Hans Horst Meyer

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Bust in the arcade courtyard of the University of Vienna

Hans Horst Meyer (born March 17, 1853 in Insterburg , East Prussia , today Chernyachovsk , Russia; † October 6, 1939 in Vienna ) was a German doctor and pharmacologist . His name has entered the Meyer-Overton theory of anesthesia . After a brilliant career as a scholar, his final years were overshadowed by National Socialism .

Life

Important representations are an autobiography, an obituary by the then Innsbruck pharmacologist Adolf Jarisch (1891–1965), an obituary by his student Hans Molitor (1895–1970), a history of the Pharmacological Institute of the University of Vienna, a book on the 125th birthday of the Pharmacological Institute Marburg and an article in the Neue Deutsche Biographie .

A scholarly career

The father, Ernst Rufold Heinrich Meyer (1810–1897), was a lawyer, "secret judicial councilor" and "royal Prussian notary". Hans Horst attended high school in Insterburg and later in Königsberg . He studied medicine in Königsberg, Leipzig, Berlin and again Königsberg. In the state examination he failed the pharmacologist Max Jaffé in the field of pharmacology , whereupon Jaffé invited him to a dissertation at his institute and thus steered him into his later career. After completing his doctorate, he worked with Oswald Schmiedeberg (1838–1921), one of the founders of the field of pharmacology, in Strasbourg, where Erich Harnack (1852–1915), the physiologist Friedrich Goltz (1834–1902) and the biochemist Felix Hoppe- Seyler (1825–1895) influenced. He was critical of the internist Adolf Kussmaul (1822–1902), who gave the name to Kussmaul breathing , for example :

“As admirable as the famous doctor seemed to me, I was just as unsatisfied ... his experiential therapy, which was always seriously recommended, e. B. the treatment of tabes with arnica drops or angina pectoris with placing a live pigeon on the chest ”.

In May 1881 he completed his habilitation with a thesis on phosphorus poisoning, and in October he succeeded Rudolf Boehm (pharmacologist) (1844-1926) in the former Schmiedeberg chair for pharmacology, dietetics and the history of medicine in Dorpat , now Tartu , Estonia. In the same year 1881 he also married Doris geb. Boehm (1860–1902), daughter of a manor owner, with whom he had three sons, Kurt Heinrich (1883–1952), Arthur Woldemar (1885–1933) and Friedrich Horst (1889–1894). Three years later, in 1884, he took over the pharmacology chair in Marburg , again as the successor to Rudolf Boehm . In 1895 he moved into new laboratories in the former surgical clinic. At the same time Emil von Behring (1854–1917) set up his institute for experimental therapy on the floor above . Meyer's tetanus research emerged from the exchange of ideas with him (see below). “In Marburg I spent 20 happy years of quiet work” - it was his most fruitful. In 1898 Otto Loewi (1873–1961) came to him, recipient of the Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine in 1936. Meyer was dean of the medical faculty twice, and in 1900 rector of the university. He was repeatedly invited to Great Britain, in 1905 also to the USA to give the Herter Lecture there at Johns Hopkins University , Baltimore , Maryland , and then in New York the first Harvey Lecture of the recently founded Harvey Society , a society for the promotion of the medical knowledge.

In 1904 he followed a call to the pharmacology chair in Vienna. Experimental pharmacology began in Austria. Otto Loewi accompanied him, but in 1909 became a full professor in Graz . Meyer turned down a call to Berlin in 1907. “I have not had to regret it,” he wrote in 1923, “even though I find being far from home in its terrible misery as shameful and bitterly painful” - what is meant is the misery of the First World War. Besides Loewi, three other later winners of the Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine worked for Meyer in Vienna for some time, namely George Hoyt Whipple (1878–1976), Nobel Prize 1934, Corneille Heymans (1892–1968), Nobel Prize 1938, and Carl Ferdinand Cori ( 1896–1984), Nobel Prize 1947: As Heimito von Doderer attests in the Strudlhofstiege , a doctor in Vienna in those years was at a “famous faculty”. 1911 joined Ernst Peter Pick (1872-1960) in the Institute one who should be his successor, in 1921 Hans Molitor (1895-1970), who in 1931, the Research Institute of the US Merck & Co. in Rahway , New Jersey , built . During Meyer's time in Vienna, the textbook he wrote with the Heidelberg pharmacologist Rudolf Gottlieb (1864–1924) was published, The experimental pharmacology as the basis of drug treatment , which had nine editions by 1936 (see below). In 1913 he was chairman of the Society of German Natural Scientists and Doctors . 1917–1918 he was rector of the University of Vienna. Even after his retirement in 1924 - he had been director of the institute for 20 years again - he stayed in Vienna. In 1927 he was elected as an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh . In 1932 he became an honorary citizen of the City of Vienna .

Late years

As the remark quoted above about the rejection of his call to Berlin shows, Meyer loved his German fatherland. This becomes even clearer when he calls the result of the First World War "the nefarious and shameful rape of the fatherland". His two sons, who are reaching adulthood, had taken part in the war (see picture). The family was of Protestant denomination. The non-scientific culture played a major role. Meyer collected manuscripts, owned by Goethe, Schiller, Clara Schumann and Ibsen - the collection now belongs to the Duke University Libraries . You felt German and patriotic. All the more incomprehensible the family must have been hit by National Socialism. He fatally hit the family of the second oldest son. Arthur Woldemar Meyer headed the surgical department of the Charlottenburg-Westend hospital. On November 14, 1933, he shot his wife and himself, presumably because she was of Jewish origin and the same was alleged of him. The father, Hans Horst, was saved from direct abuse until Austria was annexed. The threatening atmosphere, however, shows an action by the students against his successor Pick in 1932:

"Open letter from the management of the German student body to Prof. Dr. Pick! The German student body is indignant that you, contrary to expectations, accepted your election as dean of the medical faculty. The D. St. still stands on the position it announced in 1923 that professors of Jewish ethnicity are not allowed to hold academic positions of honor. Do you want to consider that you are at a German university and that the German students only recognize German teachers as their leaders! "

In 1938 both Meyer and Pick were deregistered from the German Academy of Sciences Leopoldina ; the memo reads: "Membership deleted November 30, 1938 (non-Aryans)." On December 13, 1938, he himself resigned from the Academy of Sciences in Vienna , of which he was a full member. Also on December 13, 1938, he was forcibly resigned from the Prussian Academy of Sciences , of which he had been a corresponding member since 1920.

According to a diary note by the Berlin pharmacologist Wolfgang Heubner (1877–1957), Meyer and Pick had to give up their apartments in 1938 and move into barracks. Pick emigrated to the USA. Meyer died in Vienna on October 6, 1939. At his request he was buried in Marburg. In the family funeral in the main cemetery in Marburg, he rests next to his parents, his wife, his son Friedrich Horst, who died as a child, and his son Arthur Woldemar and his wife.

The recent biographies say little or nothing about these last years. So Jarisch 1940: "Cared for with love and care by strangers in the last few weeks, the old man died an easy death on October 6, 1939 at the age of 87." After all, an memoriam in the USA: "The political tower of recent years and its destructive effect upon Viennese medicine saddened the last year of his life. Until the end, his true nobility of character and his interest and love for his associates remained undaunted. "

progeny

Arthur Woldemar Meyer had been a surgeon. His son Johannes Horst Meyer (1926–2016), orphaned in November 1933, was born by his uncle Kurt Heinrich Meyer , the eldest son of Hans Horst Meyers, and his wife Gertrude nee. Hellwig adopted. Kurt Heinrich, his wife and their adopted son lived in Geneva, where Kurt Heinrich was Professor of Chemistry. He was the doctoral supervisor of Edmond Henri Fischer (* 1920), with Edwin Gerhard Krebs (1918–2009) Nobel Prize laureates for physiology or medicine in 1992. In 1944, after many difficulties, the Meyer family succeeded in acquiring Swiss citizenship. Johannes Horst Meyer became Professor of Physics at Duke University , Durham , North Carolina , and is the doctoral supervisor of Robert Coleman Richardson (1937–2013), who received the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1996 with two colleagues.

research

A dissertation contains a complete list of Meyer's publications. Important publications are in Jarisch's obituary, some that appeared in Archives for Experimental Pathology and Pharmacology , annotated in a history of this journal.

For the pharmacologists of Schmiedeberg's and Meyer's time, the first thing to do was to provisionally test and classify the large number of medicinal or harmful active ingredients. A certain variety of topics results from this task. In Strasbourg, for example, Meyer was looking for further alkaloids in the South American diamond plant Pilocarpus , from which pilocarpine comes . In Marburg, he experimentally confirmed Buchheim's assumption that the active ingredient in castor oil is the ricinoleic acid released when the triglyceride is broken down . He produced a tannin preparation that came onto the market in 1894 as the “Diarrhea-stopping Tannigen Bayer” , the forerunner of today's tannin preparations such as Tannalbin . In his Viennese institute it was found that calcium salts inhibit the escape of fluid from blood vessels in the event of inflammation, the vessels "seal" - the origin of the use of calcium salts, which is practiced here and there today, but has disappeared from scientific medicine, for example in urticaria .

Meyer's fame is based above all on three investigations, also colorful in their subject matter: on the discovery, together with Oswald Schmiedeberg, of glucuronic acid , on the Meyer-Overton theory of anesthesia and on the recognition of the pathway of tetanus toxin in the body.

Glucuronic acid

The first reaction of foreign substance metabolism to be discovered was the coupling of benzoic acid with the body's own glycine to form hippuric acid around 1840 . By far the most important coupling reaction, that of foreign substances with the body's own glucuronic acid , was discovered by Schmiedeberg and Meyer in Strasbourg in 1879.

This was preceded by a Strasbourg work on the pharmacology of camphor , in which its conversion into an acid was described, but the acid was not investigated further. Schmiedeberg and Meyer carried out this investigation. They found three acids, of which they named the most important α-camphoglycuronic acid . It proved to be coupling product of an oxidation product of camphor, of them Campherol called, and an acid "as a derivative of glucose (today glucose must be considered). We therefore arbitrarily call it glycuronic acid (today glucuronic acid ) ”. It is "a monobasic acid, which is composed according to the formula C 6 H 10 O 7 ". “There is no doubt that this acid is a direct descendant of dextrose. This is supported by the formula, the behavior towards an alkaline copper solution, the right-hand rotation of the polarization plane and the results of the oxidation tests, which exclude the participation of an aromatic nucleus in its formation. ”Perhaps it is an“ aldehyde acid ”with the constitution“ CHO (CH.OH ) 4 COOH “- what it really is. Towards the end of their article, the authors pay tribute in detail to a work on the metabolism of 2-nitrotoluene in which the Königsberg pharmacologist Max Jaffé, Meyer's doctoral supervisor (see above), came very close to glucuronic acid. In addition to the discovery of glucuronic acid, Schmiedeberg and Meyer discovered the basic sequence in the metabolism of foreign substances in which a phase I or functionalization reaction (camphor → campherol) is followed by a phase II or coupling reaction (campherol → glucuronide).

The lipoid theory of anesthesia

At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, anesthesia with ether and chloroform had been known for half a century. But how did it come about? Meyer presented his theory in three publications with the title "On the theory of alcohol anesthesia". He was the author of the first and third publications, and his colleague Fritz Baum was the author of the second. Marburg doctoral students who participated are named in the text.

Title and theses of Meyer's first anesthetic work

First communication. Which properties of anesthetics determine their narcotic effect?

Meyer formulates his theory and puts it against the historical background.

“By the term 'alcohol anesthesia' I mean the typical effect that is characteristic of an unlimited number of mostly aliphatic inert substances, very different in their constitution and nature, such as simple and substituted hydrocarbons, alcohols, ethers, aldehydes, ketones, etc. When discussing this 'chloroform and alcohol group' in his outline of pharmacology, Schmiedeberg explains that in the countless narcotic compounds of the fatty series, the hydrocarbon groups are the most effective. "

However, according to Meyer, the typical "alcohol effect" of completely different substances such as nitrous oxide and carbon dioxide speak against this . Even ethyl, chlorine, bromine or iodine substituents cannot be ascribed the narcotic effect. It recalls older assumptions that the ether removes fat from the brain and thus reduces its performance; or the anesthetics competed with water for essential cell components such as lecithins and changed their normal mixture with the other components of the protoplasm.

“It strikes me as striking that such a relatively simple conception of alcohol anesthesia has hardly found any appreciation, let alone recognition, on the part of modern pharmacology, although no sound objections have been raised.

If, however, the idea is correct that the narcotic effect of chloroform etc., to put it quite generally, is a function of its 'fat solubility' (affinity to fat-like substances), the following extension results, which I would like to formulate as theses roughly in this way :

1. All substances which are initially chemically indifferent and which are soluble in fat and fat-like bodies must have a narcotic effect on living protoplasm, provided that they can spread in it.

2. The effect will have to emerge first and most strongly on those cells in whose chemical structure those fat-like substances predominate and are probably particularly essential carriers of cell function: primarily on the nerve cells.

3. The relative effectiveness of such narcotics must depend on their mechanical affinity for fat-like substances on the one hand, and on the other parts of the body, that is mainly water, on the other; consequently of the partition coefficient which determines their distribution in a mixture of water and fat-like substances. "

The second sentence, Meyer continues, is obviously correct. He now wants to check the first sentence through his own investigations, and Fritz Baum will report on the examination of the third. He then confirms his first sentence by the - previously unknown - narcotic effect of several fat-soluble substances: "As far as all these studies are sufficient, they have confirmed the expectations expressed in the first sentence above without exception."

Second message. A physico-chemical contribution to the theory of narcotics

This is the examination of Meyer's third sentence by Fritz Baum announced in the first communication.

"According to the theory developed in the previous essay by Professor Hans Meyer, the effectiveness of aliphatic narcotics should be a function of the division coefficient according to which they are physically distributed in the whole organism and in the protoplasmic emulsion of the cells between aqueous solution and fatty substances."

The effectiveness of the substances was determined by doctoral students on tadpoles, which stopped their escape movements under anesthesia. Baum himself determined the olive oil-water partition coefficient. The correlation - Baum only shows it in a table, not graphically - was very good.

“Even if my test material is not very large and the results obtained require further and more extensive confirmation, they are sufficient to make the thesis put forward by Prof. H. Meyer very likely that the effectiveness of alcohol-like narcotics is due to their partition coefficient . "

3. Notification. The influence of changing temperature on the potency and partition coefficient of narcotics

“As a further support I can now cite a few experiments that I have made on the basis of the following consideration. Since the distribution of a substance between water and oil changes with temperature, according to the theory, its intensity of action should also depend on temperature, in the same sense. … There were experiments with 6 substances, namely with salicylamide , benzamide , monoacetin , ethyl alcohol , chloral hydrate and acetone on tadpoles in the manner described earlier, namely at 3 ° C and at 30–36 ° C. ...

The compilation shows that the change in the same direction of division coefficient and strength of action required by the theory under the influence of changing temperature was observed in the substances examined without exception. "

The third communication also gave Meyer the opportunity to point out the colleague who came independently and almost simultaneously to the liopoid theory of anesthesia, Charles Ernest Overton (1865–1933), born in England, then a lecturer in biology in Zurich, later professor of pharmacology in Lund : “A particularly valuable and gratifying confirmation ... has just been delivered by E. Overton, who without knowledge of my investigations, incidentally also proceeding from other points of view, came to conclusions with analogous methods that are identical to mine. The extensive material of his experiments, which extends to representatives of almost all groups of indifferent organic substances as well as carbon dioxide and the weak organic bases, provides a new broad foundation for the theory. "

Correlation of narcotic effectiveness and oil-water partition coefficient, red according to Baum, blue according to Meyer

Baum's measured values ​​from the second communication and the Meyer's values ​​obtained at 30-36 ° C from the third communication are combined in the correlation graph.

Survival

“The lipoid theory of anesthesia remains forever associated with Meyer's name,” Jarisch predicted in his obituary. He was right. Not a good textbook in pharmacology or anesthesiology that does not discuss Meyer-Overton lipoid theory or Meyer-Overton correlation. On her ninetieth birthday in 1989, Trends in Pharmacological Sciences commemorated her with lavish illustrations. In 2003 a doctoral thesis in Bonn asked: “What is the validity of the Meyer-Overton correlation today?” It examined the question with the help of an electronic database and concluded that the mechanism had not been clarified 155 years after the first successful anesthesia, but : “Even 100 years after its discovery, the Meyer-Overton correlation is not out of date. Their amazing validity ... cannot be a coincidence. And so future anesthesia theories will first have to be checked with their help. "

For Meyer, cell lipids were not just a compartment into which the anesthetics entered, they were the actual place of their action. He wrote in his textbook: "We recognize ... the Zellipoide not only as the solvent of narcotics in the cell, rather than their actual effect substrate." To this end, we think differently today, suspected proteins such as receptors for γ-aminobutyric acid and glutamate than the Sites of action. However, biophysicists from the beginning of the 21st century also judged correlations between physico-chemical properties and anesthetic effects: "By far the most influential correlation has been that between anaesthetic potency and lipid partitioning - the famous Meyer-Overton correlation."

The way of the tetanus toxin

Tetanus toxin causes cramps, the tetanus , botulinum toxin paralysis, the botulism . Both toxins have the same effect on a molecular level: They prevent the release of neurotransmitters . But botulinum toxin prevents the release of acetylcholine in the motor endplate and thereby paralyzes the skeletal muscles ; Tetanus toxin, on the other hand, prevents the release of the inhibiting neurotransmitters γ-aminobutyric acid and glycine in the central nervous system and thereby disinhibits the motor neurons to the skeletal muscles .

In a 1903 publication in the Archives for Experimental Pathology and Pharmacology , Meyer and Ransom showed that tetanus toxin acts in the central nervous system and how it gets there - for example from a wound . Two scientists from the Pasteur Institute in Paris showed the same thing at the same time - the two groups quote each other generously: the toxin is transported from the body periphery through the motor nerves to the central nervous system, namely in the axons of the motor neurons.

The topic was stimulated by Meyer's contact with Behring (see above). Frederick Ransom, the co-author, was an assistant to Behring. Meyer and Ransom injected the toxin subcutaneously into the right hind leg of a guinea pig, for example, and then found it in the right, but not the left, sciatic nerve . In another experiment, they infiltrated the right sciatic nerve with tetanus antitoxin and then injected the toxin subcutaneously into both lower legs. Tetanus cramps developed in the left leg but not in the right leg. After direct injection into the spinal cord, the tetanus developed much faster than after peripheral injection, undoubtedly because "most of the incubation time in tetanus is used for the intraneural migration of toxins to the venom-sensitive spinal cord centers."

“From all of the above, it seems to us, the now established knowledge emerges that the tetanus poison, taken up by the nerve endings in the periphery, is carried through the nerve pathway, and only through it, to the medullary centers, the symptoms being caused by their sole poisoning the tonic muscle rigidity as well as the reflex tetanus. ”The transport takes place through a“ permanent and lively protoplasmic current in the neurons ”.

The path of the toxin also explains the low effectiveness of the treatment with antitoxin: the poison already absorbed in nerve cells is no longer reached by the antitoxin. Behring, however, was "only to be convinced of the correctness of my conclusions, when a rabbit which he himself had actively immunized to a very high degree (40,000 times) and which he declared to be completely resistant to poison, into which I had injected a deadly dose of tetanus toxin into the sciatic nerve, collapsed in the worst tetanus in front of his surprised eyes: two drops of the dying animal's blood contained even more antitoxin than would have been sufficient to saturate the total amount of poison. "

In the 1970s to 1990s, the Giessen pharmacologist Ernst Habermann (1926–2001) made a decisive contribution to our knowledge of botulinum and tetanus toxins. He admired the work of Meyer and Ransom. In an article on the nature of scientific research, he took them as an example (here translated from English):

“I unearthed a publication that presents a classic hypothetical-deductive argumentation in the spirit of Karl Popper . The publication by Meyer and Ransom proves that tetanus toxin rises through the motor neurons into the spinal cord and acts there. She is a lucky find, an ancient fossil. Your introduction is underdeveloped. A summary is missing. It contains 32 individual experiments on 38 pages without figures or tables. Results are mixed with discussion notes. Today's editors would frown, but their predecessors didn't. They had the authors explain, experiment by experiment, what they intended, how they did it, what they concluded, and why they proceeded to the next experiment. Soon the reader begins to think like the authors and follows their path of thought 31 times - a spiral movement with the progress of science as the axis. … In the end, Meyer and Ransom were able to coherently explain a number of observations, namely 1) why tetanus can occur locally; 2) why its incubation time is always a few hours; 3) the mechanism of tetanus dolorosus; 4) the mixed nature of generalized tetanus; 5) why serum treatment is of limited help.

Obviously the predictive power of the hypothesis increased step by step, and so in the end what the authors called a 'theory of tetanus poisoning' became possible. The theory was still crude and could not take into account the later results of molecular pharmacology. However, work with radioactively labeled tetanus toxin in the 1970s fully confirmed the theory from the beginning of the century. "

To the medical practice

For Meyer, his research was not just an end in itself. Molitor: "He always stressed the functional aspect of pharmacology and emphasized those points which related to clinical medicine." Working with Behring on tetanus and its treatment had encouraged this tendency. In 1883 Schmiedeberg had classified the pharmaceuticals mainly according to their chemistry in his outline of the drug theory . Meyer and Gottlieb, on the other hand, arranged in their textbook, much closer to medical practice, according to organ systems, body functions and disease factors, starting with: pharmacology of the motor nerve endings - pharmacology of the central nervous system - pharmacology of the sensitive nerve endings - pharmacology of the autonomic nervous system - pharmacology of the eye - pharmacology of the Digestion - Pharmacology of the genital organs - Pharmacology of the circulatory system… Molitor: "The plan of this book differed fundamentally from that of any previous textbook of pharmacology, including that of Schmiedeberg, in that for the first time drugs were arranged according to their effect on the various organ systems instead of on the basis of chemical, physical or botanical relationship. Due to this way of presentation the relationship of pharmacology to clinical medicine was brought to general attention, and the 'Meyer-Gottlieb' became immediately popular with research-minded members of the medical pro fession. " The Meyer-Gottlieb arrangement is a model to this day.

Meyer also practiced what was written in the textbook. Together with clinicians he founded a "heart ward" in Vienna, where he learned and advised at the same time. He was significantly involved in the Austrian pharmaceutical legislation , such as the so-called "Specialties Ordinance" of 1925, according to which every new medicinal specialty had to be tested in the Viennese chemical-pharmaceutical research institute, of which he was director until 1938.

Honors

Molitor: “In the course of his long career and as a result of his outstanding achievements, Meyer was showered with national and international honors. ... One of the most highly treasured of these honors was the receipt by him of the 'Hans Meyer Medal', founded by the Vienna Academy of Sciences on the occasion of his seventieth birthday, to be given every fifth year for the most important pharmacological contribution in the German language. ”The Duke University Rubenstein Library has a copy of the medal (see picture) and other documents on Meyer's life .

Also on the occasion of his 70th birthday, a volume from the Archive for Experimental Pathology and Pharmacology , edited by Bernhard Naunyn (1839–1925), was published as a commemorative publication. His Viennese successor from 1945 Franz Theodor von Brücke (1908–1970) wrote in 1964 on the 25th anniversary of Meyer's death: "An excellent portrait bust that reproduces the spiritual beauty of the elderly scholarly head has adorned the arcade courtyard of the alma mater rudolfina in Vienna since 1953."

The Austrian Pharmacological Society awards the Hans Horst Meyer Prize.

literature

  • Meyer, Hans Horst. In: Susanne Blumesberger, Michael Doppelhofer, Gabriele Mauthe: Handbook of Austrian authors of Jewish origin from the 18th to the 20th century. Volume 2: J-R. Edited by the Austrian National Library. Saur, Munich 2002, ISBN 3-598-11545-8 , p. 927.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ^ The faculty of the medical faculty of the University of Vienna, Vienna 1908-1910 . Photo credits: Collections of the Medical University of Vienna - Josephinum, picture archive; Associated personal identification .
  2. a b c d e Hans Horst Meyer . In: LR Grote (Hrsg.): The medicine of the present in self-portrayals . Leipzig, Felix Meiner Verlag 1923, pp. 139–168
  3. a b c A. Jarisch: Hans Horst Meyer † . In: Results of Physiology 1940; 43: 1-8
  4. a b c d Hans Molitor: Hans Horst Meyer . In: Archives internationales de Pharmacodynamie et de Thérapie 1940; 64: 257-264
  5. H. Wyklicky: On the history of the Pharmacological Institute of the University of Vienna (start-up problems , research personalities and selection of some key areas of expertise ). In: Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift 102, 1990, pp. 585-593.
  6. Wolfgang Legrum, Adnan J. Al-Toma and Karl J. Netter: 125 years of the Pharmacological Institute of the Philipps University of Marburg . Marburg, NG Elwert Verlag 1992
  7. Engel, Michael:  Meyer, Hans Horst. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 17, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1994, ISBN 3-428-00198-2 , pp. 317-319 ( digitized version ).
  8. ^ H. Konzett: 70 years of Austrian pharmacology . In: Subsidia medica 1975; 27: 1-6
  9. a b H.H. Meyer and R. Gottlieb: The experimental pharmacology as the basis of drug treatment . 9th edition. Berlin-Vienna, Urban & Schwarzenberg 1936
  10. ^ Fellows Directory. Biographical Index: Former RSE Fellows 1783–2002. (PDF file) Royal Society of Edinburgh, accessed March 21, 2020 .
  11. ^ Karl Ludwig Schober: Tragik im Terror 1933: Arthur Woldemar Meyer . In: Jahrbuch 1994. Leopoldina (R. 3) 40, 489–508 (1995)
  12. ^ Siegfried Ostrowski: On the fate of Jewish doctors in the Third Reich . In: Bulletin of the Leo Baeck Institute 1963; 6: 313-351
  13. Michael Hubenstorf: Medical Faculty 1938–1945 . In: Gernot Heiss, Siegfried Mattl, Sebastian Meissl, Edith Saurer and Karl Stuhlpfarrer (Eds.): Willing Science. The University of Vienna 1938–1945 . Vienna, Publishing House for Social Criticism 1989, pages 233–282. ISBN 3-85115-107-0
  14. ^ Sybille Gerstengarbe: The Leopoldina and its Jewish members in the Third Reich . In: Jahrbuch 1993. Leopoldina (R. 3) 39, 363-410 (1994)
  15. ^ Franz Graf-Stuhlhofer : The Academy of Sciences in Vienna in the Third Reich . In: Eduard Seidler u. a. (Ed.): The nation's elite in the Third Reich. The relationship of academies and their scientific environment to National Socialism (= Acta historica Leopoldina ; 22). Halle / Saale 1995, pp. 133–159, there 137.
  16. ^ Members of the previous academies. Hans Horst Meyer. Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences , accessed on May 7, 2015 .
  17. K.öffelholz and U. Trendelenburg : Persecuted German-speaking pharmacologists 1933–1945 . 2nd Edition. Frechen, Dr. Schrör Verlag 2008, p. 115
  18. George Baehr: In memoriam Hans Horst Meyer . In: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine 1940; 16: 260-261
  19. Hubertus Decker: Personal bibliographies of professors and lecturers of the Pharmacological Institute of the University of Vienna in the approximate period from 1850-1970 . Medical dissertation, Erlangen-Nuremberg 1975
  20. a b Klaus Starke: A history of Naunyn-Schmiedeberg's Archives of Pharmacology . In: Naunyn-Schmiedeberg's Archives of Pharmacology 1998; 358: 1-109
  21. Johannes Büttner: "I value this discovery and am annoyed that it has been snatched from me": Friedrich Wöhler and the hippuric acid . In: Communications of the Section History of the Society of German Chemists 2004; 17: 30-41
  22. O. Schmiedeberg and Hans Meyer: About metabolic products after camphor feeding . In: Zeitschrift für Physiologische Chemie 1879; 3: 422-450
  23. ^ A b Hans Meyer: On the theory of alcohol narcosis. First communication. Which properties of anesthetics determine their narcotic effect? In: Archives for Experimental Pathology and Pharmacology 1899: 42: 109-118
  24. ^ A b Hans Meyer: On the theory of alcohol narcosis. 3. Notification. The influence of changing temperature on the potency and partition coefficient of narcotics . In: Archives for Experimental Pathology and Pharmacology 1901; 46: 338-346
  25. a b Fritz Baum: On the theory of alcohol narcosis. Second message. A physico-chemical contribution to the theory of narcotics . In: Archives for Experimental Pathology and Pharmacology 1899; 42: 119-137
  26. ^ Robert L. Lipnick: Hans Horst Meyer and the lipiod theory of narcosis . In: Trends in Pharmacological Sciences 1989; 10: 265-269
  27. Markus Bleckwenn : What is the validity of the Meyer-Overton correlation today? Medical dissertation, Bonn 2003, OCLC 723134415 .
  28. Nicholas P. Franks: General anesthesia: from molecular targets to neuronal pathways of sleep and arousal . In: Nature Reviews Neuroscience 2008; 9: 370-386
  29. Hans Meyer and Fred. Ransomware: Investigations into tetanus . In: Archives for Experimental Pathology and Pharmacology 1903; 49: 369-416
  30. ^ E. Habermann: Forces governing the evolution of toxin research . In: Zentralblatt für Bakteriologie 1992; Supplement 23: 3-14
  31. Detailed table of contents: Digitized. Retrieved October 30, 2015.
  32. ^ F. Brücke: On the 25th anniversary of Horst Meyer's death, † on October 6, 1939 . In: Arzneimittelforschung 1964; 14: 1172-1174
  33. ^ Austria Forum: Bust of Hans Horst Meyer