Alexei Anatolyevich Navalny

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Alexei Navalny (2011)

Alexei Navalny ( Russian Алексей Анатольевич Навальный , scientific transliteration Aleksej Anatol'evič Naval'nyj , English transcribed Alexei Anatolievich Navalny ; * 4. June 1976 in butyne , Moscow Oblast , Russian SFSR , Soviet Union ) is a Russian opposition politician , dissident , documentary filmmaker and former lawyer. Nawalny's communication channels include his website and his channel on the video platforms YouTube and Instagram . He has been a popular political blogger since around 2009 .

In 2011 he founded the " Foundation for fighting corruption ," a now-banned non-governmental organization , which is funded by donations. It continuously investigates state corruption in Russia and makes it public. In October 2012 he was elected to head a newly created coordination council of the Russian opposition. In the mayoral election in Moscow in September 2013, he scored according to government 27 percent of the vote and was since then the undisputed leader of the anti- Putin -Opposition. From 2009 to 2013 he took part, also as a speaker, in the Russian marches , some of which were classified as right-wing extremists , from which he later distanced himself in part, calling himself “ nationalist democrats”, although the right-wing extremist slogans that had previously been widespread only sounded less radical reformulated without actually changing the content. Since November 2013 he has been chairman of the small party Russia of the Future .

In July 2013 Navalny was sentenced to five years imprisonment for embezzlement in what many observers believed was politically motivated; in October 2013 this sentence was suspended. After a decision by the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in February 2016, the Supreme Court of Russia suspended the judgment and the trial was restarted, in which he was again sentenced to five years probation in February 2017.

In the period that followed, Navalny made a name for himself as a fighter against corruption with several high-profile campaigns. In March and June 2017 and on October 7th of that year - the birthday of Russian President Putin - he organized nationwide protests against corruption and against the government (2012 to early 2020 under Dmitry Medvedev ), in which tens of thousands of people took part. Numerous demonstrators were temporarily arrested and he himself was arrested for 25 days in July 2017 for allegedly violating the right of assembly.

On October 17, 2017, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that Nawalny's conviction was unlawful and that the convicted person had to pay 55,000  euros in damages.

In December 2016, Navalny announced his candidacy in the presidential election in March 2018 . On December 25, 2017, the Central Electoral Commission of Russia declared his candidacy to be inadmissible and justified this with his sentencing to a suspended sentence. He then called on his supporters to boycott the presidential election.

On August 20, 2020 Navalny victim was a poisoning attempt with a Nowitschok - nerve agent . He was treated for two days in the Omsk clinic by the deputy head physician for anesthesiology and resuscitation, Sergej Maksimischin, and the head of the department for traumatology and orthopedics, Rustam Agischew, put into an artificial coma and, at the instigation of his family, transferred to the Berlin Charité . He was brought out of the artificial coma in September 2020 and was able to leave the hospital that same month.

Navalny stayed in Germany to relax . He flew to Moscow in January 2021, was arrested at the airport and placed in pre- trial detention for 30 days by an urgent court decision after the Russian prosecution had put him on a wanted man for allegedly violating probation conditions from the Yves Rocher case . With his arrest , protests developed across the country in Russia . On February 2, 2021 he was sentenced to three and a half years in a prison camp by the recently replaced judge Natalja Repnikowa, following the application of the Prosecutor General Yekaterina Frolova . Navalny is detained in penal colony No. 2 in the small town of Pokrov, 100 km east of Moscow . Since he had been under house arrest for ten months during the previous trial, this time was counted towards the remaining detention. His health deteriorated drastically while he was in detention.

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) demanded his immediate release on February 17, 2021, what Justice Minister Konstantin Chuchenko described as “clear and gross interference” in the work of the judiciary of a sovereign state. There is no basis under Russian law to release "this person" from custody. The head of the Russian delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe Pyotr Tolstoy pointed to a constitutional amendment from the summer of 2020 that put Russian law above international law. Russia is not even thinking of complying with the ECHR's request.

The poisoning and arrest of Navalny, as well as the mass arrests and restrictions at demonstrations, are from the point of view of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe not national affairs for Russia , but have international legal dimensions that also affect the Council of Europe .

Life and education

Navalny and his wife Julija

Alexei Navalny was born on June 4, 1976 in Butyn near Golitsyno, west of Moscow. He is of Ukrainian- Russian descent. His father Anatoly Navalny comes from Zalissja , a village near the border with Belarus in Ivankiv Raion in Kiev Oblast , Ukraine. Navalny grew up in Obninsk, about 100 km southwest of Moscow, but spent his childhood summer holidays with his grandmother in the Ukraine.

In 1998 Navalny graduated from the Russian University of Friendship of Peoples with a law degree and in 2001 he graduated from the Financial University of the Government of the Russian Federation in Moscow.

Following the recommendation of the world chess champion Garri Kasparow as well as Evgenija Albaz , Sergei Gurijew and Aleh Zywinski , in 2010 Navalny received a four-month scholarship for aspiring executives at the US elite university Yale and took part in the “ Greenberg World Fellows Program”, which endeavors to create a “global network for international understanding ”.

Navalny is married to Julija Navalnaja (nee Abrossimowa). They have a scholarship graduate of Stanford University daughter and son.

Political activities

Navalny joined the Yabloko party (German “apple”) in 1999 , a pool of democratic-liberal forces. Navalny was a member of the party for eight years, including a member of the executive committee. After the party had only received 1.6% of the vote in the 2007 parliamentary elections and thereby lost its last MPs, Navalny publicly criticized the founder and chairman of the party, Grigori Jawlinski . After an internal meeting of the party leadership, he was expelled from the party. Jawlinski justified the exclusion with nationalistic and xenophobic remarks by Nawalny. After the exclusion, Navalny said goodbye to the party with the nationalistic greeting “Honor to Russia”. Before that, in 2005 he and Marija Gaidar (daughter of the politician Jegor Gaidar, who died in 2009 ) founded the movement “Da!” (“Yes!”), Which attracted attention, among other things, with nationwide public discussions on political issues.

Navalny in 2007

Exposing corruption among elites

Navalny's main occupation is his work as a lawyer in the court proceedings, which he himself is mostly seeking to pursue, for embezzlement of state funds by civil servants and employees under Section 160 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation . 45 of the 75 proceedings opened in response to his complaint (as of December 2011) resulted in a return of just under 40 billion rubles (at that time just under one billion euros) to the state treasury. He is a minority shareholder in several state-related or largely state-owned companies. This gives him the right to request disclosure of the company's management activities. He wants to make the financial investments and activities of these companies transparent, which is required by law, but which is often illegally prevented by the management of the companies. Navalny has also often criticized the police, for example in the case of Sergei Magnitsky .

In November 2010, Navalny released Transneft confidential documents . According to Navalny, these were original documents that proved that the management of Transneft had embezzled about four billion US dollars. These illegal activities are said to have been coordinated by Vladimir Putin .

On June 21, 2011, Alexei Navalny filed a complaint with the General Prosecutor's Office against the establishment of the All-Russian National Front .

At the beginning of 2011 Navalny launched the website "RosPil", which is supposed to not only make copies of public documents suspected of corruption available to the public, but also invites readers to examine the posted documents themselves and to give their assessment of the situation. Within a few months, illegal government contracts valued at seven million dollars were canceled under public pressure. However, those who supported the work against corruption ran into problems; of the allegedly just 16 people (as of 2013) who are said to have dared to publicly donate money, most had problems.

In 2015 Navalny published an investigative film documentary on YouTube called Tschaika (translated: "Seagull", also the last name of the prosecutor attacked by the film), in which the business interests of the family of the Prosecutor General Yuri Yakovlevich Tschaika are examined.

In February 2016, he tried to personally bring President Putin to justice for corruption. It was about payments by the state to the petrochemical company Sibur , in which Putin's son-in-law has a stake of around 17 percent. The court did not accept the lawsuit.

After Nawalnys published in the September 2016 research, Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev was on a Datschengrundstück had been diverted for the purchase and redevelopment around 400 million euros from a natural gas business, a duck pond, was a rubber duck a symbol of corruption in Russia .

Navalny with protesters along Moscow's Tverskaya Street in March 2017

In March 2017, Navalny called for anti-corruption protests. In the documentary " He's not a Dimon for you " (16 million views between March 2nd and April 1st, 2017) , Prime Minister Medvedev accused Prime Minister Medvedev of controlling a real estate empire via a "dubious network of non-governmental organizations". Navalny's call to seek answers to the allegations was followed on March 26, 2017 by tens of thousands of people in 90 cities in Russia. The Moscow city council did not approve the originally proposed demonstration location in the city center. Navalny saw the demonstration as approved and referred to a decision by the Constitutional Court, which declared rejections without a suggestion of an alternative location to be ineffective. When the deadline for replies had already passed, the city administration suggested Sokolniki Park or Ulitsa Pererwa instead . Navalny and his supporters nevertheless demonstrated in the city center; the police broke up the "unauthorized" demonstration and arrested between 600 and 1000 demonstrators, including Navalny. Navalny was sentenced to a fine of 320 euros for calling for an unauthorized demonstration and to 15 days' imprisonment for resisting state violence. On March 27 and April 6, 2017, the European External Action Service (EEAS), the European Parliament and the United States Department of State commented on the arrests of protesters and Navalny. Arrests were also made in Volgograd ; 30 out of 800 demonstrators were arrested there. Elsewhere, like Saratov , the demonstrators marched unmolested in these largest protests for many years.

In August 2017, one of Nawalny's videos was viewed millions of times. It was about the lifestyle of the alleged son of President Peskov's spokesman .

The head of the Russian National Guard and Putin's ex-bodyguard Viktor Solotov called on Navalny to a duel in September 2018 after Navalny published his latest revelations about suspected corruption in the National Guard and the dubious origin of Zolotov's assets. In a video message, Solotov threatened to make a "good, juicy chop" out of Navalny. Navalny was serving a 30-day prison sentence at the time, to which he had been sentenced for calling for demonstrations against the raising of the retirement age.

In January 2021 Nawalnys Anti-Corruption Foundation published FBK , a few days after Navalny was remanded in custody, with a palace for Putin one of the Foundation produced 112-minute investigative documentary about the Russian President Vladimir Putin and his alleged possessions, which according to the Film were appropriated through illegal enrichment. Released on Youtube, this film received over 76 million views within a few days.

Protest after the 2011 Russian parliamentary elections

In December 2011, the arrest of Nawalny and a subsequent conviction to a 15-day prison sentence for "resisting state power" caused a stir internationally after he was a speaker at a demonstration in Moscow on December 5, 2011 against possible election fraud in the 2011 parliamentary elections occurred. There are videos on YouTube of both Nawalny's speech and the subsequent arrest.

Head of the Coordination Council of the Russian Opposition

In October 2012, Navalny received the highest number of votes in the election to a 45-member coordinating council of the Russian opposition, in which, according to the organizers, more than 80,000 people participated in polling stations or on the Internet. The elected body was preceded by a three-week debate that had dominated Navalny. With over 43,700 votes, he took first place in front of the writer Dmitri Bykow and the former world chess champion Garri Kasparow .

At the end of the same month he was arrested together with Sergei Udaltsov and Ilya Yashin “for causing public nuisance” during a solidarity campaign for persecuted opposition members in Moscow . They were released a few hours later.

Navalny's supporters at an election rally in Moscow in September 2013

Candidate for the office of mayor of Moscow

Navalny's campaign office in 2013

On June 15, 2013 Navalny announced that he would run for Moscow mayor. He was set up by the RPR-Parnas party (Boris Nemtsov, Mikhail Kassyanov and others), to which he formally did not belong. Other parties, e.g. B. the People's Alliance , which is closely related to Navalny, or the December 5th party , however, had still not received approval as of June 2013 - the RPR-Parnas party is considered to be the only independent party that is critical of the government and has an official approval. The mayoral elections took place on September 8, 2013. The Navalny program was drawn up, among others, by the respected economist Sergei Guriev. In July Navalny was officially accepted as a candidate for mayoral election. A day later, the verdict for embezzlement made his candidacy unsafe. The electoral commission had stated that Navalny could continue running even after a verdict, provided that he would not receive a prison sentence. He was finally able to take part in the elections, in which he took second place behind incumbent Sergei Sobyanin (51%) with 27% of the vote . Navalny accused his pro-government rival, who narrowly escaped a runoff election with his share of the vote, of electoral fraud, but his performance was described as a success and he himself was described as the undisputed “leader of the anti-Putin opposition”.

Navalny after a Seljonka attack in 2017

Candidate for the 2018 presidential election

In December 2016, Navalny announced his candidacy for the 2018 presidential election. He launched a fundraising campaign and an online registration campaign for volunteers and those willing to sign (independent candidates must have 300,000 signatures for official registration).

On February 4, 2017, Navalny opened the first (of 77 planned) regional staffs in Saint Petersburg, and twelve more followed by the end of March. The Saint Petersburg office had already been set on fire once before.

On February 8, 2017, Navalny was convicted again in the Kirovles case . He declared his readiness to appeal the judgment to the European Court of Human Rights . In addition, his election campaign should continue regardless of the verdict, he said, referring to Article 32 of the constitution, which only deprives two groups of citizens of the right to vote: those who have been declared incapable of doing business by a court or are incarcerated due to a court judgment.

After Navalny's call for anti-corruption protests and a film on the assets of Prime Minister Medvedev in March 2017, the largest protests in Russia since 2012 took place.

On April 5, 2017, the number of those ready to sign reached 300,000.

On April 27, 2017, an unknown person injected Navalny brilliant green on the face, causing a chemical burn of the eye ( Seljonka attack ). After a similar incident in March, he recovered quickly; the renewed incident resulted in prolonged eye problems due to possibly mixed substances. Navalny then underwent eye surgery in Spain after waiting for a passport for five years and it was unexpectedly issued.

On September 6, 2017, Human Rights Watch found police interfering in Navalny’s election campaign on a regular basis. HRW called on the state to allow the activists to work without undue interference and to properly investigate the attacks on them by ultra-nationalist and pro-government groups.

On September 21, in connection with the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the Kirovles case , the Council of Europe’s Council of Ministers urged the Russian government to use further options to ensure Navalny access to the election candidacy.

Navalny tweeted in late September 2017 that he had been arrested. On October 2, he was sentenced to 20 days in prison for repeatedly calling for an unauthorized demonstration. According to Navalny, the Nizhny Novgorod administration had "revoked" its approval for the election campaign rally by telephone, which is not legally stipulated. At the beginning of October, Navalny's St. Petersburg office was searched and the head of the office was arrested by the police.

On October 18, 2017, Xenija Sobchak opened her campaign for the 2018 presidential elections. She herself declared that she wanted to be a candidate for citizens who wanted to show their position, but “whose candidate was not allowed to participate in the elections”. If Navalny is allowed to run for election, she says she would give up her candidacy. This possibility was considered unlikely. Opposition members, including Navalny, complained that they would - if necessary on behalf of the Kremlin - “spice up” Putin's re-election by increasing the voter turnout for his re-election, and also that it divides the opposition.

Towards the end of December 2017, Navalny said he was allowed to vote with gatherings in 20 Russian cities between Vladivostok and Saint Petersburg. These should each have been attended by at least 500 participants, the minimum number of supporters a presidential candidate must have. On December 25, 2017, Navalny was excluded from the Central Electoral Commission as a candidate for the 2018 presidential election. Twelve members of the 13-member committee voted for exclusion, one member abstained. The reason given was his conviction in criminal proceedings. Navalny then called for an election boycott.

Formation of a union for public employees

On February 1, 2019, Navalny announced the formation of a union for civil servants who, instead of promised improvements, were experiencing stagnation.

"Smart voting" strategy

According to his own statement in an interview with Masha Gessen on October 18, 2020 in The New Yorker , Navalny has been pursuing the strategy of "intelligent voting", which is a tactical form of choice, since 2018. This consists of convincing voters to support a minority candidate who may not be liked, but who has the chance to beat the ruling party's candidate. In general, according to Navalny in an interview, all candidates outside of Putin's United Russia party together received more than 50% of the vote, but the parties are dispersed, so United Russia always gets a relative majority. Navalny therefore tries, for example, to get liberal voters to support a communist or vice versa. This tactic is crucial for Navalny because, as in the Soviet Union, the GDR, Belarus and Syria, the autocratic regime always relies on the ruling party. “Your ability to reliably pass elections is what gives the regime stability.” After Navalny, this tactic has already been successful in Tomsk and Novosibirsk , but not yet in Moscow.

State harassment

Navalny in the courthouse (2011)

When Navalny announces protests, places are being refurbished or allegedly not available due to double bookings. According to the opposition newspaper Novaya Gazeta, the bureaucracy should also invent other, sometimes absurd reasons for harassment.

His team was arrested and searched and all material was seized, and when the Russian politician Nikolai Lyaskin , head of the Moscow office of the Navalny presidential campaign, was attacked with a metal rod, the police "absurdly" confiscated leaflets in order to investigate the attack and merchandising products in Nawalny's offices. Navalny calls all of these seizures "absolutely illegal" and when asked by a BBC journalist whether Russia is a police state, he answered "absolutely, one hundred percent".

A website that was supposed to unite the opposition, or rather to determine the most popular candidates for regional elections, was blocked by the supervisory authority in December 2018 under a flimsy pretext.

Mentioning Navalny's name has been bypassed by authorities and politicians for years, for example they mockingly call him “этот персонаж”, “this person”. In response to years of silence, Ilya Ponomarev wrote : “The entire behavior of the Kremlin consists of pretending that there is no Navalny, not to call him by name.” From this point of view, the wave of information about the 2020 poison attack is exactly what the authorities want would have tried to prevent. At the annual press conference in Novo-Ogaryovo in December 2020, Putin once called the poisoned opposition politician the “blogger we know” and then only “this patient from a Berlin hospital”.

In April 2021, Russia's public prosecutor's office requested that Navalny's organizations, including the Anti-Corruption Foundation , be classified as extremist and that Navalny's employees be criminalized. In the same month, the prosecution banned Navalny's organizations from working before a court ruling. She accuses them of “destabilizing the social and socio-political situation under the guise of liberal slogans” and overthrowing the constitution by means of a “ color revolution ”.

Arrests at demonstrations

Navalny when he was arrested in March 2017

Activists from his team and Navalny are regularly arrested in the context of demonstrations against the government and President Putin. Demonstrations under the motto “He is not our King” were announced for May 5, 2018; Navalny hoped that he could reach the designated Tverskaya Street, but said only sarcastically that "the statistics are not in his favor". Navalny was released on June 14, 2018, a few hours before the start of the 2018 World Cup .

Navalny was arrested in late August 2018. Since June he had called for protests against a pension reform planned by Putin on September 9th and interpreted his arrest as a measure to prevent him from preparing for the demonstration and from participating in it. Navalny himself mentioned that in the past few years the authorities had "never approved of our requests for rallies" and pointed to the Kremlin's real fear that people would actually be ready to protest.

At the end of July 2019, Navalny was again sentenced to 30 days in prison in connection with organizing demonstrations.

Processes

The approach of the Russian authorities was repeated at the end of February 2015: Because Navalny had campaigned for a demonstration on March 1, he was arrested and sentenced to 15 days in prison.

In February 2017, the European Court of Human Rights sentenced Russia to pay Navalny 63,000 euros for multiple violations of his right to peaceful demonstrations. A year and a half after Russia and Navalny appealed against this, the Grand Chamber not only confirmed the violation of civil rights (the right to freedom, a fair trial and freedom of assembly), but also upheld the political nature of the Article arrests, as Navalny sought 18 fixed.

According to BBC calculations, a final judgment in the Kirovles case of five years suspended prison sentence could deny Navalny the right to stand for election in presidential elections for the next 20 years .

Kirovles case

Navalny on trial in April 2013

At the end of July 2012, the Investigation Committee of the Russian Federation (the equivalent of the US FBI ) brought charges against Navalny for embezzlement. It accused him of damaging the state-owned woodworking company Kirovles by a sum of around 1.3 million rubles (around 33,000 euros) between April and August 2009 as the then advisor to the governor of Kirov Oblast . In July 2013, Navalny was found guilty of embezzlement and sentenced to five years in prison. A few hours after the verdict, the Prosecutor General's Office demanded that Navalny be released until the verdict became final, after which he was released the next day. On October 16, a court in Kirov city suspended the sentence.

Spiegel Online wrote on April 16, 2013:

“Even the investigators do not hide the fact that the process is politically motivated. […] The main witness for the indictment is the former Kirovwald managing director Vyacheslav Opalev. Opalev had admitted to participating in the embezzlement of 16 million rubles last year, reached an agreement with investigators and was sentenced to four years probation. Navalny believes the investigators would have promised Opalew a mild sentence if the Kirovwald boss incriminated the opposition in return. [...]

The head of the Kirov District Court suggests that Navalny will face a penalty. An acquittal is 'seven times more difficult than a conviction', according to Judge Konstantin Saizew. He himself had 'not yet made a single acquittal in his life'. "

At the beginning of December 2013, after his conviction, Navalny was revoked from his license to practice as a lawyer.

The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) criticized the condemnation of Nawalny as "arbitrary" and "feared" a judgment of "political nature". In early 2013, President Putin introduced a law in the Duma prohibiting previous convictions from running for elections. In February 2016, the ECtHR ruled that the Kirov District Court's conviction was unlawful. Instead of acquitting Navalny, the Supreme Court only suspended the verdict, which means that Navalny can run for public office, but he is re-charged and the case must be retried. The ECHR had also instructed the government in Moscow to pay Navalny and the co-defendant Ofizerov each 8,000 euros in compensation for pain and suffering.

Based on the judgment of the ECHR, the trial against Navalny was renegotiated in 2016/17. He was found guilty again on February 8, 2017. The verdict is a fine of 500,000 rubles and five years' imprisonment, which has been suspended. The wording of the verdict was largely similar to the 2013 guilty verdict. Navalny accused the Kremlin of exerting political influence in order to prevent his presidential candidacy. The OSCE and the German Federal Government also expressed doubts about the procedure. According to Der Spiegel, the guilty verdict came shortly after Navalny announced in mid-December that he wanted to challenge Vladimir Putin in the 2018 presidential election.

Yves Rocher case

Navalny and his brother Oleg were investigated on suspicion of fraud and money laundering. According to the prosecutors, the two are said to have defrauded the French cosmetics manufacturer Yves Rocher for around 26 million rubles by selling him services at an overpriced price. According to the prosecutors, Oleg Navalny is said to have used his position as head of department at the subsidiary of the Russian Post , which is responsible for mail order business, to force Yves Rocher to sign a contract with the logistics service provider Glawpodpiska . The Moscow company Glawpodpiska (Glawnoje Podnisnoje Agenstvo) was registered in May 2008. It was a 99% subsidiary of the Cypriot offshore company Alortag Management Limited , which had been founded in 2007. The beneficiaries of this offshore company were the brothers Oleg and Alexei Navalny.

In an interview on December 14, 2012, Navalny admitted that although he was the founder of the Cypriot offshore company Alortag Management Limited , it was not illegal to do so. When the interviewer inquired whether he could confirm the founding of Glawpodpiska (as a 99% daughter of Alortag ), Navalny claimed that he had not known anything about it. He also couldn't remember Leonid Saprudski, the co-founder and general director of Glawpodpiska , even though the name didn't seem unfamiliar to him.

After the contract was signed in August 2008, Glawpodpiska passed the transport service on to another company at lower cost. Navalny viewed the difference as a customary commission. The contract he had signed with the French company saved Yves Rocher part of the cost of transporting it from Yaroslavl to Moscow. Oleg made about $ 1.2 million on the deal between 2008 and 2011. He was charged with having obtained that amount through fraud. The money is said to have been laundered via a corporate network.

Navalny, for his part, was accused of being involved in the alleged fraud because he was accused of controlling Glawpodpiska via the Cypriot offshore company, which Navalny denies . The founder and general manager have different names. Shares in the company are owned by Alortag Management Limited in Cyprus, which is said to be owned by Navalny . In an interview in December 2012, Navalny said that he had actually started an offshore company in Cyprus. He does not know whether the company Glawpodpiska was founded in Russia through his Cypriot company.

After the contract with Glawpodpiska had expired , Bruno Leproux, General Director of Yves Rocher Vostok, filed a complaint against unknown persons with Russia's investigation committee for fraud at the end of 2012.

However, Leproux's successor later issued a statement that no damage had occurred. The defense said no evidence had been presented by the state to show that a crime had been committed at all. A document of Yves Rocher's controlling published by the defense had confirmed that Oleg Navalny not only fulfilled his duties reliably, but had also worked for less than the average market price. A representative from Yves Rocher stated during the process that the company would sign this contract again. Oleg Navalny's supervisor at the Russian Post confirmed that the post had not suffered any damage either.

The prosecutor nevertheless called for ten years in prison, nine for the current case and another year for previous offenses. Navalny described the process as constructed.

Initially, the court wanted to announce the judgment on January 15, 2015; Opposition members had started to organize a demonstration that was to take place on the same day. Tens of thousands had already announced their participation when the court announced on December 29 that it would announce the verdict the next morning (Tuesday, December 30, 2014). Numerous supporters assured that they wanted to demonstrate despite the lack of approval and thus despite the threat of arrest.

On December 30, 2014, Judge Yelena Korobchenko found Navalny guilty of fraud and sentenced him to three and a half years in prison. The sentence has been suspended. His co-defendant Oleg received the same sentence, but without parole. When the verdict was announced, Navalny was particularly shocked by the punishment against his brother. Furthermore, he denied Putin's regime the right to exist and demanded that it be broken up. Navalny described the verdict as disgusting. Supporters stated that the regime had imprisoned Oleg's brother in order to better control Alexei Navalny. On the day the verdict was pronounced, Navalny went to a demonstration announced by his supporters in the arena square, despite the house arrest imposed on him. On the way he was picked up by the police and taken back to his apartment.

On October 17, 2017, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) convicted Russia of unfair criminal proceedings. The Court found the judgments of the Russian courts in the Yves Rocher case to be arbitrary.

Sentenced to several years in prison in February 2021

After Navalny returned to Moscow in January 2021 after recovering in Germany after the poison attack , he was arrested at Moscow airport and taken into custody for 30 days by an urgent court decision . While he was being cured abroad, the Russian prosecution had put him on a wanted man for allegedly violating the probation conditions imposed in 2014 in the Yves Rocher case. With his arrest , protests developed across the country in Russia . On February 2, 2021, his suspended sentence was changed to three and a half years in a labor camp . Since Navalny was already under house arrest for ten months during the then ongoing proceedings, this time was counted towards the three-and-a-half year prison sentence. The day after the conviction, the company pointed out that Yves Rocher had never filed a lawsuit against the Nawalnys himself. Amnesty International initially classified Navalny as a prisoner of conscience after his arrest , but withdrew this classification a month later with reference to earlier discriminatory speeches. The organization still considers the trial against him to be unlawful and in May 2021 granted him the status of "prisoner of conscience" again.

Conditions of detention and targeted torture

At the end of February 2021, Navalny was transferred to prison camp No. 2 in Pokrov, 100 kilometers east of Moscow. Because of Navalny's imprisonment, the European Union (EU) imposed entry bans into the EU and account freezes against the Russian Attorney General (Igor Krasnow), the head of the investigative committee of the Russian Federation ( Alexander Bastrykin ), the head of the penal service (Alexander Kalashnikov) at the beginning of March 2021 , as well as the commander of the Russian National Guard ( Viktor Solotov ). From March onwards, Navalny's health deteriorated. Since he was withheld from an examination by a doctor he trusted, which he is legally entitled to, he went on a hunger strike at the end of March 2021 . Navalny had already reported sleep deprivation in mid-March . He said that a security guard woke him up every hour at night . The human rights organization Amnesty International criticized the conditions of detention and called on Vladimir Putin (like several governments) not to let Navalny die. The Russian government rejected allegations of torture against Russian penal camps. In an open letter to Vladimir Putin published in several European daily newspapers in April , more than 70 celebrities and intellectuals called for adequate medical treatment for Navalny. When Nawalny's health deteriorated dramatically in April, he was transferred to an infirmary in the IK-3 prison camp in Vladimir . After 24 days, Navalny ended the hunger strike on April 23, 2021 after his private doctors had issued urgent warnings of permanent health problems. At a hearing at the end of May 2021, Navalny complained about nightly controls, which he complained about in mid-March because he was woken up every hour. At the beginning of June 2021, a court dismissed Navalny’s lawsuit against the hourly nightly checks. In the same month Navalny was relocated from Vladimir to Pokrov.

Criminal proceedings for alleged defamation of a World War II veteran

On February 5, 2021, a trial was opened against Navalny in Moscow for allegedly defamation of a World War II veteran. That same month he was fined for this.

propaganda

In April 2017 Doschd reported on the establishment of a working group in the presidential administration to launch a campaign to discredit Navalny. Videos, films, video games, and manipulative media reports are outsourced. According to the sources, "about like with Hitler" is to be fought. Immediately after this report, a video appeared on YouTube under the title Hitler 1945. Navalny 2018 - We can repeat it, in which Navalny is directly compared to Hitler . According to the Frankfurter Rundschau , this video is part of state propaganda. At the same time, the chairman of the Communist Party, Gennady Zyuganov , said in the State Duma that a “new leader” (he used the German word) had already appeared. Observers believed this remark was aimed at Navalny.

Poison attack

Navalny had recently commented approvingly on the protests in Belarus and expressed that he assumed that a similar revolution would soon also take place in Russia. In video messages he expressed his solidarity with the protests in Belarus and with the protests in Khabarovsk .

Navalny was in Siberia in August 2020 on the occasion of the upcoming Russian regional elections to hold talks with opposition representatives. He is to the Russian secret service FSB , which is supposed to have made a detailed report on his stay closely shadowed have been. On August 20, 2020 Navalny flew from Tomsk to Moscow, suffered a breakdown and was after the emergency landing in Omsk in the Municipal Hospital No. 1 and treated there with atropine, artificially ventilated and put into a coma. The suspicion of poisoning, for example through the tea at morning breakfast, was expressed by paramedics, doctors and the Nawalnys team. The involvement of the Russian government, similar to earlier cases, was suspected by some English and German-speaking media as well as some German politicians.

Initial alleged poisoning diagnoses and corresponding protective measures by Russian doctors were later denied. Finally, on the evening of August 21, the medical profession in Omsk stated that poisoning of Navalny could "definitely" be ruled out, and cholinesterase inhibitors were ruled out. The diagnosis of blood sugar level and metabolic disorder was rejected by a doctor Nawalnys.

The Berlin Charité declared itself ready for admission on August 21.

As of August 21, the media reported that after delays the transfer to Germany was allowed. Navalny was brought to the Charité in an intensive care transport from the Bundeswehr medical service and is said to have been placed under police protection there.

On August 24th, the Charité announced that the first clinical findings indicated that Nawalny was intoxicated by a substance that inhibits cholinesterase and thus attacks the nervous system.

Chancellor Merkel called on Russia to investigate the crime and offered to have Navalny treated in Germany.

On the same day, the Russian government repeatedly denied the allegation of responsibility for the attack, and the Russian police said they had initiated preliminary investigations and secured possible evidence. The Russian General Prosecutor's Office refused to initiate investigative proceedings and sent an initial request for legal assistance to the German federal government for the transmission of analyzes and preliminary diagnoses.

On September 2, 2020, the German government declared that a special Bundeswehr laboratory had unequivocally detected a neurotoxin from the Novitschok group in the samples taken from Nawalny at the Charité. The federal government condemned the poison attack "in the strongest possible way" and called in the Russian ambassador . The government of the Russian Federation was asked to explain the results of the investigation. The German government also announced that it would brief the EU , NATO and the German Bundestag and inform the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) of the results.

The federal government complied with Russia's request for legal assistance, but did not want to surrender a large part of the investigation files in order to preserve evidence and out of “confidentiality”. The final result was handed over to the OPCW, but "not the complete investigation file which is subject to confidentiality". Russia said it wanted to contact the OPCW.

On September 14, the federal government announced that special laboratories in France and Sweden had independently confirmed the poisoning with a warfare agent from the Novichok group. Navalny himself had recovered further that day and no longer had to be artificially ventilated. According to the Charité, he has already been able to get out of bed for some time.

On September 17, Navalny's team announced that traces of Novichok had been found on a water bottle that the team had seized from the Tomsk hotel after Navalny's collapse. According to Nawalny's team, the poison on the bottle is a secondary trace. The actual cause of the poisoning is still unknown.

On September 22nd, Navalny was able to leave the hospital.

According to a message from Navalny's spokeswoman Kira Jarmysch on Twitter on September 23, Navalny's accounts in Russia were frozen and his apartment in Moscow's Maryino district was confiscated. The court order was issued on August 27th.

On October 6, the OPCW confirmed that Navalny had been poisoned with a new Novichok variant not included in the Annex to the Chemical Weapons Convention .

The first EU sanctions began in October against people whose shared responsibility seemed certain.

In the international "Valdai" discussion club in 2020, at the request of a German journalist at the video conference panel on October 22, 2020, the President of the Russian Federation Putin made his first statement on poisoning. Putin confirmed that after an interview by Nawalny's wife, he supported the departure despite the existing legal travel restrictions. He complained that the German side had so far neither provided biological material nor the official report on the "Novitschok" analyzed for investigation in Russia. He expressed doubts about the investigations because the OPCW had come to a different analytical result (not “Novitschok”) and again offered joint international investigations.

According to research by Bellingcat , Spiegel and other partners published on December 14, 2020, eight employees of the Russian secret service FSB were involved in the attack. Putin confirmed during his annual press conference and citizens' hour that Russian intelligence services were watching Navalny, but denied his involvement in the poison attack. Navalny is not a worthwhile goal, "but if someone had wanted to kill him, it would have been brought to the end."

On December 21, 2020, Navalny posted a phone call between him and an alleged Russian agent named Konstantin Kudryavtsev on YouTube. In the video, he pretended to be assistant to the secretary of the Russian Security Council to the person called. In the phone call, the person he was talking to gave alleged details about the participants and the execution of the nerve poison attack. Accordingly, the poison was administered through Navalny's underpants. Nawalny's clothes were collected at the hospital after the attack and cleaned several times by the FSB.

Political positions

Navalny has been calling for more political transparency since the beginning and is fighting against corruption in Russia during Putin's reign. In his program for the 2018 presidential election, Navalny called, among other things, for a minimum wage of 25,000 rubles , higher social benefits, and for the UN anti-corruption convention to be ratified to the end and a horizontal and vertical separation of powers to be established.

The poet Lev Rubinstein described him as "talented, active and very dangerous" because he had no value system; In 2013, however, he supported his candidacy for the office of mayor of Moscow.

According to Gwendolyn Sasse , Navalny deliberately avoids committing to a political program for the post-Putin period. According to his earlier political statements, he had bypassed a political position in the system and concentrated on tactical priorities, the cooperation of the opposition forces and on elections. Whether he has given up the positions that have met with criticism or just no longer represents them publicly, it is difficult to know for sure.

Position on the Caucasus War in 2008

During the Russo-Georgian war in 2008 , he sided with Russia. Navalny proposed that all Georgian citizens be deported from the Russian Federation.

Established closeness to nationalism

The UK's Economist reported in December 2011 that Navalny described himself as a " nationalist democrat". The Guardian wrote of Navalny that he was one of the few opposition politicians who, with his nationalism and charisma, had the ability to address not only “Moscow hipsters” but also the masses in the provinces. The political scientist Gerhard Mangott described him as an intrepid activist against corruption, but also as a “radical Russian nationalist”. 3sat reported in January 2012 that Navalny was trying to shed his reputation as a nationalist.

In 2007 he co-founded a Russian movement known as NAROD (The People), which prioritized immigration policy. The movement allied itself with two nationalist groups, the Movement Against Illegal Immigration (DPNI) and Great Russia , to create the National Russian Movement , of which Navalny was co-chair. In the same year he compared terrorists from the Caucasus to cockroaches. He explained in a video that the terrorists could not be fought with a fly swatter or a slipper, but only with a pistol. Navalny proposed the deportation of the "corrosive elements".

In 2011 Navalny used nationalist slogans and was noticed as a speaker at various rallies by right-wing groups. In his blog he was critical of the supposedly common practice of exercising blood revenge in the North Caucasus : “Unfortunately, North Caucasian society and all elites have only one thing in common: the desire to follow animal laws and customs. [...] I categorically disagree with Basmachi running through Moscow and taking revenge on each other by shooting at each other with machine guns. […] If this is my country, then I don't want regions in it to exist where blood revenge is a common phenomenon that is accepted by society ”. According to the Moscow Times , he saw illegal immigration to Russia as one of the country's biggest problems. Navalny called for a visa requirement for migrant workers from Central Asia. On October 22, 2011, he took part in the Russian march of right-wing extremists in Moscow, on whose organizing committee he was also a member. The left-wing taz wrote at the end of 2011 that Navalny was not afraid to exploit nationalist sentiments in Russian society for his struggle. In October of the same year, according to The Moscow Times, around a thousand pages of Navalny's private emails were intercepted and posted on an anonymous Russian blog. The emails contain exchanges with liberal politicians, right-wing extremist politicians (including Alexander Belov ) and members of the US embassy in Russia .

The economist and government advisor Sergei Guryev, who fled abroad, remarked on this subject in 2013 that Navalny had changed his attitude towards nationalists. In 2013, Navalny expressed his sympathy for those who were demanding the eviction of Chechens from a city in southern Russia. In the same year after ethnic unrest broke out in Moscow's Biryulyovo district following a murder committed by a migrant, Navalny again showed his sympathy for the anti-immigrant movement. Der Spiegel reported in 2020 that at Navalny - "apart from the demand for free arms" - " little remained of the nationalists and xenophobes ". In June 2020 Navalny spoke favorably to the Black Lives Matter protests. Radio Free Europe said in 2021 that Navalny had repeatedly stated in interviews that he did not regret his previous comments or videos and that the ability to involve both liberals and nationalists was part of his strength as a politician.

Ukraine conflict and annexation of Crimea

In 2017, Navalny supported the regional integration of eastern Ukraine into Russia and refused western arms deliveries to Ukraine.

In an interview with Aleksei Venediktov from Ekho Moskvy in 2014, Navalny stated that Crimea was part of the Russian Federation, even if it was taken over "in tremendous violation of all international norms". To resolve the conflict and to restore justice, a new, "normal" referendum by the Crimean population on the status of Crimea is required. He commented that the breakup of Crimea would also benefit Ukraine because Crimea's 2 million pro-Russian and conservative voters had put a brake on the anti-corruption movement in Ukraine. In mid-2017, he declared that he would not support the annexation of Crimea to Russia because Ukraine and Russia had signed the Budapest Memorandum . An "honest" referendum had to take place because the referendum on the status of Crimea in 2014 was, in his opinion, falsified. With regard to the Donets Basin , he said that if he took over government he would abide by the Minsk Agreement .

Poster with the inscription: "United Russia - Party of crooks and thieves!"

Reception in the population

Navalny coined the term "party of crooks and thieves" ( Russian партия жуликов и воров ) for the Kremlin party " United Russia ". This satirical antonomasia was quickly adopted by large parts of the population. A 2013 poll by the opinion research institute Levada-Zentrum showed that 40 percent of Russians considered the ruling United Russia party to be a “party of crooks and thieves”. In December 2011 the ironic renaming of the ruling party became part of the main advertising slogan of the protest movement for “honest elections” .

In 2009 the newspaper Vedomosti named Navalny Person of the Year . In October 2010, he was the undisputed first in a non-official and non-representative online election for a new Moscow mayor, carried out by the newspapers Kommersant and Gazeta.ru . He received about 30,000 votes, or 45%, ahead of Boris Nemtsov with only 8,000 or 14% of all 67,000 votes.

Nawalny's supporters can be found mainly in the country's big cities. In December 2011 the Economist wrote that Navalny was a largely unknown figure in Russia. Only 7 percent of Russians could do something with his face. In March 2017, his level of awareness had risen to 55 percent. This increase was based on the film For you, he's not a Dimon (original title: Он вам не Димон ) about Dmitri Medvedev, which 7 percent of those surveyed had seen and of which another 31 percent had heard.

In December 2020, around 78 percent of the Russians surveyed by the Levada Center were aware of Navalny's poisoning. Their opinion on this depended on the information channel. Young people - who obtained information on the Internet - were more likely to blame the authorities (34%) than older people over 55 years of age (9%) who obtained information via television and predominantly from a form of staging (40%) or actions from western countries Secret services (26%) believed.

Awards

Filmography

literature

Web links

Commons : Alexei Anatoljewitsch Navalny  - collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

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