Boris Efimowitsch Nemtsov

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Boris Nemtsov (2014)

Boris Jefimowitsch Nemzow ( Russian Борис Ефимович Немцов ; born October 9, 1959 in Sochi ; † February 27, 2015 in Moscow ) was a Russian politician . For a long time he was one of the leading forces in the liberal party Union of Right Forces . 1991-1997 he was Governor of the Oblast Nizhny Novgorod .

Under President Boris Yeltsin , Nemtsov was Vice Prime Minister of the Russian Federation between 1997 and 1998 and was considered one of the architects of the country's free-market economic reforms. In August 1998, he left the government. He was under discussion as a possible successor to Yeltsin, but he ultimately decided on Vladimir Putin . Nemtsov initially supported Putin, but then joined his opponents. As group leader of the Union of Right Forces, he criticized the government from now on from the opposition. In the 2008 presidential election , he was put up by his party as a candidate, but withdrew before the election. In 2008 he founded the Solidarnost movement with other members of the opposition . He was one of the keynote speakers in the protests against Putin's re-election in the 2012 presidential election .

He was shot dead in central Moscow on February 27, 2015.

origin

Nemtsov's mother, Dina Jakowlewna Eidman, was a pediatrician; his father, Jefim Dawydowitsch Nemtsov, a functionary of the CPSU and for some time deputy minister for construction of the Soviet Union . After the divorce from her husband, Nemtsov's mother moved with the children to Gorky (now Nizhny Novgorod ). Nemtsov mentioned in an interview that he was “of Jewish blood”. His cousin is the sociologist Igor Eidman .

education

Nemtsov studied radiation physics at the Gorky State University from 1976 to 1981 . In 1985 he received the title of candidate of science (corresponds to the German doctoral degree) in physics and mathematics. Until 1990, Nemzow worked as a scientist at the Radiation Physics Research Institute Gorki ( Горьковский научно-исследовательский радиофизический институт, НИРФИ ).

In the early 1980s, during his time at the Komsomol , the youth association of the CPSU, he met Sergei Kirijenko (* 1962), who also came from Gorky and who was Prime Minister of Russia from April to August 1998.

Political activity in Gorky and Nizhny Novgorod

After the Chernobyl nuclear disaster in 1986, Nemtsov became involved in environmental initiatives. In 1988 he took part in a movement that prevented the construction of the Gorky core heating plant .

In March 1990, in the first free elections with competing parties in Russia since 1917, Nemtsov was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the Russian republic as the only non-Communist candidate from his home town of Gorky . In parliament he joined the “reform coalition” and groups on the left of the political center. He worked on the Legislative Committee.

During the August coup in Moscow, Nemtsov stood on the side of Boris Yeltsin (who was elected President of the Russian Republic ( RSFSR ) on June 12, 1991 and who contributed significantly to the failure of the coup attempt) by conservative communists in 1991 and was Yeltsin's representative in Nizhny Novgorod Oblast and appointed Governor of the Oblast in November.

When he took office as governor, the 32-year-old Nemtsov quickly changed most of the communists in the administration and won over the local Supreme Soviet for his reform plans. Under Nemtsov, Nizhny Novgorod became a pioneer and pilot project for far-reaching liberal economic reforms and privatizations in Russia. He privatized the commercial and service sectors. During a land reform, kolkhozes and sovkhozes were converted into private farms. State enterprises were converted into joint stock companies. Nemtsov was supported by the American Robert Gale ( International Finance Corporation , IFC) and the Russian economist Grigori Jawlinski . The IFC's mission is to help reduce poverty in less developed countries by promoting private sector growth and helping to mobilize domestic and foreign capital. He tried to smash monopolies, stimulate economic competition and create a new middle class. Nemtsov's reforms were praised by former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher , who paid a visit to Nizhny Novgorod in 1993. The Russian Prime Minister Chernomyrdin recognized Nizhny Novgorod as a model for all of Russia.

In the parliamentary elections on December 12, 1993 Nemtsov was elected to the Federation Council , the upper house of the Russian parliament. In the election he was supported by the parties “ Russia's election ” and Yabloko , the most important liberal parties in the country at the time.

In December 1995 he was confirmed in free elections to the office of governor of Nizhny Novgorod Oblast.

In January 1996, local newspapers in Nizhny Novgorod Oblast carried out signature collections against the First Chechen War . Nemtsov, who supported the action and signed it himself, presented the surprised Yeltsin with a list of more than a million signatures that were collected within three weeks.

Vice Prime Minister

In March 1997, Yeltsin ordered a government reshuffle due to stagnant reforms and appointed the 37-year-old Nemtsov as well as Anatoly Chubais as the first Vice-Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. Before Nemtsov went to Moscow, he appointed Kiriyenko as director of the Norsi-Oil administration company in Nizhny Novgorod. Main tasks of Nemtsov were now the social and housing policy, as well as the reform of the energy sector with the restructuring of monopolies in gas, electricity and railway companies. Nemtsov asked Yeltsin two years for his reforms. When he took office, he said he would “not lie, not steal, and not allow himself to be bribed.” In contrast to the economically liberal Anatoly Chubais and Yegor Gaidar , Nemtsov was considered a practitioner. Nemtsov saw himself as a "liberal in business and supporter of a strong state in politics". In April 1997, in a dispute with the monopoly Gazprom , Nemtsov announced that Gazprom owed the state 14.8 trillion rubles (then approx. 5 billion marks ) in taxes, which the state could use to pay the outstanding salaries of doctors, teachers and kindergarten teachers. On the other hand, companies, authorities and private households owed Gazprom about 20 billion marks. After the privatization of 60% of the shares, Gazprom increasingly withdrew from state control, from which mainly the managers profited strongly. Nemtsov created a ten-member government commission that should control the group under his leadership.

Nemtsov was very popular with the public at the time and appeared to be the main candidate for the election of Russian President (March 26, 2000) . In the summer of 1997 it received 50% of the votes in opinion polls.

At Nemtsov's populist suggestion, Yeltsin issued an ukase on April 1 , according to which Russian state employees may not buy foreign, but only domestic cars from the Nizhny Novgorod car manufacturer GAS (car brand Volga ). In Nemtsov's presence, foreign cars owned by the Russian state were auctioned off to the public.

On April 25, Yeltsin also appointed Nemtsov as fuel and energy minister. In a dispute with parliament in November of the same year, Yeltsin decreed that a first deputy prime minister may not hold a ministerial post at the same time. After a government reshuffle, Nemtsov was replaced as energy minister by Sergei Kiriyenko, but retained the post of first deputy head of government. In April 1998, Yeltsin appointed Kiriyenko as the new prime minister. Nemtsov was again Vice Prime Minister, but with expanded powers.

On July 17, 1998, Nemtsov represented the Russian government at the burial of the remains of the last Russian tsar Nicholas II and his family in Saint Petersburg . He was head of a government commission appointed by Yeltsin to check the authenticity of the bones that had been found in Yekaterinburg in 1991 .

During the Russian crisis in mid-1998, his political career suffered a setback. The Russian stock exchange experienced a slump , which was followed by an economic crisis in the country. Nemtsov was the only member of the cabinet who voluntarily offered to resign, which Yeltsin accepted on August 28, 1998. Nemtsov and Chubais were dismissed under pressure from parliament.

Union of Right Forces

In January 1999 Nemtsov registered the “Young Russia” movement with the Russian Ministry of Justice . Together with the "New Force" movement of the former Prime Minister Kiriyenko and other reform forces, Nemtsov planned to found the coalition "The Right Cause". In August before the election, Nemtsov, Kiriyenko and Irina Chakamada announced the formation of the Union of Right Forces of a new liberal-democratic coalition. In the Russian parliamentary elections in December 1999, despite the role of Kiriyenko and Nemtsov in the Russian crisis, the party achieved 8.6% of the vote with almost six million voters. Nemtsov won a direct mandate in his hometown of Nizhny Novgorod against a former chairman of the GAS car factory. Nemtsov became a deputy spokesman for the State Duma in February. In May 2000, after the resignation of the previous party chairman Sergei Kiriyenko, Nemtsov was elected chairman and faction leader of the party in the Duma. In May 2001 he was confirmed as party chairman with a majority of 70% of the delegate's votes.

Boris Nemtsov and Vladimir Putin (2000)

In July 2000, Nemtsov organized a meeting of 21 leading Russian oligarchs with the new President Putin, at which Putin warned business representatives against meddling in politics.

After the Russian President Putin imposed a two-day information ban on the sinking of the submarine K-141 Kursk in mid-2000, which delayed international aid, and he had not traveled from his vacation spot Sochi to the scene of the accident but to a conference in the Crimea, he threw him the press suggests apathy and a lack of crisis management. Nemtsov said in a press release from his party: "The behavior of the president is immoral", the commander-in-chief of the armed forces has no right to vacation "while his subordinates are experiencing this drama".

Between 2000 and 2003 Nemtsov got into a politically difficult position. While on the one hand he vehemently opposed President Vladimir Putin's policy of curtailing democratic and civil rights in Russia, he had to take a more conciliatory line towards the powerful co-chairman of the Union of Right Forces and head of the state electricity supplier EES Rossii Anatoly Chubais Represented by the government, show a willingness to compromise. The party's profile appeared increasingly confused by the conflict, alienating many voters from the party. The well-known economic oligarch Chubais was also remembered from the Yeltsin era as a socially hated privatizer.

Nemtsov at the World Economic Forum in Moscow (2003)

In the 2003 Russian parliamentary elections , the party, whose list was led by Nemtsov and Chubais, won 4% of the vote with 2.4 million voters. Like the liberal Yabloko party , it narrowly missed the 5 percent hurdle and entry into the Duma. The official election results were questioned after voter polls, alternative counts showed more than 5% of the votes for the Union of Right Forces, which would have meant the entry into parliament in faction strength. Nemtsov said "The parliamentary majority now belongs to those who stand for the police state, for the restriction of civil liberties, for the end of the independent judiciary" and further "I don't want to complain. We knew that in a managed democracy it is very hard to fight against authoritarian tendencies. The Russian citizen is sold for stupid ”. In December 2003, the four chairmen Chakamada, Chubais, Nemtsov and Gaidar resigned from the party chairmanship and took responsibility for the defeat.

In the Russian presidential elections in 2004 , the party did not present a candidate because there was no fair chance against the incumbent Putin and because a split in the party into Putin's opponents (Nemtsov) and supporters (Chubais) should be prevented. Co-chair Irina Chakamada ran as the only representative of the Liberals, but without official support from the party. Nemtsov supported the candidacy and called on his party friends to vote for Chakamada. Chakamada's candidacy was also criticized as it would "legitimize" Putin's election by opposing candidates.

Committee 2008

In January 2004, Nemtsov, together with his long-time advisor and party friend Vladimir Kara-Mursa , published an article in the newspaper Nezavisimaya Gazeta entitled “On the Danger of Putinism ”, in which he warned of the dangers of Putin's impending dictatorship. In the same month Nemtsov co-founded the 2008 Committee , an association of Russian opposition activists, which also included personalities such as Garry Kasparov , Vladimir Bukovsky and other prominent liberals. According to Kasparov, the committee should not appear as a party.

Nemtsov actively supported the Orange Revolution in November / December 2004 in Ukraine and was then economic advisor to Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko between 2005 and 2006 .

2008 presidential election

Boris Nemtsov (November 2008)

In the 2008 Russian presidential elections , the Union of Right Forces nominated Boris Nemtsov as a presidential candidate. On December 26, 2007, however, Nemtsov withdrew his candidacy. He called the elections a “farce” and called on the other two opposition candidates, Mikhail Kassyanov and Gennady Zyuganov , to follow his example.

At the beginning of January 2008, Nemtsov then surprisingly announced his exit from the Union of Right Forces. He did not give reasons for this step.

The American President Barack Obama and the Russian politicians Leonid Gosman , Boris Nemtsov, Gennady Zyuganov , Jelena Misulina and Sergei Mitrochin (July 2009)

Mayoral election 2009 in Sochi

In the early elections for the mayor's office in his native Sochi on April 26, 2009, Nemtsov, supported by Solidarnost, ran unsuccessfully (13.6% or 16,767 votes) by direct election against incumbent mayor Anatoly Pachomov (76.86% or 94,685 votes) in one Turnout of 38.62%. In the run-up to the election, Nemtsov was actively prevented from campaigning by the media loyal to the Kremlin. Appearances were refused and the candidate was insulted as a South Korean spy. The election campaign was of particular interest, as the winner would represent the 2014 Winter Olympics as mayor.

Member of Parliament in Yaroslavl

In 2013 he became a MP in the Yaroslavl region. A deputy governor resigned on Nemtsov's allegations of corruption.

Vladimir Kara-Mursa called Nemtsov the counter-evidence against the clichés that no real opposition member could win an election in Russia and a pioneer in the election of opposition members in regional elections such as the Moscow local elections in 2017.

Opposition to Putin

Nemtsov was arrested on November 25, 2007 during an unauthorized demonstration against President Putin near the Hermitage in Saint Petersburg. He was released the same day.

On March 10, 2010, Nemtsov signed a Russian opposition manifesto entitled Putin Must Go . Together with Vladimir Milov , he published several opposition papers, including Putin. Results. Ten years .

He was one of the leaders of the Solidarnost movement, which is a broad left-liberal and social-democratic to right-wing alliance of opposition members. Solidarity includes Garry Kasparov, Ilya Yashin , Roman Dobrochotow and Lev Ponomarev .

As a representative for Solidarnost, Nemtsov was co-founder and chairman of the party of the people's freedom, which had been developing since November 2010 . This party served as a reservoir for four different opposition movements (including Solidarnost) and, once registered, was supposed to take part in the 2011 Duma elections . However, this goal was not achieved.

On December 31, 2010, he was arrested again with about 70 opposition leaders during an anti-government rally in Red Square, and on January 2, 2011, he was sentenced to 15 days in prison. The arrests were criticized by US Senator John McCain and then US Senator Joe Lieberman .

In protests after the Russian parliamentary elections on December 6, 2011, during an unauthorized and to date largest demonstration in Moscow against suspected manipulation of the December 4 elections, Nemtsov was arrested again - with at least 100 other demonstrators. Officials spoke of at least 250 participants and eyewitnesses of at least 500.

When Nemtsov's PARNAS party merged with the RPR ( Republican Party of Russia ) to form RPR-PARNAS in June 2012 , he was also named one of the co-chairs of this party. He held this position until his death.

Nemtsov on March 15, 2014 on the peace march in Moscow: "For Russia and Ukraine without Putin!"

Nemtsov was a supporter of the Ukrainian change of power to NATO and EU- friendly forces. He blamed Vladimir Putin's fear of the domestic opposition for the following conflict in eastern Ukraine :

"Putin started the war with Ukraine because he feared a repetition of the Maidan in Moscow to demonstrate that a revolution will end in chaos and that the people cannot eradicate state power in this way."

- Boris Nemtsov : June 28, 2014

On December 10, 2014, Nemtsov gave an interview to ARD . “Putin's thirst for power is far from being satisfied. Russia is a mafia state with Putin at its head; there is a narrow circle of people who are fed by this mafioso (Putin) and are completely dependent on him .... They control all the major mass media. "

Shortly before his death, Nemtsov again sharply criticized President Putin and announced new revelations about the war in eastern Ukraine .

On the day of his assassination, Nemtsov made proposals on the Echo Moskwy radio station to “change Russia”. The occasion of the interview was the "anti-crisis march" that Nemtsov and companions had called for the following day.

assassination

The crime scene the next day

Late in the evening of February 27, 2015, Nemtsov, accompanied by his girlfriend, the Ukrainian model Anna Duritskaya, was out on the Great Moskva Bridge , which is within sight of the Kremlin , when he was shot from a Makarov tower by four shots in the back and back of the head gun was killed. His companion was unharmed.

Reactions

A few hours after the crime, President Vladimir Putin's press office said it was a contract killing and an "extraordinary provocation". Even Mikhail Gorbachev , the former Soviet President, commented that it was "an attempt to stir up in this situation, complications, possibly even to destabilize the situation in the country".

US President Barack Obama called on the Russian government to conduct a “swift, non-partisan and transparent investigation”.

Alexander Bastrykin , head of the state investigation committee, expressed theses on the possible motives that a Russia correspondent for the news magazine Der Spiegel described as unfounded or as conspiracy theories . Among other things, the age difference between Nemtsov and his 23-year-old girlfriend was discussed by state-controlled media and speculated about the possibility that he had made private enemies and rivals through his support for the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo or illegal activities.

The German journalist Michael Thumann, correspondent of the time , commented:

“There is a witch hunt in Russia, in which the public exposure of opposition and political opponents of Putin is part of daily business. Television incites against the opposition, claiming that it is paid for by foreigners and that it wants to overthrow the popular Putin. Putin himself repeatedly speaks of 'enemies of the state within' who wanted to destroy Russia. It is state-sponsored hatred that killed Boris Nemtsov. "

On March 1, 2015, tens of thousands of people took part in the funeral march in Moscow.

On March 2, Nemtsov was posthumously awarded the Order of Freedom by the Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko .

Boris Nemtsov was buried on March 3, 2015 in the Trojekurowo cemetery.

Investigations and arrests

Five arrests were made on March 8, 2015. A sixth suspect was blown up with a hand grenade during his arrest in his Grozny apartment . The suspects came from the predominantly Islamic Chechnya or neighboring Caucasus republics. They are suspected of having committed murder jointly under Article 105, Paragraph 2 of the Russian Criminal Code, “in order to enrich themselves or on behalf”. Two of these men were officially charged on March 9 and the remaining three were taken into custody. The three named suspects were Saur Dadaev and the brothers Ansor and Shagid Gubachev. Saur Dadayev, on whom Moscow judge Natalia Muschnikowa referred, was deputy commander in the Sever battalion of the Interior Ministry of the Autonomous Republic of Chechnya . The battalion was established in 2006 as a kind of Ramzan Kadyrov bodyguard . He was arrested in the regional capital Magas in the Republic of Ingushetia and admitted to having been involved, but in the public court hearing he declared himself not guilty.

The second accused, Anzor Gubachev, worked for a private security company in Moscow. He was also arrested in Ingushetia, but denied involvement. Nothing was initially disclosed about Shagid Gubachev or the two other arrested men Ramsat Bachayev and Tamerlan Eskerchanow. These first arrests were linked to the Chechen President Ramzan Kadyrov, citing Nemtsov's support for the French satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo after the attack on January 7, 2015.

Russian opposition members and companions of Nemtsov rejected the investigators' portrayal; Ilya Yashin described the “Islamist motives” as nonsensical and an obvious distraction; Nemtsov was not a prominent critic of Islamism , but a critic of Putin and his followers, including Ramzan Kadyrov, who is also known as Putin's vassal and ruled Chechnya on behalf of the Kremlin. Viktor Erofejew considered another possible motive in the summer of 2015: "Nemtsov helped the West to draw up the lists of persons for the sanctions (against Russia in 2014) so ​​that he was a traitor to those affected."

During the trial, the prosecutors concentrated on DNA traces at the crime scene and the ammunition used, which made the investigation of a government client unlikely from the outset. In July 2017, Saur Dadaev was found guilty of murder and sentenced to 20 years in prison. Shagid and Ansor Gubaschew, Tamerlan Eskerchanow and Ramsat Bachajew received sentences of between 11 and 19 years as accomplices. The court named Ruslan Muchudinov, who promised the murderers a bounty of 15 million rubles and who has been fleeting since 2015, as the commissioner of the act.

Commemoration

The “funeral march” of March 1, 2015 was organized by Boris Nemtsov himself as an anti-war march and the number of participants was overwhelming even for the co-organizers, who had asked “how many people break through the propaganda wall and with one absolutely pronounced anti-war position could march ”.

On the weekend of 25./26. February 2017 a memorial march of thousands of people took place in Moscow. Flowers, candles and pictures that are laid down daily at the crime scene on the bridge are removed by the authorities. Several activists were also temporarily arrested around the second anniversary of the murder.

On February 25, 2018, more than 4,000 people demonstrated for a free Russia and in 2019 up to 11,000 people were counted at the memorial march in Moscow and up to 3,000 in St. Petersburg.

To commemorate his life's work, his daughter Shanna Borissowna Nemzowa founded the Boris Nemzow Foundation for Freedom in 2015, based in Bonn .

Boris Nemtsov Squares were created in 2018 in Kiev, Vilnius and Washington, right in front of the Russian Embassy. The Russian embassy in Prague announced that it would use the address of the consular department from now on after the city parliament approved the decision to rename the square in front of the Russian embassy to Boris Nemtsov Square on February 27, 2020.

An open letter from well-known personalities to the mayor of Moscow requested a memorial site in the city in early 2019.

On Saturday, February 29, 2020 the opposition leader demonstrated in Moscow after a call Alexei Navalny and other organizers of White counter over 22,000 and by the Ministry of Interior 10,500 people in memory of the murdered Nemtsov and protesting against the announced by President Vladimir Putin reform the Russian Constitution. This was the first major rally since the violent demonstrations in summer 2019 for free and fair elections to the Moscow city parliament. Navalny was dissatisfied with the progress of the investigation into Nemtsov's murder and announced further annual rallies “until the case is resolved”. In St. Petersburg, around 2,000 people marched on the same day to the memorial for the victims of political repression.

A vigil was maintained at the scene of the murder for 5 years, which had to be abandoned at the beginning of the curfew due to the COVID-19 pandemic .

Private

Nemtsov leaves four children behind. From his marriage to Raissa Akhmetovna Nemtsova, the eldest daughter, born in 1984, is the journalist and TV presenter Shanna ("Jeanne") Borissovna Nemtsova . A son born in 1995 and a daughter born in 2002 come from his relationship with the journalist Yekatarina ("Catherine") Odintsova, whom he met in Nizhny Novgorod, and in 2004 a daughter emerged from his relationship with his secretary Irina Korolewa. In 2007 Nemtsov announced that the marriage with his wife Raissa would continue, but the couple would be separated.

The eldest daughter Shanna left Russia in June 2015 after massive threats and received a contract with Deutsche Welle . Her lawyer took the view that "a policy of terror instigated by the Russian government is being pursued in the country". She herself said that she would only return to Russia if Russia was a constitutional state; "That is not possible under Putin".

When Boris Nemtsov spent the end of 2011 in Dubai and paparazzi photographed him there with 25-year-old Anastassija Ognewa, Nemtsov announced after the photos were published that they had known each other for three years and were now a couple. On his blog, Nemtsov criticized the director of LifeNews for the publications from his private life. Gabrelyanov replied on his blog that he saw himself completely right; he referred to similar cases in Italy ( Silvio Berlusconi ) and in Germany ( Christian Wulff ).

Works

  • Boris Nemtsov: From the provinces to the Kremlin. Harnisch, Nuremberg 1997, ISBN 3-9804167-8-X ( review )
  • Boris Nemtsov, Vladimir Kara-Mursa: On the danger of Putinism, letter to the supporters of President Putin (Об угрозе путинизма, Письмо сторонникам президента Путина). Nesawisimaja Gazeta (Независимая газета) , January 21, 2004, online text (Russian)
  • Boris Nemtsov: The Confession of a Rebel (Борис Немцов, Исповедь бунтаря ). Moscow 2007, ISBN 978-5-91114-004-5 (Russian)

literature

  • Werner Gumpel : The Russians don't love the rich , Zeit -fragen, No. 5 of February 9, 2004
  • Boris Nemzow , in: Internationales Biographisches Archiv 20/2011 from May 17, 2011, in the Munzinger archive ( beginning of article freely accessible)
  • Interview with Boris Nemzow in: OLENA CHEKAN - The Quest for a Free Ukraine - Bohdan Rodyuk Chekan (Ed.), DER KONTERFEI 015, 2015, ISBN 978-3-903043-04-6
  • Schanna Nemtsova : Shaking Russia awake - My father Boris Nemtsov and his political legacy , Berlin, 2016

Web links

Commons : Boris Jefimowitsch Nemtsov  - collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

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