who identify as “pro-life” support the death penalty.

Fertilization, i.e. the fusion of egg and sperm cells, is regarded as the beginning of individual human life, regardless of whether it takes place in the woman's body (in vivo) or in a test tube (in vitro). This is usually justified with the arguments potentiality, identity and continuity: an embryo already has the potential to grow into a complete human being, it is identical to the person it will be later and for life, and its development is continuous without any character-changing one Cuts.

An abort the pregnancy , the prevention of implantation ( nidation ) of the fertilized egg, or the destruction of an embryo in vitro for research or therapeutic purposes is, according to the pro-life movement considered killing of a person at an early stage of development and can not, therefore, with the Reference to other wishes (such as that of the woman for self-determination or that of a sick person for health) are justified. Contraceptives that do not prevent fertilization but rather the implantation of a fertilized egg in the uterus are also rejected for this reason.

The protest of the right-of-life groups is directed against all interventions at the beginning and at the end of life, which they understand as against nature or divinity. The concerns of some life rights groups such as the European Doctors' Action and the World Federation of Doctors Who Respect Human Life include the rejection of abortions and legislation that legalizes them in whole or in part, as well as "the fight against homosexuality and the advocacy of restrictive sexual morality".

Some right-to-life organizations base their opposition to abortion on definitions of human dignity under international law . Thus, in the original English text, the relevant UN conventions speak of inherent right to life and not, as in the respective German translation, of innate right. Since the German translations are not declared as valid international law, this line of argument is coherent.

Issues of the right to life movement

Termination of pregnancy

Most life rights organizations believe that the protection of prenatal life should not only be ensured with the help of social measures, for example by improving the living conditions of families and children, but also through awareness-raising and legal regulations on abortion, including criminal law. There are different opinions between the individual groups about the steps required for this and their design. In addition to surgical methods, drug-induced abortions are also rejected.

The Aktion Lebensrecht für Alle eV (ALfA eV for short) as the largest lifelong organization in Germany, for example, deals with problematic exceptional cases such as life-threatening circumstances of pregnancy for the mother, the child's lack of viability and termination of pregnancy after rape and does not see distances from ectopic pregnancies as an abortion.

Cloning practices

The right to life movement opposes all forms of cloning and the biotechnological measures required for this , for example the production and use of human embryos for medical purposes or the extraction of embryonic stem cells. The destruction of "surplus" embryos from in vitro fertilization is also rejected. On the other hand, research with adult stem cells is expressly supported, since only body cells of a born human are used for this, without this person being harmed in any way.

Preimplantation and prenatal diagnosis

The preimplantation genetic diagnosis (PGD), are examined in the fertilized egg cells in vitro prior to transfer into the uterus and destroyed with a corresponding disease finding is rejected by the life movement. Likewise, prenatal diagnostics carried out during pregnancy are only accepted insofar as they serve the well-being of mother and child and do not lead to the selection of desired characteristics. In particular, in Germany, for example, if there is a medical-social indication until the birth, legal late termination is criticized by the life rights movement, among other things, because it represents a discrimination against people with disabilities.

euthanasia

Lifeguards understand this to mean, in particular, resistance to any legalization of active euthanasia . However, the line between active and passive euthanasia cannot always be drawn clearly. Life rights activists in the USA and Italy have vehemently opposed the switching off of ventilators and artificial nutrition for patients who have been in a coma for years. In Switzerland they are aiming for a ban or at least a more restrictive regulation of assisted suicide . Instead, life rights organizations are calling for palliative medicine to be expanded and for the living conditions of those affected and their relatives to be improved.

Even organ transplants from brain-dead donors are used by many life rights activists because of their doubts about the concept of brain death viewed critically.

Methods

rhetoric

Opponents of abortion use a certain framing and occupy terms to influence laws and public opinion about abortion in terms of the goals of the rights to life movement. With the self-description as “Pro Life” (dt. “For life”) it is suggested that the proponents of the legalization of abortion are “anti life”, i. H. "Against life" are. Instead of blastocyst , embryo , fetus and other medical terms to describe the various stages of development, activists use the term “unborn child” or “life” together with adjectives such as “defenseless”. Another strategy is to use mothers instead of women and say “partial birth abortion” instead of “late abortion”.

In addition, life rights activists use terms such as “murder” in connection with abortion and compare abortion to the genocide of the Jews in the Third Reich. Examples of this are formulations such as “new Holocaust ” or “then: Holocaust - today: Babycaust ”. American rights activists also compare abortion to slavery , an analogy first made by Ronald Reagan in 1983 and since then used by Republicans like Rick Santorum , Mike Huckabee, and Michele Bachmann .

Recordings of fetuses

Another means is the display of greatly enlarged images of aborted fetuses. The fetus is represented as a person detached from the mother's body and from the technology that enables fetal images. The depicted independence from the mother reinforces the message from anti-abortionists that the fetus is an autonomous being, which is entitled to rights independent of the pregnant woman. Images of damaged fetuses are said to shock and arouse revulsion and rejection of abortion. The activists also use pictures of developed fetuses, although abortions after the first trimester are rare. Alternatively, life rights activists display pictures of intact fetuses. The aim is no longer to shock, but to encourage emotional identification between a pregnant woman and a fetus.

In several states in the United States, as a result of anti- abortion lobbying, laws have been passed requiring any woman who wants to have an abortion to undergo an ultrasound scan and be shown the images beforehand. Depending on which method can be used to image the fetus earlier, either transvaginal or abdominal sonography is carried out, for which the woman has to pay because the examination is medically unnecessary and is therefore not covered by insurance. In addition to the ultrasound image, the pregnant woman receives detailed verbal descriptions of the recording. These laws are based on the assumption that women who see the ultrasound image will choose not to have an abortion. So far (2010) there is no study on the effects in the United States. A 2009 survey of two Canadian abortion clinics in the European Journal of Contraception and Reproductive Health Care found that 86% of the 254 women who viewed the admission felt the experience was positive. Interviews were conducted with ten women: all recommended that the option to see ultrasound images of the fetuses should be given to every woman before an abortion. None of the women decided against the planned abortion. Because fetuses show little human features in the first trimester, which is 90% of abortions in the United States, some women find the images comforting.

activities

Public presence

Life rights activists try, among other things, by participating in the formation of political wills to influence the legal and social conditions in line with the goals of the life rights movement. For example, in 2011, 14 states in the United States passed 70 laws restricting abortion rights. This includes For example, a law in Kansas that requires medical personnel to describe the fetus to women as a "whole, self-contained, unique, living human being," and a law in South Dakota that requires women to seek abortion in To seek advice from pregnancy centers of the right to life movement.

There is a wide range within the movement in terms of the methods by which the different groups try to achieve the goals described. In the United States, more drastic methods are sometimes used, such as blocking hospitals where abortions are performed. Operation Rescue, founded by Randall Terry in 1986, was one of the first rights groups in the United States to use militant means such as intimidation and physical harassment to prevent women and doctors from entering abortion clinics for days or weeks Calling activists "killing centers", among other things, preventing them from having abortion, which they call child murder, in "pregnancy counseling". In 1991, activists blocked abortion clinics in Wichita, Kansas, for 46 days .

Plastic models of about ten weeks old embryos that are distributed during the “embryo offensive”

The following list can be cited as concrete examples of actions by anti-abortionists in Germany:

  • The organization Aktion Leben provides information on various topics on its website, including abortion, euthanasia, bioethics , religious questions and other topics.
  • Opponents of abortion carry out so-called "sidewalk consultations". They address pregnant women in front of advice centers such as Pro Familia and abortion clinics and give them plastic fetuses, brochures and flyers with abortion pictures.
  • In so-called “embryo offensives”, the association Durchblick eV distributes plastic models of embryos to households in the tenth week of pregnancy. The tenth week of pregnancy was chosen because, according to the chairman of the association, Thomas Schührer, most abortions take place in this developmental stage of the embryo. According to Destatis , around 80% of abortions are performed before the tenth week of pregnancy.
  • In several European cities, anti-abortionists hold so-called “ marches for life ” and “1000 crosses” campaigns. Many protesters wear white crosses to indicate the abortion of around 1,000 embryos and fetuses reportedly per day. According to the Federal Statistical Office, 106,800 abortions were reported in Germany in 2012, fewer than 500 per working day. Such protest marches regularly lead to counter-demonstrations and disturbances.

Advisory institutions

Many groups of the right to life movement are socially engaged, for example in advising and caring for pregnant women. In the US there are several thousand so-called Crisis Pregnancy Centers (CPC), in which life rights activists advise pregnant women against abortion. According to estimates from 2008, there are around 200 of these centers in Canada, more than than abortion clinics. Many CPCs in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom use medically unrecognized information about the perceived health and psychological risks of abortion. A 2012 study found that 92 (38%) of 195 Crisis Pregnancy Centers surveyed in nine states in the United States posted medical misinformation on their websites, such as alleged links between abortion and mental disorders (91 centers) , Preterm birth (49 centers), breast cancer (33 centers), and infertility (14 centers). Another study in the same year found that 31 (86%) of 36 South Carolina centers analyzed contained incorrect information on their websites, including an alleged association of abortion with " post-abortion stress ". In addition, phone calls and visits to centers offering advice on abortion and abortion risks found that abortion was linked to mental health problems (26%), infertility (26%) and breast cancer (16%). There have been cases of misleading advertising by crisis pregnancy centers in the United States . For example, they covertly advertised in the industry telephone directory under the heading of abortion clinics to attract more pregnant women considering an abortion to the CPC. In addition, individual life rights activists are also involved in the area of ​​sexual ethics, often taking Christian positions.

controversy

science

After the violence committed by life rights activists in the 1990s, activists changed their strategy and rhetoric. Life rights activists have now claimed that abortion causes physical and mental illness in women. This approach differs from the fetus-centered discourse, which portrays the aborted fetus as a murdered child and the mother as an immoral murderer. The women-centric strategy seeks to reposition life rights activists as protectors rather than critics of women considering abortion.

Life rights activists claim, among other things, that abortion causes breast cancer and mental disorders . Medical associations such as the World Health Organization , the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists , the National Cancer Institute , the American Cancer Society, and the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists dispute a causal relationship between abortion and breast cancer. According to the German Cancer Research Center , abortions do not pose a cancer risk. Rather, "some contributions from anti-abortionists, despite the lack of scientific facts, have been exploited" in order to "fight against abortions - including legal ones."

As post-abortion syndrome (PAS), life rights activists refer to the alleged psychological disorders as a result of an abortion. This is not recognized as a syndrome by any medical or psychological association . The PAS is not classified as a disorder in either the ICD or the DSM . Systematic reviews by the American Psychological Association and the National Health Service have shown that a single abortion within the first three months does not increase the risk of developing mental disorders. Other systematic reviews came to similar results. The PAS is also asserted by German groups on the right to life such as the Action Life Rights for All on their websites.

According to current scientific opinion, the means to regulate conception, which are referred to as nidation inhibitors and rejected by the right to life movement, work primarily by preventing ovulation , impairing the transport of the egg cell in the fallopian tube and impairing the mobility of the sperm. It has also been argued that the natural methods of contraception promoted by the rights movement, such as the symptothermal method , could result in a far greater number of "embryos destroyed" than the contraceptives currently criticized by the rights movement.

society

In the view of the right to life movement, human life comes to an end with natural death. Critics complain that it is unclear what is meant by the term "natural death". In its message on the popular initiative “for the right to life”, the Swiss Federal Council describes this definition of the end of life as questionable, indefinite, and scientifically incorrect.

Comparisons to murder, Holocaust and slavery are criticized as misleading and as trivializing the Holocaust and slavery.

In Germany, the indexed website babycaust.de is an example of this. However, some organizations and advocates of the rights to life movement distance themselves from such methods. Alexandra Maria Linder, chairwoman of the Bundesverband Lebensrecht eV (BVL), the largest German umbrella organization for the movement, criticizes babycaust.de in a discussion by the Stern-DISKUTHEK. The babycaust.de operator, the “Initiative Never Again” is also not a member of the BVL. The Süddeutsche Zeitung comes to the conclusion that the BVL does not consider the “Initiative Never Again” to be serious. The Christian media magazine PRO, which speaks openly for the goals of the right to live movement, describes the website babycaust.de as "so radical that you can only reject it." As the German Center Party in a leaflet with reference to the subject of the protection of life and the inscription " Abortion makes free “When comparing abortions with the Holocaust, both the BVL and the openly pro-life Evangelical Alliance in Germany criticized the action. The BVL emphasized that such points of view are not compatible with the serious rights movement in Germany.

Critics question the credibility of the right-to-life movement and the philosophy it advocates for the protection of life, citing its inadequate commitment to the death penalty, to stricter gun laws and organizations like Planned Parenthood , and argue that abortions are necessary in some situations to protect the lives of pregnant women to rescue. Such abortions are also "pro-life" in this sense.

From the feminist side in particular, protectors of life are accused of giving unborn life priority and degrading women to objects. They preferred to care for the unborn rather than the born life. One study found that children in states with strict abortion policies are worse off in terms of health and welfare than children in states with liberal abortion regulations. Unwanted and unwanted children who have to grow up under inhuman conditions are just as irrelevant to them as overstrained and unwilling mothers and the consequences of this for children and mothers. Lifeguards reject this criticism, arguing that they are active in associations that help needy mothers and are committed to improving the possibilities for mothers to enable them to live with their children. However, advocates for the rights of life have on various occasions campaigned against measures to reconcile work and family (e.g. child day care ) because they represent a traditional family image. Critics describe the point of view of life rights activists as contradicting itself. On the one hand, life advocates are committed to fetal life; on the other, they are calling for cuts in Medicaid programs such as the Children's Health Insurance Program , which provides insurance coverage for millions of children in need in America.

It is also criticized that the right-to-life movement has intensified the discussion about the rights of women and fetus by opening up access to mass culture with images of fetuses and films such as The Silent Scream and with its own radio and television programs. This initiated a lasting shift in the perception of pregnancy, which degraded the woman to a “container” of an embryo endowed with rights, personality traits and claims to protection.

Monika Frommel explains that all modern legal cultures strive for the same goal: "A practical concordance of protection of life on the one hand and respect for the personal rights of the woman concerned on the other." The unborn child is protected with the woman, not against her and not against their will.

In 2018, the author collective Eike Sanders, Kirsten Achtelik and Ulli Jentsch showed in their book "Kulturkampf und Gewissen" that some sections of the right to life activists often worked together with right-wing populist parties: " The 'Lebensschutz' movement is [...] in Agreement with those sections of the extreme right who are waging a culture war from the right against the alleged »Islamization of Europe« - which the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) invokes as well as the Pegida movement - or the 'culture wars' that Trump - Administration and its sympathizers. By adapting to today's conditions, the 'life protection' movement also wants to benefit from the right-wing upswing and face the secularization of society anew: On the one hand, it stylizes Christians as threatened and therefore worthy of protection Minority and delegitimized criticism of them; on the other hand, scientific and medical ethics are paralleled stresses chemical and legal arguments and strategies. "

denunciation

In January 2013 it became known that a private detective had visited Catholic clinics or their emergency clinics in Cologne on behalf of radical life protectors. She had asked for the morning-after pill and denounced institutions that had fulfilled her wish to the Archdiocese of Cologne . The campaign was organized by ProLife members and financed by the Wiesbaden health insurance company BKK IHV as part of a contract with ProLife that still existed at the time. In the internet portal gloria.tv the names of the treating doctors were mentioned "in a denunciating style". As a result, two rape victims were refused treatment or evidence in Catholic hospitals.

In the dispute over the allocation of the morning-after pill to Catholic hospitals, the bishops in North Rhine-Westphalia agreed to a declaration by the Archdiocese of Cologne, according to which the offer of a morning-after pill could be part of the treatment of women after rape. Then the English version of Gloria.tv showed several bishops in a montage with swastikas.

violence

Attacks on abortion clinics and medical personnel are defined as domestic, "single issue" terrorism by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Canadian Security Intelligence Service . Such violence is also described in academic papers as limited, politically motivated terrorism.

In the USA in particular, a radical minority of anti-abortionists have been trying to achieve their goals since the 1970s through criminal actions such as bomb attacks, murder and attempted murder of doctors as well as siege and harassment of patients in family planning centers. Statistical information on the extent and classification of the acts of violence vary. According to the American Association of Abortion Providers, the National Abortion Federation , eight people were murdered in this context in the United States and Canada between 1977 and 2009. There were 17 attempted murders, 41 bomb attacks and 175 arson attacks. According to a 2011 study, over 300 acts of extreme violence including arson , bombing, attempted murder, and butyric acid attacks against abortion providers were committed in the United States between 1973 and 2003 .

The National Coalition for Life and Peace has publicly condemned such actions and clearly distances itself from any form of violence.

literature

  • Manfred Balkenohl (editor), Roland Rösler: Handbook for the protection of life and the right to life , Bonifatius, Paderborn 2010, ISBN 978-3-89710-451-8
  • K. Cassidy: "The right to life movement: sources, development, and strategies." In: J Policy Hist. 1995; 7 (1): 128-59. PMID 12346342
  • Michi Knecht: Between Religion, Biology and Politics. A cultural anthropological analysis of the life protection movement , LIT Verlag, Berlin-Münster-Wien-Zurich-London 2006, ISBN 978-3-8258-7007-2
  • Linda Gordon: Freedom of choice versus 'pro-life'. The political struggle for reproductive rights in the USA. In: Gudrun Wolfgruber et al. (Ed.): Having children - having children. Analyzes in the field of tension between state policies and private life plans , Studienverlag, Innsbruck a. a. 2007, ISBN 978-3-7065-4073-5 , pp. 77-107
  • Oda Lambrecht, Christian Baars: Mission of God's Kingdom - Fundamentalist Christians in Germany. Ch. Links Verlag, Berlin 2009. ISBN 978-3-86153-566-9
  • Barbara Duden: The woman's body as a public place. On the misuse of the term life , Mabuse Verlag, Frankfurt 2007, ISBN 978-3-938304-76-1 (new edition with updated foreword, first edition 1991 by Luchterhand)
  • Eike Sanders, Kirsten Achtelik , Ulli Jentsch: Kulturkampf and conscience. Medical ethical strategies of the »life protection« movement. Verbrecher Verlag, Berlin 2018, ISBN 978-3-95732-327-9
  • Mathias v. Gersdorff , The Struggle for Life: Abortion Lobby contra Lebensrechtler, 2012
  • Manfred Spieker , Church and Abortion in Germany: Causes and Course of a Conflict, 2008
  • Michi Knecht, Between Religion, Biology and Politics: A Cultural Anthropological Analysis of the Protection of Life Movement, 2006

Web links

Commons : Right to Live Movement  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. Thomas Schirrmacher: Abortion - Euthanasia - Bioethics Convention: Threat to Human Rights in Europe ( Memento of February 18, 2006 in the Internet Archive ). In: Professorenforum-Journal 2002. Vol. 3, No. 2, pp. 23, 26.
  2. pro-life, adj. In: Oxford English Dictionary , 3rd edition, June 2007. Retrieved March 18, 2013: “orig. US opposed to induced abortion; (also occas.) opposed to euthanasia. "
  3. ^ Pro-life . In: Merriam-Webster Online . Retrieved April 2, 2013.
  4. ^ William Safire : Dead-on in the origin of the term "pro life" . In: Ocala Star-Banner , September 15, 1990.
  5. Michi Knecht: Between Religion, Biology and Politics: A cultural anthropological analysis of the life protection movement . LIT Verlag, Berlin-Münster-Wien-Zurich-London 2006, ISBN 978-3-8258-7007-2 , p. 154 f.
  6. Michi Knecht, ibid. P. 166, p. 192.
  7. ^ Anne-Marie Rey : The Archangel Maker - the 30-year struggle for the deadline regulation. Xanthippe, Zurich 2007, ISBN 978-3-905795-02-8 , p. 100 f.
  8. Michi Knecht, ibid. P. 146f
  9. Silke Kettelhake: A visit to Profamilia, Caritas and kaleb eV , Fluter - magazine of the Federal Agency for Political Education, September 23, 2009
  10. Referendum of June 2, 2002
  11. ^ Judgment of the Federal Constitutional Court of June 8, 2010: 1 BvR 1745/06
  12. n-tv.de: Free expression of opinion - abortion protest allowed
  13. Referendum in Liechtenstein, September 2011
  14. Michi Knecht: Between Religion, Biology and Politics: A cultural anthropological analysis of the life protection movement , LIT Verlag, Berlin-Münster-Wien-Zurich-London 2006, ISBN 978-3-8258-7007-2 , p. 155
  15. ^ RA Lake: Order and disorder in anti-abortion rhetoric: A logological view . In: Quarterly Journal of Speech . 74, No. 4, 1984, pp. 425-443. doi: 10.1080 / 00335638409383708 .
  16. Michi Knecht, ibid. P. 148
  17. ^ Constance Backhouse and David H. Flaherty (Eds.): Challenging times: the women's movement in Canada and the United States . McGill-Queen's University Press, Montreal 1992, ISBN 0-7735-0910-0 , p. 261 .
  18. ^ Charles H. Lippy: Faith in America: changes, challenges, new directions . Praeger, Westport (CN) 2006, ISBN 0-275-98605-5 , p. 186 .
  19. ^ Laura Christian Ford: Liberal education and the canon: five great texts speak to contemporary social issues . Camden House, Columbia (SC) 1994, ISBN 1-57113-013-6 , p. 219 .
  20. ^ Robert P. Jones: Like Rick Perry, most 'pro-life' Americans OK with death penalty . In: Washington Post , September 15, 2011.
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