Domenico Silvo

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Coat of arms of "Domenico Selvo" based on ideas from the 17th century

Domenico Silvo , also Silvio or Selvo , in the contemporary sources Dominicus Silvus († around 1087 in Venice ), ruled the Republic of Venice from 1071 until his deposition in 1084 . According to the historiographical tradition, as the state-controlled historiography of Venice is called, he was the 31st Doge .

He fought on the side of the Byzantine Empire against the Normans of southern Italy, for which Venice received an extremely far-reaching trade privilege in 1082. This exempted the traders of Venice in the Byzantine capital Constantinople from taxes and gave them their own trading quarters on the Golden Horn . Silvo was married to the Byzantine princess Theodora from around 1075 . Although he tried to stay out of the investiture controversy , he fought against the Normans who were in league with the Pope. His son was killed in a sea battle and he himself was overthrown as a result of this defeat.

Origin, social advancement, doge office

Family, negotiator, dog counselor

Very little is known about the origin of Domenico Silvo. Only his father's name, Stefano, has survived. From a first marriage he had a son who was also called Domenico, but who was probably no longer alive in 1086. He was a relative of the influential Candiano family. Around 1075 he married Princess Theodora Dukas (1058-1083), probably a daughter of the Byzantine emperor Constantine Dukas and sister of Michael VII. She supposedly brought Byzantine splendor and luxury to Venice, which, if one follows later historiography, especially from Petrus Damiani in his De Institutione monialis is said to have been criticized. But Damiani, who died in 1072, could hardly have met the princess, who appeared in Venice in 1075 at the earliest. It was more likely to refer to Maria, who died in 1007, who was also the Byzantine wife of fellow doge Johannes Urseolus . Theodora was the last Byzantine princess to be married to a Venetian Doge.

Apparently, Silvo had gained a high reputation as a supporter of his predecessor. His name appears for the first time in a document from August 1046. According to this document from the Bishop of Olivolo, Domenico Contarini, probably a relative of the Doge, he appears in the aforementioned function as envoy in 1055 at the court of Henry III.

Official survey (1071)

Domenico Silvo was elected Doge by acclamation in the church of San Nicolò di Lido in 1071 by the entire populus - "ie the influential sexes with their respective clientele" - and by the clergy. Afterwards he was brought in a solemn procession, which for the first time describes an eyewitness named Domenico Tino, to the as yet unfinished church of San Marco . Immediately after the solemn funeral of his predecessor Domenico Contarini, numerous people flocked to the shore in front of San Nicolò di Lido in their boats to choose a doge according to custom - “in littore Olivolensi solito more pro eligendo duce congregarentur”, as Domenico Tino writes . In the Church, major religious authorities and numerous clergymen prayed for the election of a man worthy of this office. As if from the same mouth, the people finally stopped shouting “Dominum Silvum volumus et laudamus”. When there was no contradiction, Silvo was carried to a boat on the shoulders of some men. Once there, he ordered that his shoes should be taken off, while the clergy ("Dominicus Tinus clericus", the eyewitness, was also there) boarded the boat and started a Te Deum in the presence of the enthusiastic crowd. The new Doge was escorted to the Riva di San Marco, then accompanied by a procession to St. Mark's Church, with the Doge making his modest entry into the Church of St. Markus emphasized by his barefoot - "discalceatus humiliter ad beatissimi Marci ecclesiam incedit". He threw himself to the ground, giving thanks to God for the great honor. Then he took the scepter lying on the altar ("baculum ab altari Sanctissimi Marci suscepit"). Finally, accompanied by a large crowd, he moved on to the Doge's Palace , where he accepted the people's oath of allegiance - “fidelitatis iuramenta a populo recepit”. According to the eyewitness, there was not the slightest resistance to the choice of the Doge; on the contrary, the enthusiasm and jubilation were unanimous.

Political continuity and St. Mark's Church, investiture dispute

Christ Pantocrator and four saints in the main apse of St. Mark's Church

In the first years of office, Silvo largely continued the policy of his predecessor, which he had already symbolically prepared immediately after the election by ordering that the tomb of his predecessor be restored and beautified ("restaurari et meliorari iussit", as Domenico Tino writes) . The good relationship with the two empires was just as important as that with the Pope , which in turn benefited trade. During Silvo's tenure, the interior of the now completed St. Mark's Church began to be furnished with mosaics and an elaborate marble floor. The mosaics in the apse were assigned to his term of office, i.e. the Christ Pantocrator and the saints and apostles . The same applies to the work in the area of ​​the entrance gates, the Theotokos , Apostles and Evangelists . There are also some fragments of a Descent from the Cross on the tetrapylon in the southeast of the choir .

Silvo took up the initiative of his predecessor and intervened in the dispute over the Patriarchate of Grado . Its metropolitan, Domenico Marango, had from Leo IX. 1053 gained full recognition, which ended a centuries-old dispute with the Patriarchs of Aquileia . But the now secured Grado got into considerable economic difficulties. Silvo intervened in September 1074 by increasing the services of some clerics, dioceses and monasteries. Pope Gregory VII recognized these efforts in December 1074 , but he deplored the bitter state of the patriarchy and demanded that the Doge intervene accordingly. In 1077 and 1081 the reform pope warned the doge to avoid contact with those who had been excommunicated , which was a clear indication of the investiture dispute and the related arguments with Henry IV . Silvo never asked for an extension of the traditional treaties in the empire, as was customary among his predecessors.

Fights with Normans (from 1075), marriage to Theodora, imperial trade privilege (1082)

The marriage between the Doge and Theodora resulted in closer political ties between Venice and Constantinople. In the disputes between the German Emperor Henry IV and Pope Gregory VII, Silvo supported the imperial party, while Gregory found new allies in the Normans of Sicily after a military defeat . These were sharp competitors of Byzantium for supremacy in the eastern Mediterranean and at the same time rivals of Venice in the Adriatic.

Robert Guiskard's coin († 1085), who from 1059 became one of the pillars of the reform papacy and ended Byzantine rule in southern Italy. He began the conquest of Sicily (1072 Palermo) and attacked Byzantium in 1081, but his fleet was involved in several sea battles from Venice. In 1084/85 the Venetians were victorious again, but lost in another naval battle. This defeat led to the overthrow of the Doge.
Coin of Emperor Alexios I, who granted Venice extensive trading privileges for his naval aid against Robert Guiscard in 1082

In the spring of 1075 there was a first attack by Normans on the island of Arbe in the northern Adriatic. Their leader, Count Amicus, also fell into the hands of King Petar Krešimir IV , and he claimed supremacy over Spalato , Traù , Zara , Zaravecchia and perhaps Nona . Byzantium, increasingly besieged by the Seljuks from the east and the Normans from the west, was unable to intervene in the Adriatic. Instead, Silvo drove the Normans out of Dalmatia in 1075 and 1076 with the Venetian naval power. He was recognized as a senior by the cities there . The emperor then elevated him to protoproedos , a high title that had not been awarded to any doge until then. Silvo, who until then had preferred the title Venecie et Dalmacie dux , now boasted the Byzantine title. It was around this time that he married Theodora Dukas.

Robert Guiskard , the Norman Duke of Apulia and Calabria, did not accept the defeat of Count Amico . His son Bohemond occupied the Byzantine Valona in 1081 , his father crossed there in May of the same year and conquered Corfu . In the ensuing battles for Durazzo , Venice made a decisive contribution to the stabilization of Byzantium through its fleets, which had largely lost the eastern part of the empire to the Seljuks until the death of Robert Guiscard took the pressure off Byzantium and Venice.

After the first fighting, an imperial embassy went to Venice. In May 1082, the new emperor Alexios I Komnenos gave the city far-reaching privileges in a chrysobullon in the Byzantine Empire, exemption from taxes on merchandise and its own merchant colony on the Golden Horn , whose residents were subject to dogal jurisdiction. This treaty laid the foundation for Venice's rise to become the leading trading and military power in the eastern Mediterranean. Silvo received the title of protosebastos , which gave him the same rank as the emperor himself. Byzantium, on the other hand, which had largely ruled the eastern Mediterranean in the middle of the 11th century, was only able to maintain its fleet to a limited extent.

In July 1082 the Venetian fleet defeated the Normans, but the Byzantine army was defeated at Durazzo, which the Normans had occupied in February 1082. From there Robert Guiscard marched directly towards Constantinople, but had to break off his venture when Henry IV moved against Rome. The first reconquests were made in 1083, including Corfu. However, Durazzo fell back to the Normans under Robert Guiscard in 1084. Silvo's son, who commanded the Venetian fleet, which lost another battle, was captured.

Fall

The sources provide two possibilities for the fall of Silvo and his whereabouts. Andrea Dandolo , Trevisan and Dolfin claim that he was forcibly removed from office and placed in a monastery in 1084 following a popular uprising in the wake of the defeat in question. Other sources state that he died while still in office and that he was buried in the atrium of San Marco with an inscription in memory of Durazzo's victory over Robert Guiscard. The date of his death is unknown. Andrea Dandolo also claims that Silvo's successor Vitale Falier , whose ambition aimed at the Doge's office, incited against the Doge. Under him the Norman War ended, mainly through Robert's death, and he returned Durazzo to Byzantium. After 1087 there is no longer any news of him bearing the title protosebastos , as was customary, until his death.

reception

Until the end of the Republic of Venice

Byzantium, threatened by the Seljuks and Normans, became increasingly dependent on the Venetian naval aid, which was reflected economically in the fact that Venice was uniquely privileged in the empire. As opposed to the Roman-German Empire, the reform papacy gave it significant privileges, albeit only under Silvo's successor in 1095. The interpretation that Venetian historiography gave to the life of the Doge was, on the one hand, the existence-threatening disputes aligned with the Normans and thus no longer aligned with the empire, which the Doge, on the contrary, long supported against the reform papacy. As a result, sources of the Roman Curia are becoming increasingly important. The focus of the most important and most frequently cited chronicle of Venice, that of Doge Andrea Dandolo , represents in perfect form the views of the political leadership bodies that were already firmly established in his time, in the 14th century, which have steered history especially since this Doge. His work was repeatedly used as a template by later chroniclers and historians. Hence it became immensely dominant in ideas of Venetian history prior to its time. In connection with Silvo at Dandolo, the derivation and legitimation of the territorial claim of his hometown was less of a focus than the defense against papal attempts at interference. In this context, the recognition and, if possible, the expansion of the "old treaties" by the new emperors (and kings) who came into office has always been of enormous importance, which Silvo had achieved even before his election as Doge, and Henry IV still much expanded. The strategies of balancing interests between the predominant families at that time, but above all the state of constitutional development, led to the increasing involvement of the Doge, who had been denied the possibility of a hereditary monarchy since Silvo's predecessors. The stages of political developments that finally led to the disempowerment of the Doge, who was increasingly assigned representative tasks, but no longer allowed independent decisions, was a further objective of the presentation. At the same time, on the one hand, the balance between the ambitious and dominant families remained one of the most important goals; on the other hand, the derivation of the prominent position of the 'nobili' in the state was of great importance, partially contradicting the above goal. Because the church offices played an essential role in the investiture controversy, the Pope opened up new possibilities for interference, which Venice in turn defended itself by maintaining a patriarchate controlled by Grado, which it later brought entirely to Venice.

The very brief Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo from the late 14th century, the oldest vernacular chronicle of Venice, depicts the events, like Andrea Dandolo, on a level that has long been familiar at that time and largely dominated by individuals, especially the Doges This also applies to “Domenego Selvo”. The individual doges even form the temporal framework for the entire chronicle, as was customary in Venice. In the case of Silvo, she strangely emphasizes that after the death of his predecessor he ended up on the Doge's chair (“al seggio ducal ascexe da poi la morte del dicto”). Under him, the St. Mark's Church was adorned with a “meraveiosa ovra ad musaica et de nobel piere”, with an “admirable mosaic work and precious stones”. It was also during this period that "Alexio imperador de Gretia", as the emperor of Byzantium was often called, asked for help against Robert Guiscard, king of the island of Sicily ("dell insulla de Cecillia re"), who had already gone over to it of Romania to destroy the Byzantine Empire ( "era andado a dampnificar alcuna parte de Romania"). With the consent of the whole people, Venice equipped a fleet of armed ships, "dela qual cosa l'imperador molto ingraciando, obligandosi a li Venetiani perpetualmente". What is meant is the privilege of 1082, to which the emperor, grateful because of the Venetian naval deployment, committed himself for an unlimited period of time.

Pietro Marcello meant in 1502 in his work later translated into Volgare under the title Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia , the doge "Domenico Silvio Doge XXX." "Fu fatto doge dal popolo" ('was made a doge by the people'). For him only the fight against the Normans is worth mentioning here. According to Marcello, it was said that "Roberto Guiscardo, di natione Normando" had fought many battles with the Venetians in Apulia under his predecessor (p. 53) - he mentions Robert Guiscard as one of the first in connection with this Dogat. After Marcello, the Normans were driven out of Dalmatia under Silvo, and they also defeated them in a sea battle. But then came the said severe defeat in which many died, were captured and only a few were able to save themselves (“pochi se ne salavarono”). That is why the people took away the dignity of the Doge in the 13th year ("l'anno terzodecimo") of his "Prencipato". Others say, according to Marcello, that the defeat was not so difficult and that the Doge was not deposed at all, but that he was in “anno XXIII. del suo reggimento “, in the '23. Year of his regiment, then, died. He was also honored to be buried in San Marco.

According to the chronicle of Gian Giacomo Caroldo , the Historie venete dal principio della città fino all'anno 1382 , which is much more detailed at this point , “Dominico Silvio” was acclaimed (“acclamato”) by the people's assembly as doge in the year “MLXXJ” during his Predecessor was not yet buried (“non essendo ancora sepolto Dominico Contarini”). This happened in the church of San Nicolò (his predecessor was to be buried there), from where the new doge "con grand'allegrezza" was directed to San Marco, where the actual installation took place. The Doge took every care to make the St. Mark's Church so 'as you can find it today' (“com'al presente si ritrova”). To this end, 5000 ducats were to be raised every year until completion , at the same time the first 'procurator of the said church' was appointed. The Doge had a "nobile Constantinopolitana" to wife who lived with "artificiosa voluttà". She dressed with “pretiosi ornamenti, con odori et altre infinite delicatezze”, as - as the chronicler explicitly notes - Petrus Damianus already mentioned, “con la penosa morte che fece conveniente alla sua vita”. So she was punished for her wasteful and voluptuous life. At that time, the author continues, the son of the late Doge, namely "Henrico Contarini", succeeded the bishop of Olivolo Domenico Contarini. He was the first to call himself “Vescovo Castellano”, “Bishop of Castello”. The doge, who knew the poverty of the patriarchy, left the 200 amphorae of wine that the "Giustinopolitani" owed him annually; In addition, he promised the bishops and abbots further "honoranze". - The lion's share of Caroso's account is taken of the battles against Robert Guiscard, which ultimately led to the overthrow of the Doge. After "Nicephoro Botoniate" had stolen the throne from Emperor Michael, he began, he fled to Robert Guiscard. The Normans then attacked Durazzo, whereupon the new emperor asked Venice for naval aid through his "Nuncij". The Normans were subject to the Venetian fleet and had to give up the siege of Durazzo. The emperor sent land forces under "Alessio Comneno Mega" against the Normans, but his troops rebelled when they did not receive a salary. Now Alexios marched on Constantinople and was able to penetrate the city through the "porta dei Bulgari". At first he pretended to stand up for the overthrown emperor, but then he went to the Easter celebrations with the imperial crown on his head. He fulfilled his soldiers' hopes for compensation with “infiniti doni alli soldati”. Nikephorus, who immediately recognized the deception to which he had fallen victim, went to the monastery. After he had won the empire and calmed the people, Alexios marched towards Durazzo, which the Normans again besieged. A Venetian fleet turned there again. But this time "Ruberto" won, who now conquered Durazzo. Many of the Greeks and Venetians “furono morti et molti fatti prigioni”, “died or were captured”. Pope Gregory VII, locked in the "Castel San Angelo", sent a solemn embassy ("solenni Ambassatori") to Robert for help. He left his son "Boemondo" and the greater part of his troops fighting against Greeks and Bulgarians to go to Apulia. He freed the Pope from the captivity of the emperor and the Roman people, but died shortly afterwards of natural causes. The plundering of the city over several days remains unmentioned. The Venetians, driven by "rumore", and who were used to blaming the head when the armed forces lacked luck, hated the Doge after their defeat at Durazzo. The Dogat was taken from him after 12 years and he was 'driven out of the fatherland' ("espulso della Patria"). Accordingly, he ruled from 1071 to 1083. The trade agreement that Alexios concluded in 1082, which was extremely favorable for Venice, remains unmentioned, as does the attacks by the Seljuks .

Even Heinrich Kellner said in his 1574 published Chronica is Warhaffte actual vnd kurtze description, all Hertzogen to Venice life , made under "Dominicus Silvius", "from the public" Doge, "Being the norm Ander Auss Dalmatia chased been". The Venetians are also said to "stop Nicephori / and to please him / have armed an armada against the Normandies / and for Durazz (which they would have besieged) a great battle should have happened". "So the Venedians have received a glorious victory this time / the rule costs a lot". The Normans set up a new fleet, conquered Durazzo and this time triumphed over the Venetians, so that “little of your mighty armada came out of it / much was sacked / some were slain / and most of them were captured.” “That's why the people overthrew the Doge“ in the thirtieth jar of his duchy ”. Similar to Marcello, he also delivers the almost opposite report, according to which the defeat was bloody, but not so devastating, the fleet had put the men ashore, and “the duke of his amp was not horrified / but died in three and three Twentieth jar of his regiment / and honestly buried in S. Marx churches. "

In the translation of Alessandro Maria Vianoli's Historia Veneta , which appeared in Nuremberg in 1686 under the title Der Venetianischen Herthaben Leben / Government, und Absterben / Von dem First Paulutio Anafesto an / bis on the now-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , the author counts, deviating by Pietro Marcello, "Dominicus Sylvius, The 31st Hertzog". This comes from a gender that is "hereinafter referred to as document name". Although he was "initially raised to such highness with a laughing mouth", he "had to leave the duchy again with very many tears". He had “to decorate H. Marci's temple from the inside with the most precious marble / for which reason he called the most famous masters from all places to Venice / and had them decorate it in the most artificial way with mosaic work” (p. 180). But the Doge was “even forced to take the trouble to arms”, because Robert Guiscard had not only “chased away” all Greeks from Italy, and then “under the pretense / as if he wanted Michaëlem VII on the imperial throne in Constantinople to rise ”, for which he besieged“ Duraz ”. The doge was also the emperor's brother-in-law because he had married his sister "by the name of Calegona". For this reason, the Emperor had the Doge "asked Succurs from him". 36 warships, 18 galleys and many smaller ships went to Vianoli “under the Hertzog's own command” and had “conjugiret” with the Greek fleet in front of Durazzo in order to achieve “an excellent victory”. But soon it was possible to conquer Durazzo "under the command of Boëmondi, Roberti's son". Since Venice feared for the passage through the Adriatic, a new fleet was put together. However, both the Venetian and Byzantine fleets were defeated. When Domenico Silvo returned, he was blamed for the defeat "while he would have acted against Alexio as a canceled enemy of his brother-in-law's deposed Nicephori", and he was "chased away by the Hertzogthum". "Vitalis Falier" was accepted as his successor in 1084.

1687 noted Jacob von Sandrart in his Opus Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world famous republic of Venice laconic, short and sweet, that "Dominicus Sylvius" "In the year 1069" to "(XXX.) Hertzog came “Has been. The only thing worth mentioning is that after initial successes "against the Normans" who invaded Dalmatia, he suffered a defeat. "When he came back home he was appalled by the people of the government / in the 13th year of the same." On the other hand, he reports in detail about the Doge's Byzantine wife: "He is said to have had a Constantinopolitan wife / who was in Thau / whom she takes with great effort to collect / tend to bathe / she should also have the food / if they have them cut into small pieces by the blends / put gold forks in her mouth / so that she does not smear her fingers / she has the house at all times made agreeable with all sorts of fragrant things. But at last she is said to have gotten into such an addiction that she is not only completely emaciated; but also before Stanck people could stay with her / yes, the air itself was infected by such an unpleasant smell. ”According to the author laconically, Silvo was followed in 1084 by“ Vitalis Faledrus ”in the Doge's office.

Historical-critical representations

The Byzantine Empire in 1076

From 1769 Johann Friedrich LeBret published his four-volume State History of the Republic of Venice , in which he stated on the election of 1074: “The election ... of Dominicus Sylvius [,] characterized the rapid heat of the Venetian people just as the end of this prince characterized the ingratitude of them. “At the funeral of his predecessor in San Nicolò di Lido, there was suddenly a shouting, demanding that Silvo , who comes from an old family from Heraclea and because of his personal characteristics, be raised to doge. The Normans, who established themselves in southern Italy from 1016, were decisive. It was a long time before the popes ceased to fight them, but “understood how advantageously they could use the Normans for their own advantage.” “Gregorius, the seventh, also had the audacity to cast a spell over him [Robert Guiscard] do, but in the end was happy to receive protection from the Norman nation. ”So nobody could stop the Normans, because“ the Greek Empire was too weak ”. The Dalmatians called in the Doge in 1075, who drove the Normans from there. Emperor "Michael the Seventh, who studied a lot but made the Turks too powerful", was soon overthrown by Nikephorus. His Norman daughter-in-law "expelled Helena into a monastery". Soon afterwards someone came to Robert's court who pretended to be the overthrown emperor. “The Pope put Nicephorus under its spell and ordered Robert to venture an undertaking for the benefit of this illustrious refugee.” Robert managed to conquer Corfu, whereupon he besieged Durazzo. The Venetians are different. “Under the weak power” of the Byzantines “they had so far greatly expanded their shipping and activity”, but they saw their successes in danger from the Normans. Nikephoros wrote to his brother-in-law Silvo and asked for help. This "put himself on board" because he "burned with desire to measure himself against this warlike nation". His fleet won, but "Robert soon restored his fleet". The military leader of the Byzantines, Alexios, demanded the lack of pay for his men, "led his lively soldiers against Constantinople himself" - he "besieged the residence, penetrated the Bulgarian gate through a treason of General Arnoni, repudiated Nicephorus". After a while he himself appeared as an emperor. Durazzo now defended "the brave Commandant Paäologus". "The Venetians were called here again, but first received an open letter of freedom from Kayser Alexius, which has been kept up to our times, and is all the more strange because it was the basis of all subsequent comparisons with the Greek emperors." Before Corfu it came to Battle between Venetians and Normans, "and if we can believe the Malaterra , the loss of this meeting, the combined fleet of Greeks and Venetians, cost thirteen thousand men (p. 276)". In 1083 Durazzo fell to Robert. The Doge was able to flee to Venice “covered with shame”. He "suddenly lost all prestige and respect". "The spirit of unrest attacked the people, and a noble citizen was found who secretly nourished him." He was "the first prince to whom his people blamed the war accident". "How long he lived in prison after his deposition does not determine the Venetian yearbooks." At the end, LeBret describes the decoration of St. Mark's Church, "although its decorations were consumed by the fire in the following years." The doge also called himself in a document from 1074 "by the grace of God Duke of Venice and Dalmatia". Finally he quotes Wilhelm of Apulia : “A city whose walls are everywhere surrounded by seas, where no one can go from one house to another without being transferred to ships, whose inhabitants therefore live on the water, supplies such sailors, who from to be outdone by any other nation in naval warfare and shipping ”(p. 277).

The Bucintoro in front of San Nicolò di Lido, ship procession of the Doge, Francesco Guardi around 1780/90, oil on canvas, 50 * 80 cm, private collection, Milan

Samuele Romanin , the historian embedded in the broader historical context and who portrayed this epoch in 1853 in the first of ten volumes of his Storia documentata di Venezia , expressed himself less in an educational and moralizing way than looking for contemporary motifs . As a starting point for his work, he draws on the representation of the Doge's election in 1070 by Domenico Tino. The Venetians soon shouted from one mouth: “Dominicum Silvium volumus et laudamus”. A multitude of nobles carried him on their shoulders, accompanied by a large crowd to a boat. With chants, the Te deum laudamus and the doge praise, the people acclaimed with the Kyrie eleison , the water foamed under the strokes of the oars, the bells rang. In the church the doge threw himself on the ground and thanked God and St. Markus for the honor. Then it went again in a large crowd to the Doge's Palace, where the people swore their oath of allegiance, whereupon gifts were distributed. Finally the new doge gave instructions to restore the portals, chairs, and seats which the people had confused in their 'barbaric custom' (p. 309 f.). Silvo, the envoy to Heinrich III in 1055. had been to have the privileges of Venice confirmed, married a princess who was either the daughter of Konstantin Dukas (1059-1067) or Nikephoros Botaneiates , who only became emperor in 1078. Romanin also reports, albeit with a certain distance from the chroniclers, 'of the luxury and the softnesses' (“mollezze”) that Silvo's wife brought to Venice, and who were previously unknown. There they tell of fragrances and golden forks, of gloves that the Greek woman wore all the time, and of the dew that she had collected - and of the fact that all these substances made her sick (p. 310 f.). Romanin accepts these reports, but objects that numerous Venetians have traveled to Constantinople for generations, and yet comes to the conclusion that their influence caused a "rivoluzione nei costumi". Then the author turns to the Normans, whose expansion he describes in detail. In 1075 Spalato turned to the Doge for help, who was addressed not only as the 'Doge of Venice and Dalmatia', but also as 'Our Lord' (“Signor nostro”); It only becomes clear that something has been done, if not what. Nikephoros Bryennios d. Ä. , a successful general who had also played a role, albeit an unclear one, in Dalmatia, rebelled unsuccessfully against the emperor. Nikephoros Botaneiates, emperor from 1078 onwards, was happier here. But soon there were two further surveys, with Alexios Komnenos succeeding in founding a new dynasty. Meanwhile, Normans were fighting on all sides, and Robert Guiscard, whose plans were promoted by this and other battles, prepared an invasion. He married his daughter Helena with Constantine , son and co-emperor Michael VII (1067-1078). Robert initially conquered Corfu with 160 ships, but a storm destroyed the fleet at Cape Linguetta. Emperor Alexios sought the support of Henry IV , to whom he sent a letter with a series of promises of privileges, he recruited Turks and Varangians , and he incited the Venetians to intervene. After Anna Komnena , Emperor Alexios I's daughter, he promised them generous wages and compensation for all costs, but above all the greatest possible trade privileges. Attracted by these advantages, a large fleet, led by the Doge himself, landed north of Durazzo in late July, which was still defended under Georgios Paleologos. Robert tried to get the Venetians on his side. In one battle the Venetians won, so the siege was blown up, but in October Alexios was defeated by the Normans. Durazzo finally had to surrender. Meanwhile, Alexios was collecting new funds in Constantinople to raise an army, and turned again to Henry IV and Domenico Silvo. The former, however, was involved in the investiture dispute with the Pope, who was in league with the Normans. Robert, who was in Italy because of a rebellion in Apulia, moved to Rome, which his troops plundered for three days, and took Gregory VII with him to his kingdom, where he died in Salerno in May of the following year . The Pope was already supporting the Patriarchate of Grado around 1074, but resented the Venetians, as Romanin was the first historian ("seguirono gravi disgusti con Gregorio, disgusti da nessuno storico notati") to deduce from papal letters, especially that of June 9, 1077 they continued to support the emperor. Robert soon resumed his Byzantine plans and there was another naval battle with the Venetians, who won. But later they were subject to the Norman fleet, advised by a Pietro Contarini who had fled to Robert, whose motives are not known (p. 324). Robert appreciated the courage and loyalty of the prisoners, who refused to give way to the alliance they had once made with Alexios, and released them. Domenico Silvo, however, was forced to resign by the people and is believed to have entered a monastery. - However, Silvo stayed in the memory because of the beautification of St. Mark's Church; every ship that came from the east had to bring marble and precious stones. However, the church was damaged by four fires, namely 1106, 1230, 1419 and 1429, in which many documents and works of art were lost. Romanin ends this section on St. Mark's Church with typical patriotic classifications and the emphasis on Italian (p. 326).

Seal of Alexios I with the Anastasis , the emperor in full armor, the sword in his right hand, next to him St. George

In his Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia from 1861, Francesco Zanotto grants the popular assembly greater influence, but this people is always 'gullible because ignorant' ('credulo perchè ignorante') and 'fickle as the sea'. When Heinrich III. 1055 recognized the old privileges of Venice, which was particularly important for trade, this was probably due to the negotiators Domenico Silvo and Buono Dandolo. Zanotto emphasizes that Silvo's election differs from all other Doge elections, but it was by no means a spontaneous act or a higher resolution, rather it was well prepared by his supporters. 'As an old chronicle confirms', the new Doge had the wooden parts of St. Mark's Church replaced with stone, and valuable marble and mosaics were added. He sent craftsmen from the 'Orient' who in turn taught others their craft. Zanetti believes, according to Zanotto, that the figures of the Savior between the Virgin and Mark, which adorn the arch above the inner central portal, date from the time of Silvo, probably also the mosaics of the domes of the atrium with scenes from the Old Testament . - According to Zanotto, Michael VII gave him Theodora as his wife, in order to tie himself more closely to the Doge through ties of friendship, whom some believed to be a daughter of Constantine X and others to be a sister of Nikephoros Botaneiates, his successor. 'According to the historians' (“al dir degli storici”) she brought amazing luxury, her ladies-in-waiting and eunuchs, and used numerous fragrances and herbs that made her sick. Her body stank, she died after a short time. Allegedly, at least as Sanudo claims, he received the title “protpedro imperiale” from the emperor, which is said to have come from a place called Protocridi , which Theodora brought into the marriage. But above all, the Silvos regiment differed from that of its predecessors through a series of wars. So he drove the Normans from Dalmatia and subjected the cities there to the sovereignty of Venice again. Robert Guiscard, who with the support of Gregory VII initially succeeded in conquering Butrinto and Valona , now besieged Durazzo. Even at Zanotto, Venice sent a fleet under Silvo's leadership, consisting of 63 ships (p. 75), after the usurper Alexios had asked him for help. With him, too, Robert tried to bring an alleged pretender to the throne back to the throne in Constantinople. Through the betrayal of a certain Domenico, whom Zanotto does not mention was a Venetian, the city allegedly fell to Robert. A few months later, after Alexios raised new troops, the Venetians suffered yet another defeat. A Pietro Contarini, be it out of private revenge or out of greed, betrayed the Venetian fleet that lay off the coast of Albania. The Greeks fled, but the Venetians also had to surrender after a hard fight. 3000 Venetians were captured and the same number died. According to Zanotto, Robert avenged himself cruelly by having many blinded or otherwise mutilated. But when they did not give up their oath of allegiance and preferred to be hacked to pieces, he released them. When 'the fatal news came to Venice, everything was confusion, sadness, fear'. Since, as is always the case with the “cieco e volubile vulgo”, with the “blind and talkative people”, they fell away from the Doge, with his enemies fueling the people's growing hatred of the Doge. Vitale Faliero in particular did so, so that the Doge was deposed. Some say, according to Zanotto, that he spent the rest of his life between the monastery walls, others, including Sanudo, that he was buried in the atrium of St. Mark's Church. Finally, Zanotto notes that under Silvo the Grado patriarchate was better equipped and the church of S. Jacopo di Rialto was renovated.

Right at the beginning, August Friedrich Gfrörer († 1861) explains in his history of Venice from its founding to 1084 , which appeared eleven years after his death : "Doge Contareno died, it seems to me, only after the middle of 1071". Gfrörer says about the funeral and the tumultuous election of the Doge: "Demagogy must have been at play here" (p. 504). First he quotes Andrea Dandolo, as Contareno was not yet buried, “as the whole people in the Church of the Holy. Nicholas met and unanimously selected Silvio as doge. Thereupon they led the elected into the Markuskapelle, which was not fully developed at that time, and installed him in his office by presenting the flag. "According to Gfrörer, not only Dandolo, but also Byzantine sources report the marriage with Theodora," the daughter of the Constantin Ducas ”. According to Dandolo, this marriage came about at the instigation of "the young Greek emperor Michael, who followed his father Constantin Ducas in 1067, and Michael adorned the ducal brother-in-law with the splendid title of protoproedros." For the author, this indicates the repeated one Try to establish a hereditary monarchy. The Doge had also sided with Henry IV, a situation that lasted from 1071 to 1081, but even after that Pope Gregory VII did not trust him. In a letter of April 8, 1081, the Pope expressed his joy at a change of heart of Silvo (p. 505). But now the activities of the "bold Norman chief Robert Wizkard" took full advantage of the Doge. Following Dandolo, Gfrörer first mentions the expulsion of the Normans from Dalmatia, but he rejects the assumption that Robert had conquered Dalmatia. “Die Handveste” dates from February 8, 1075 and was signed by numerous dignitaries from Spalato, Trau, Zara, Belgrade (Altzara). In essence, it says: “Take oath to you, Mr. Domenico Silvio, Doge of Veneto and Dalmatia, also imperial protohedros, our gracious lord, that from today for all future, neither we, nor our fellow citizens, Normans or want to take other foreigners into our country ”(p. 507). From this, Gfrörer draws the conclusion that there were no fighting, but diplomatic efforts. Seven years later, in July 1082, Robert attacked Byzantium. Emperor Alexios saw no possibility to defend his empire on his own and looked for an ally in Venice. "But the Venetians did not do great services without payment" (p. 510).

Open manuscript ( Florentinus Laurentianus 70, 2 ) of the Alexiad of Anna Komnena, Constantinople (?), 12th century, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana , Florence. The Codex is one of the three authoritative manuscripts for the edition and at the same time the oldest.

Through Anna Komnena we surprisingly learn numerous details that go far beyond what is reported about previous wars in which Venice was involved. She reports that Alexios wanted to allow the Venetians everything that would not endanger the well-being and existence of his empire. According to Gfrörer, the corresponding certificate is still available. At the end of July or August 1085, their fleet appeared under the leadership of Silvo in front of Durazzo, where they immediately won a first sea battle. Malaterra mentions that the Venetians used the Greek fire . In August 1082 Alexios set out from Constantinople, he led many groups with him, including Turks, Croats, Varangians (these were Anglo-Saxons who were on the run from the Norman William the Conqueror ) and 2,800 Manicheans (p. 515 f.). Alexios agreed to the attack, which, according to Gfrörer, took place on October 18, 1082, because he listened “to the advice of unreason”, as Anna Komnena critically notes, because it was followed by a heavy defeat against the Normans. The emperor escaped injured. “Before the meeting in Durazzo, chronicler Lupus estimates the strength of the Greek army at 70,000 men, which seems to me credible; another, but later Italian, Peter von Montecassino , even speaks of 170,000 men ”. The same number counted only 15,000 men for Robert, which Gfrörer “does not want to reject” (p. 523). The two fleets of the Byzantines and Venetians had to start their journey home as winter was approaching. Consequently, Durazzo had to capitulate, which fell by betrayal. Wilhelm the Apulian names a Domenico, son of a previous doge, who hated Silvo because he was not drawn to the deliberations. " Galfred Malaterra " reports the same thing, but Domenico is no dog's son with him. According to Gfrörer, Anna Komnena attributed the betrayal to an Amalfi in order not to harm the honor of the Venetians, on whose help the continued existence of the empire once again depended (p. 524 f.). Anna Komnena reports of promises her father made to Henry IV if he would invade Apulia to fight their common enemy. At Pentecost 1083 he first conquered the city of Leo , whereupon Robert hurried to Apulia in March or April 1083 to save the Pope. In Puglia, Alexios' negotiators had made promises to incite Robert's opponents to revolt. Robert entered Rome on May 29, 1084, and the Apulian uprising collapsed. From Brindisi Robert set out to the east in October 1084, to Wilhelm the Apulier alone with 120 warships. Meanwhile, his son Bohemond had besieged Larissa in Thessaloniki for six months in vain, and had even suffered a defeat there against Alexios. His discontented men forced them to return to the Albanian coast. But the tide turned again after Robert's return. Byzantium now had no allies except Venice. Venice, on the other hand, had to fear that it would be “completely excluded from the Mediterranean.” The Venetian fleet found a completely impoverished and deserted lower Durazzo, with a Norman garrison above that the Venetians could not harm. After 15 days the fleet left town, waiting for Robert. Boemund had returned from Larissa, but in the meantime the Venetian fleet, reappearing in the lower Adriatic, conquered Corfu in league with Byzantium at the beginning of the spring of 1084, perhaps in February or March. In two battles, the Normans were now defeated three days apart, as Anna Komnena reports. Again the turning point came through betrayal, this time the traitor was a “Peter Contareno”, perhaps, according to Gfrörer, a “relative or even a son of Dogen Domenico Contareno”, Domenico Silvos' predecessor. In the catastrophic defeat of November 1084 (as Gfrörer dated) 13,000 Venetians are said to have died according to Anna Komnena (p. 544). 2,700 Venetians were taken prisoner, another chronicler reports. The Venetians lost nine large warships called galleons. "The general despair discharged devastatingly over the head of Doge Silvio" (p. 547). Dandolo, the chronicler, quotes Gfrörer with the words: "Because of the loss of the fleet sent against Robert, the Venetians were angry with the Doge, so that he was deposed after he had occupied the ducal chair of Veneto for twelve years." Gfrörer calculates from this back and comes to the conclusion that the doge was chosen “well at the beginning of March 1072” and that his fall took place accordingly in November / December 1084. He assumes that Silvo was on one of the high-speed sailors who prematurely announced the (double) victory over Robert in Venice, because his name does not appear in any of the chroniclers in connection with the decisive third battle. Again quoting Dandolo, Gfrörer assigns the later Doge the initiative through which Silvo fell: "Vitalis Faledro, who ascended the ducal chair in 1084, had pushed through the expulsion of Silvio through promises and gifts" (p. 549).

Heinrich Kretschmayr also describes in detail in his History of Venice in 1905 the battles between the Normans under Robert Guiscard and Emperor Alexios I, and then the investiture controversy that was intertwined with it. He also considers the expansion of San Marco and San Nicolò di Lido, the “end of the patriarchal dispute and the glorious uprising of the local church”, then the recognition of the privileges “probably in 1055”, “their renewal so far, to be worth mentioning had been so persistently denied. It cannot be said whether the version still expressed the empire's claim to rule. ”Doge became one of the two envoys from 1055 to Heinrich III.,“ Domenico Silvio ”. Kretschmayr also reports about Theodora and the "excessive luxury" of the " Dogaressa ", for which she was allegedly punished with illness and death, but at the same time he distances himself from Petrus Damiani and his "obvious exaggerations". “Similar obituaries were also said to have been given to the Empress Theophanu and other Greek princesses who had come to the West.” “ A good relationship was maintained with the Western Empire even after Tribur and Canossa ; precisely for that reason the warning and threatening of Gregory VII! ”(p. 156). In contrast to earlier historians, the author emphasizes that the conflict with Croatia and Hungary also called for Venice's attention, because "Peter Kresimir II. (1052-1072)", descendant of a Tsarese priory family and Croatian ancestors, got involved in accepting the royal title Venice's claims in contradiction. According to Kretschmayr, the Doge never gave up his title of "Dalmatian Duke", even if it was only confirmed again in 1076. "For years one hears nothing of Greek, hardly anything of Venetian rule." Hungary had also made claims, for example under Peter, son of Ottone Orseolo and Maria, daughter of St. Stephen , so that Zara had to recapture Venice in 1050 or 1062 . King Andrew I also temporarily ruled parts of Dalmatia. Finally, the Hungarians supported a pretender to the throne against Kresimir. Now the Normans also appeared in Dalmatia, whose rise Kretschmayr describes in detail with the caesuras Bari (1071) and Palermo (1072), the fight with Gregory VII and the understanding between the Pope and Robert in 1080, which helped the Pope to achieve this , “In order to have a free hand against the western empire, the Normans, in order to oppose the eastern empire” (pp. 157–165). After Palermo, the Normans tried to gain a foothold in Dalmatia, "Count Amicus of Giovinazzo captured the Croatian king, Dalmatian cities were supposed to establish a close relationship with the new state for the sake of their navy." Venice, for its part, "explained every connection between a Dalmatian city and the Normans for high treason . Spalato and Traù, Zara and - apparently recently regained - Zaravecchia had to make solemn documentary promises in February 1076 to the Doge, 'their master', in this sense. ”Nevertheless, Spalato and Ragusa presented the Norman leader Robert with ships for his fight in the spring of 1081 Byzantium (p. 159). There the Seljuks succeeded in "flooding" "the heartland of the empire, the actual supplementary district for the Greek Navy". Only this weakening of the Byzantine fleet brought the state into dependence on Venice. A few weeks after Alexios I was coronated as emperor, "a Norman fleet with 1,300 knights and 15,000 soldiers appeared on board ... and joined the ships that Duke Boemund, Robert's son, later the hero of the first crusade, had led." Durazzo besieged, "the key point of the empire to the west". Alexios "aroused hostile resistance to the duke in his own country, tried to win the support of the western empire with gold and treasures." For Venice, intervention against the Normans was in the common interest, because "his entire trade would then have depended on their arbitrariness . ”So in July 1081, under Silvo's leadership, the Venetian fleet appeared before Durazzo, defeated the Norman fleet and shocked Durazzo. Alexios led a relief army, "the core of which were Anglo-Saxon and Norman varangians", but on October 18, 1081 it was subject to the Normans. In February 1082 the city fell, "allegedly through the betrayal of a Venetian son of a dog, Domenico (Orseolo?), Who did not want to get along with the commanding son Domenico Silvios". Robert advanced eastwards towards Thessaly , but Byzantine diplomacy now sparked an uprising in Apulia, and Henry IV advanced from the north. Robert landed in Otranto in May 1082 , the same month that Alexios exhibited the extremely important Chrysobullon to the Venetians . This opened up to the Venetians “the whole of the Eastern Empire including the capital as a duty-free and duty-free trading area, and subject the Venetian merchants there to dogal jurisdiction. All competitors were knocked out of the field ”(p. 163). Alexios "had no other choice." In the summer of 1083 a Venetian fleet reappeared and conquered Durazzo, wintered there and in the spring of 1084 conquered Corfu. It was not until autumn that the Normans carried 150 warships from Otranto to Butrinto across the Adriatic. A long battle ensued, "which appears to the reporting sources now as a series of meetings, now as a single, great battle that lasted for days" (p. 164). First the Venetians and the Greeks won at the height of Cassiope, then they lost to Corfu. "At home in Zealand, the Job Post demanded its victim - the Doge Domenico Silvio". Finally, Kretschmayr also reports the two versions of his resignation. "His successor, whom some reports claim to be complicit in his fall, Vitale Falieri (Faletro) ... then saw the end of the war." The Venetian fleet was initially defeated by Saseno near Aulona , but won again before Butrint. "But sickness and death fought more powerfully than the ships for Venice." Boemund fell ill and had to return home, Robert died on July 17, 1085. Durazzo returned the Venetians to Alexios.

In his History of Venice, John Julius Norwich is also particularly interested in the war against the Normans. Why exactly Silvo was so popular is unknown, Norwich initially states, but the reasons must have been weighty, as an initial eyewitness description shows. Even the "oarsmen ... beating the flat of their blades upon the water, added their own thunderous applause". The now barefoot, simply dressed doge was led from the Lido to San Marco, where he threw himself "on the newly laid marble pavement". "The reign of Venice's twenty-ninth Doge had begun," the author adds. "Without delay the doge gave orders for the restoration and improvement of the doors, seats and tables which had been damaged after the death of Doge Contarini." Norwich sees no evidence of 'public disorder', the predecessor was popular because Silvo would have given him otherwise not be able to follow quickly in office. The Venetians may have adopted the "barbarous tradition of papal Rome", according to which the Lateran Palace was plundered when a Pope died . "The first decade of Domenico Selvo's reign was tranquil enough. Soon after his accession he married the Byzantine Princess Theodora Dukas, ”Norwich is sure. He also states skeptically: “Certainly Domenico Selvo never hesitated”, but although he took over command of the fleet, the fleet only reached Durazzo when the Normans were already there, although severely hampered by a storm. In fact, he attributes the Normans, of all people, to lack of experience in naval warfare, which established their defeat. After eight months of siege, after a "crushing defeat" from Emperor Alexios, Durazzo fell to the Normans. Without further ado, he declares Anna Komnena implausible, and Venice's revenge in the end for a kind of “wishful thinking”. You yourself, as one can see from Robert's description of the mutilations of the Venetians, "dwells with the morbid pleasure that is one of her least attractive characteristics". At the same time, the advantages of the Chrysobullon from 1082 are "almost impossible to exaggerate". He quotes Charles Diehl in a translated form: "On that day Venetian world trade began." On the other hand, the Venetians could not have known that the Norman question would weaken, because Robert died after the fall of the Doge, who served as a 'scapegoat' . In the end he makes up the story that the doge, who was sent to his monastery, did not fight back, and: “Probably his spirit was broken, and he was glad enough to go”.

swell

Narrative sources

  • Luigi Andrea Berto (ed.): Testi storici veneziani (XI – XIII secolo): Historia ducum Venetorum, Domenico Tino, Relatio de electione Dominici Silvi Venetorum ducis , Ed. Cleup, Padua 1999 (Medioevo Europeo 1), pp. 102-105 ( online ). (Eyewitness account of the election)
  • Anna Komnene : Alexias , translated by Diether Roderich Reinsch , DuMont, Cologne 1996, 2nd edition, de Gruyter, 2001.
  • Ester Pastorello (Ed.): Andrea Dandolo, Chronica per extensum descripta aa. 460-1280 dC (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores XII, 1), Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna 1938, pp. 214-217. ( Digital copy , p. 214 f.)
  • Henry Simonsfeld (ed.): Annales Venetici breves , in: MGH, Scriptores, XIV, ed. G. Waitz, Hannover 1883, pp. 69–72, here: p. 70. ( digitized version )
  • Luigi Andrea Berto (Ed.): Annales Venetici breves , in Testi storici veneziani (11th-13th secolo) , Padua 1999, p. 86 f.
  • Roberto Cessi (Ed.): Origo civitatum Italiae seu Venetiarum (Chronicon Altinate et Chronicon Gradense) , Rome 1933, pp. 29, 120, 131.
  • Roberto Cessi, Fanny Bennato (eds.): Venetiarum historia vulgo Petro Iustiniano Iustiniani filio adiudicata , Venice 1964, p. 2, 58.
  • Marino Sanuto, Le vite dei dogi , ed. Giovanni Monticolo (= Rerum Italicarum Scriptores 2, XXII, 4), Città di Castello 1890, pp. 153–155.

Legislative sources, letters

  • Gottlieb Lukas Friedrich Tafel , Georg Martin Thomas (ed.): Documents on the earlier commercial and state history of the Republic of Venice , Vienna 1856, n. XXI: Dalmatinorum promissio præstita de non admittendis in Dalmatiam Normannis , p. 41–43, here: p 42. ( Digitized version of the edition, p. 42 )
  • Erich Caspar (Ed.): The Gregors VII Register , MGH, Epistolae selectae, II, 1, Berlin 1920-1923, pp. 175, 341.
  • Luigi Lanfranchi (Ed.): Famiglia Zusatz , Venice 1955, pp. 6, 9, 13, 15.
  • Luigi Lanfranchi, Bianca Strina (Ed.): Ss. Ilario e Benedetto e S. Gregorio , Venice 1965, pp. 47, 49.
  • Luigi Lanfranchi (Ed.): S. Giorgio Maggiore , II, Venice 1968, pp. 93-95.
  • Bianca Lanfranchi Strina (Ed.): Ss. Trinità e S. Michele Arcangelo di Brondolo , Vol. II, Venice 1981, pp. 84, III, 1987, pp. 483, 485, 487.
  • Elisabeth Santschi (Ed.): Benedettini in S. Daniele , Venice 1989, p. 5 f. (Document from the Bishop of Olivolo, Domenico Contarini from 1046).

literature

Web links

Commons : Domenico Selvo  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Remarks

  1. ↑ Elisabeth Santschi (Ed.): Benedettini in S. Daniele , Venice 1989, p. 5 f.
  2. ↑ Uwe Israel : Doge and Wahlkapitulation in Venice , in: Heinz Duchhardt (Ed.): Wahlkapitulationen in Europa , Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2015, pp. 35–57, here: p. 37.
  3. ↑ Domenico Tino: Relatio de electione Dominici Silvi Venetorum ducis , ed. Berto, 1999, pp. 102-105.
  4. ↑ Dario Canzian: Marango, Domenico , in: Dizionario biografico degli Italiani , LXIX, Rome 2007, p. 418.
  5. ↑ Werner Seibt : Chrysobull , in: Lexikon des Mittelalters , Vol. 2: Beggars to Codex of Valencia , Metzler, Stuttgart 1999, Sp. 2050.
  6. ^ Roberto Pesce (Ed.): Cronica di Venexia detta di Enrico Dandolo. Origini - 1362 , Centro di Studi Medievali e Rinascimentali "Emmanuele Antonio Cicogna", Venice 2010, p. 51 f.
  7. ↑ Pietro Marcello : Vite de'prencipi di Vinegia in the translation of Lodovico Domenichi, Marcolini, 1558, p 53 f. ( Digitized version ).
  8. ↑ Șerban V. Marin (Ed.): Gian Giacomo Caroldo. Istorii Veneţiene , Vol. I: De la originile Cetăţii la moartea dogelui Giacopo Tiepolo (1249) , Arhivele Naţionale ale României, Bucharest 2008, pp. 95-97 ( online ).
  9. ↑ Heinrich Kellner : Chronica that is Warhaffte actual and short description, all life in Venice , Frankfurt 1574, p. 21v ( digitized, p. 21v ).
  10. ↑ Alessandro Maria Vianoli : Der Venetianischen Herthaben life / government, and withering / from the first Paulutio Anafesto to / bit on the itzt-ruling Marcum Antonium Justiniani , Nuremberg 1686, pp. 180-184 ( digitized ).
  11. ↑ Jacob von Sandrart : Kurtze and increased description of the origin / recording / areas / and government of the world famous Republick Venice , Nuremberg 1687, p. 31 f. ( Digitized, p. 31 ).
  12. ↑ Johann Friedrich LeBret : State history of the Republic of Venice, from its origin to our times, in which the text of the abbot L'Augier is the basis, but its errors are corrected, the incidents are presented in a certain and from real sources, and after a Ordered the correct time order, at the same time adding new additions to the spirit of the Venetian laws and secular and ecclesiastical affairs, to the internal state constitution, its systematic changes and the development of the aristocratic government from one century to another , 4 vols., Johann Friedrich Hartknoch , Riga and Leipzig 1769–1777, Vol. 1, Leipzig and Riga 1769, pp. 272–277 ( digitized version ).
  13. ^ Samuele Romanin : Storia documentata di Venezia , 10 vols., Pietro Naratovich, Venice 1853–1861 (2nd edition 1912–1921, reprint Venice 1972), vol. 1, Venice 1853, pp. 309–326 ( digitized version ).
  14. ↑ Francesco Zanotto: Il Palazzo ducale di Venezia , Vol. 4, Venice 1861, pp. 74-77 ( digitized version ).
  15. ↑ August Friedrich Gfrörer : History of Venice from its foundation to the year 1084. Edited from his estate, supplemented and continued by Dr. JB Weiß , Graz 1872, pp. 503-549 ( digitized version ).
  16. ↑ That the ambassadors Domenico Silvio and Bono Dandolo, an ancestor of the Doge and chronicler Andrea Dandolo, achieved the renewal of the old treaties, which, like this very same Andrea Dandolo, his predecessor Konrad II had "persistently refused", Gfrörer had noted earlier.
  17. ↑ digitized version .
  18. ↑ Anna Komnene: Alexias. Translated, introduced and annotated by Diether Roderich Reinsch , DuMont, Cologne 1996, 2nd edition, de Gruyter, 2001, p. 16.
  19. ^ Heinrich Kretschmayr : History of Venice , 3 vol., Vol. 1, Gotha 1905, pp. 155–164.
  20. ^ John Julius Norwich : A History of Venice , Penguin, London 2003.
predecessor Office successor
Domenico I. Contarini Doge of Venice
1071-1084 		Vital Falier
personal data
SURNAME Silvo, Domenico
ALTERNATIVE NAMES Selvo, Domenico; Silvio, Domenico; Silvus, Dominicus
BRIEF DESCRIPTION Doge of Venice
DATE OF BIRTH 11th century
DATE OF DEATH around 1087