German day

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
German Day in Osterode in East Prussia (1920)

In a narrower sense, the German Days were major annual events from 1920 to 1922 in the Weimar Republic , which were mainly organized by the German National Guard and Defense Association . In a broader sense, other so-called events of various völkisch , nationalist or paramilitary associations in the 1920s are also meant, which were in continuity with the protection and defeat alliance events. In addition, there were and are German days as events for Germans abroad .

The best known was the German Day in Coburg , which took place on the weekend of October 14th and 15th, 1922: Here the Sturmabteilung (SA) of the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) had its first public mass appearance and delivered itself in the socialist (later National Socialist) Stronghold street battles with left opponents. Later these events were glorified in Nazi propaganda as a fateful milestone in the so-called battle time of the National Socialists.

Eisenach 1913

The first forerunner of the later German days of the Schutz- und Trutzbund was the German Day, which took place on October 5, 1913 in Eisenach . The aim of this meeting, organized by Wilhelm Schäfer-Karlshorst and Adolf Bartels (who later made himself available to the overall organization of the German Day as chairman for the “German Literature” section) was to “carry out a comprehensive organization of national work”. The condition for participation was the submission of a " blood confession ".

Although a “warning to the German people!” Was issued in Eisenach and a German National Association was founded as an umbrella organization with headquarters in Berlin , which numerous associations joined, this had practically no long-term consequences. In his capacity as a member of the Pan-German "Jewish Committee", Alfred Roth asked its members on November 25, 1918 with a petition (title: "Thoughts on the Jewish Question ") to build on the experiences of the Eisenach conference and to create a national central organization. Nevertheless, looking back on the Eisenach German Day in 1922, Roth said that it had turned out “like Hornberger Schießen ”, for which he blamed the “ambiguity of the goals” and the lack of participation of “leading personalities”.

German Volkischer Schutz- und Trutzbund

Originally, the German Day in the Weimar Republic was supposed to be a joint organization of the agitation association Deutschvölkischer Schutz- und Trutzbund and the Forum völkischer Führer Gemeinschaft Deutschvölkischer Bünde as a “Chamber for German Volkstum” and “vital questions of the German people” based on racial theories , but it came across Approaches not beyond. Starting with its first meeting in Weimar, the German Day functioned as a meeting of representatives of the German People's Protection and Defense Association and as a general meeting of the community of German people's leagues.

In addition, the German Days of the Schutz- und Trutzbund also had the function of solemn and dignified demonstrations of ethnic and national sentiments, for which thousands of participants from all parts of the German Reich gathered. The repertoire in this sense included, among other things, church services, theater plays, recitation evenings, speeches, marches and flag consecrations.

Weimar 1920

During the German Day, which took place in Weimar from October 1st to 3rd, 1920, the Völkische remained largely to themselves and clarified organizational questions. So the Gauleiter of the Schutz- und Trutzbund joined its elitist but insignificant advisory board, which together with the federal board of the Schutz- und Trutzbund formed its entire board. This should ensure a stronger connection between the regional districts and the federal management, which have now been called to board meetings by the advisory board. In addition, the federal government waived the central collection of membership fees in favor of the districts and local groups. In addition, it was stipulated that all members of the federal management should be supplied with the Deutschvölkische Blätter through the federal management .

Another topic that came up at the Weimar conference was the attacks from the ranks of the Berlin German Volkischer Arbeitsring. Its chairman Bernhard Koerner and the general manager Major a. D. Voigt had raised the charge against the leadership of the Schutz- und Trutzbund, Roth and Hertzberg , of being Masonic - Jesuit influenced, which is why the entire board of the Schutz- und Trutzbund felt compelled to make a public declaration in Weimar that there was none the board member feels influenced in this way and is also not a member of a lodge . This enabled the federal leadership to assert itself against the Bavarian representatives, above all Gauleiter Ernst Mik from Nuremberg, who had built on the attacks of the working group in their secession efforts.

Further topics in Weimar were the " breaking of interest bondage ", of which Karl Maerz was able to enforce that it was raised here to the general demand of the Schutz- und Trutzbund, as well as "Deutschvölkische Kulturpolitik" (lecture by Thomas Westerich ). Friedrich Andersen , who acted as an expert for "German Religion" as an organization for the German Day, delivered German-national sermons.

Detmold 1921

The German Day in Detmold (October 14 to 17, 1921) was again a largely internal affair of the Völkische. One of the main topics was the financial miserable situation in which the Schutz- und Trutzbund had been in since spring due to misappropriated or untransferred membership fees from several districts and local groups. To remedy this, it was decided in Detmold to collect the membership fees again from 1922 via the main office in Hamburg, and admission fees and membership fees were also increased.

Artur Dinter gave a speech in front of the Hermannsdenkmal ⊙ . In it he attacked the Versailles Peace Treaty , the Allies and the " compliance policy " and stated:

“We will not rest now until Upper Silesia is completely and undivided again under the German Empire. We will not rest until Poznan , Danzig , Schleswig-Holstein , Alsace-Lorraine and the Saar are German again! We will not rest until the last black scoundrel from the Rhineland has disappeared again and until the whole Rhine is free and German again! We will not rest until the last Frenchman has cleared every square meter of German land! We don't pay a penny more for the Versailles Treaty of Lies! They should come and get their gold billions themselves! We will answer them with all means with which an unarmed, but not dishonorable, people tortured to death can only answer! [...] We are insurmountable when we are united, even without weapons! ... Here at the feet of Hermann the Liberator swears: ' Lever dod as Slav !' "

Although was Adolf Hitler , who was already more often emerged at meetings of the protection and Trutzbundes as speakers have to Detmold meeting by the secretary of the protective and-Trutzbund-Gau Lower Saxony Gustav Seifert been invited, but the invitation had just rejected as the idea, to send other NSDAP politicians. Seifert, who was at the same time head of the local NSDAP group in Hanover , then, on the German Day in Detmold, spoke out against "the lukewarmness and indifference of the Schutzbund supporters," which Hitler had subsequently encouraged:

"We should be happy if the radical wing breaks through at this conference."

Coburg 1922

The German Day in Coburg from October 14-15, 1922, on the one hand meant a propaganda success for the Völkische, on the other hand it also marked the end of the Schutz- und Trutzbund as the dominant organization in this political camp in Germany; from then on, this role was taken over by the NSDAP (and to a lesser extent the Deutschvölkische Freedom Party ).

As a result of the murder of Walther Rathenau on June 24th, the Schutz- und Trutzbund had already been banned in most of the countries of the German Reich under application of the republic protection laws. The protest against the bans was a main topic of the event, which was organized by the Bavarian associations of the Schutz- und Trutzbund under the direction of Gauleiter for Northern Bavaria Hans Dietrich (in Bavaria the Schutz- und Trutzbund remained legal because the Free State had refused to implement the republic protection laws to apply) was organized in cooperation with the community of German-Volkischer Bünde led by Roth and to which around four thousand participants, including social greats like Carl Eduard von Sachsen-Coburg and Gotha , appeared.

Posing delegation of the NSDAP with swastika armbands on the German Day in Coburg on the Veste , far left with pipe and hat Oskar Körner , 2nd chairman of the NSDAP, who died in the Hitler putsch .

The NSDAP appeared on the German Day in Coburg with Adolf Hitler, the party leadership and a group of several hundred men from the SA. The invitation was issued by the leadership of the Schutz- und Trutzbund, who was still in office, in order to show their own members "how to raise shock troops and keep the mob in check with your own efforts," said Hertzberg later. This invitation, mediated by Max Amann , was originally only for "a few gentlemen", but was extended by Dietrich, whom the NSDAP leadership had asked through Amann for a mass discount in the event that 600 men would arrive. Dietrich agreed on the condition that Hitler arrive personally. In fact, Hitler then arrived on a special train with around 650 SA men, a band and close company; including Dietrich Eckart , Hermann Esser , Anton Drexler , Christian Weber , Ulrich Graf , Alfred Rosenberg , Kurt Lüdecke , Rudolf Jung , Ulrich Klintzsch and, in Nuremberg, Julius Streicher .

Shortly after the arrival of the National Socialists, there were violent clashes in Coburg with counter-demonstrators from the Coburg working class and the surrounding industrial area as well as from southern Thuringia, which continued on both days and during the night. Several people were injured on both sides and among the police (consisting of the Coburg City Police and the Bavarian State Police ), who acted rather hesitantly with regard to the so-called Coburg Blood Saturday of September 3, 1921. Overall, the SA dominated the German Day, u. a. with hall protection for the venue Hofbräuhaus and a march on the Veste Coburg , which Hitler had preferred to the announced program against the announced program.

Local group celebration in Coburg from October 14th to 15th, 1937, Altes Schützenhaus in Schützenstraße, former headquarters of the National Socialists on October 14th and 15th, 1922
NSDAP local group celebration in Coburg from October 14th to 15th, 1937, motorcade of the " old fighters " in Sonneberg

The German Day in Coburg, which later entered the National Socialist hagiography in reference to the “ March on Rome ” of the Italian fascists, which also took place in October 1922 as the “March on Coburg”, was significant for the NSDAP in many ways: It stepped outside for the first time Munich's massive rise in northern Bavaria , gained attention in the press throughout the Reich and even abroad, was able to demonstrate paramilitary strength with the SA and - due to the toleration of the National Socialists on the part of the official bodies, which made the left responsible for the riots - also political strength and demonstrate subsequently many new members from the Volkish camp. Sun joined Julius Streicher of the German Socialist Party to the NSDAP and founded on October 20, the Nuremberg local group. In Coburg itself, a National Socialist pilgrimage site until the end of the NS state , the Coburg NSDAP local group was founded on January 14, 1923. Roth remarked for the Schutz- und Trutzbund, albeit too late, that it would be good “if we could build a kind of fascist movement that is particularly determined to counter violence through violence. Coburg has taught us how beneficial this is, and we should progress along this path ”.

Hitler later wrote in detail about the events in Coburg in Mein Kampf , adhering closely to Rosenberg's account in the Völkischer Beobachter of October 18, 1922, and emphasized its importance as a triumph against the left and as a historical milestone:

“The consequences of this day could not be fully appreciated at first. Not only was the victorious SA raised in its self-confidence and belief in the correctness of its leadership, but also the people around them began to concern themselves with us in more detail, and many recognized the institution in the National Socialist movement for the first time, in all probability would one day be called to put an appropriate end to the Marxist madness. […] The experiences of Koburg had even more significance, however, that we now proceeded as planned in all places where the red terror had prevented any gathering of dissenters for many years, to break it and to restore freedom of assembly. From now on, National Socialist battalions were repeatedly concentrated in such places, and gradually one red stronghold after another in Bavaria fell victim to National Socialist propaganda. The SA had grown more and more into its task, and thus it had moved further and further away from the character of a senseless and vital defense movement and rose to a lively fighting organization for the establishment of a new German state. "

For the SA in particular, the consequences were the introduction of a uniform uniform with ski hat and windbreaker as well as the massive entry of new members, which was expressed in the presence of over 5,000 SA members at the first party congress in Munich on January 27, 1923.

In the Bavarian state parliament, the events in Coburg gave rise to an extensive debate on November 21 and 22, which was initiated by an interpellation by the SPD and in which Franz Klingler championed violent accusations against the government, which Franz Schweyer rejected. Official bodies of the Reich, such as the Reich Ministry of the Interior and the Reich Commissioner for Monitoring Public Order, were also interested in the events in Coburg. A report from the Munich Post and an anonymous report to the Reich Commissioner were the basis of one of the points in the Free State of Prussia to justify the NSDAP ban, which Carl Severing issued on November 15 .

On the tenth anniversary of the German Day in Coburg, Hitler donated the Koburg Badge of Honor in 1932 , which was awarded to participants at the time and ranked right after the Order of Blood in the hierarchy of National Socialist badges .

1923

After the prohibitions of the Schutz- und Trutzbund had been confirmed by the State Court in early 1923 , other forces took over the organization of further German Days. In the völkisch and nationalist camp, these were under the impression of the French and Belgian occupation of the Ruhr , so that it was in particular the paramilitary military organizations that demonstrated their power on several German days in 1923 - especially in the Bavarian order cell, here and there. a. in Marktbreit in mid-April, Neustadt an der Aisch from August 4th to 5th (with around 20,000 participants, including Julius Streicher , and Adolf Hitler's appearance on August 5th with an approximately one-hour speech), Nuremberg from September 1st to 2nd , in Hof on September 16, in Bayreuth on September 30 and in Bamberg on October 5 to 7, 1923.

Roth, who had fallen out completely with the rest of the federal leadership of the Schutz- und Trutzbund, tried to organize a German Day in Hameln on his own , which he announced for October 5th to 7th, 1923, but failed: the Oberpräsident der Province of Hanover Gustav Noske made it clear to Roth in writing that he would have to reckon with a ban on the event.

Nuremberg

Ludendorff pacing an honorary formation made up of National Socialists
Parade through the streets of Nuremberg on September 2nd

The German Day in Nuremberg on September 1st and 2nd, 1923 was one of the last major " army shows " of the national armed forces. The occasion was supposed to be a Sedan celebration , to which tens of thousands of members of the patriotic combat units marched, led by Hitler, Adolf Heiss , Friedrich Weber , Otto Pittinger and Streicher. The guests of honor included u. a. Ludwig Ferdinand von Bayern , Erich Ludendorff , Christian Roth , Theodor Fritsch , Johannes Reinmöller , Reinhard Scheer and Carl Eduard von Sachsen-Coburg and Gotha. According to police, about 100,000 people took part.

In addition to the military associations (including SA, Reichsflagge , Bund Wiking , Bund Oberland and the Bund Bayern and Reich ), the state police, the Palatinate Treubund, student corporations and youth organizations also marched on. In addition to a parade on the main market , there was an army show on the Luitpoldhain .

One of the most important results of the German Day in Nuremberg was the formation of the German Combat League from SA ( Hermann Göring ), Reichsflagge (Captain Adolf Heiss) and Bund Oberland (Friedrich Weber), whose military leader Hermann Kriebel was appointed. Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter became managing director ; political leadership was taken over by Hitler on September 25, 1923. A few months later, the German Combat League was the sponsor of the Hitler putsch , after which it and its sub-organizations were banned.

There were also violent clashes in Nuremberg. B. Workers who belonged to the Kampfbund beaten up by their colleagues. The Nuremberg police chief Heinrich Gareis protected the right during the event. From the very beginning, Völkische and National Socialists had made it clear that the signs were pointing to civil war and national revolution . A few days earlier, Wilhelm Holzwarth announced in Scheinfeld that they intended to usurp the government.

Bayreuth

SA members with the imperial Reich war flag on a truck during the German Day in Bayreuth

The German Day in Bayreuth on September 30, 1923 was organized by the local branch of the NSDAP, which was founded in January 1923. Permission to hold it was granted despite an order by Gustav von Kahr on September 27 to prohibit open and public political meetings. The main actor at the event was Adolf Hitler, among the illustrious guests were a. Lord Mayor Albert Preu and other Bayreuth local politicians as well as Siegfried and Winifred Wagner .

The German Day began with a field service as well as a military prayer and flag consecration on Leopoldshöhe in front of the city gates. The parade in the center of Bayreuth, watched by thousands of spectators, was u. a. Opened by a chapel of the Reichswehr - contrary to the orders of Reichswehr Minister Otto Geßler , who had forbidden the participation of Reich defense units in political events. After several stops, the victims of the World War were commemorated at the hospital church by the ringing of bells. Finally the parade ended in front of the New Palace , where General Wilhelm von Waldenfels took it off and the leaders of the associations had gathered.

Overall, the German Day, which, depending on the source, between 5,200 and 10,000 people took part, was largely free of violent incidents. The district president of Upper Franconia, Otto von Strossenreuther , had shown great sympathy for the event and was praised for it in the reporting by the Völkischer Beobachter .

The German Day in Bayreuth was more important than in its aspect as a mass event due to the first personal meeting between Hitler and the Wagner family. The contact was established through the piano manufacturer Bechstein . Hitler met Houston Stewart Chamberlain there and was invited by Winifred Wagner to the Wahnfried house , where he was given a tour and visited Richard Wagner's grave . Chamberlain thanked Hitler a little later in an open letter, who in turn became a regular guest in Wahnfried from then on.

After 1923

After the NSDAP and SA were banned as a result of the failed Hitler putsch of November 8 and 9, 1923, after the National Socialists were re-established in 1925 and thus initially had no need for public demonstrations of paramilitary strength, the Germans lost days after 1923, although they did they still took place sporadically, in importance for the political development in the German Empire.

Hall 1924

Another important German day was held in Halle on May 11, 1924. The occasion for the meeting was the unveiling of a new Moltke monument. The old one had been blown up the previous year by four young apprentices. The instigator and procurer of the explosives was a 20-year-old worker who had worked in communist organizations but had been expelled before his act and had acted on his own.

Erich Ludendorff  1, Oskar Prince of Prussia  2, Felix Graf von Luckner  3, and Josias von Heeringen during the celebration

During the German Day in Halle, Hitler was still in fortress detention , to which he had been sentenced in the " Hitler Trial ". National Socialists and ethnic groups stayed in the background at this event, instead the steel helmet dominated , the leader of which Theodor Duesterberg emphasized in his speech that the “national circles” had successfully combated “red terror” on the street. Other prominent people in attendance were Ludwig von Schröder , Reinhard Scheer , Felix Graf Luckner , August von Mackensen , Erich Ludendorff , Georg Maercker and Oskar Prince of Prussia . A total of around 100,000 people took part, including - without informing the authorities - a department of the Reichswehr, without any noteworthy incursions.

  • Ludendorff after the celebration

  • Inauguration of the new monument

  • Parade of the associations in front of the grandstands of the racetrack

  • Parade of the associations in front of the grandstands of the racetrack

On the other hand, the counter-march initiated by the KPD was more dramatic . Far outnumbered overall (less than 10,000), a demonstration of 2,000 people was directed by the police to Ammendorf , where in the Böllberg district there was finally a 40-minute firefight between the police and communists and several injured people and at least one Deaths on the part of the demonstrators (the figures differ widely in the sources), 467 people were arrested. The "Bloody Sunday" of Halle was long erroneously given by researchers in the GDR as the reason for the establishment of the Red Front Fighter League, although it is a founding myth.

In addition, the MK Theater Max Künzel company (Leipzig) produced a film entitled “The German Day in Halle (Moltke Monument Consecration)”, which was initially banned from young people in 1924 and then a general ban on performance in the Reich by the censors . The reasons given in the prohibition and appeal proceedings cited foreign and domestic political considerations and particularly emphasized the fact that the film gave the impression that the Stahlhelm and the Reichswehr were working together.

Bruchsal 1924

A German Day took place in Bruchsal on October 11th and 12th, 1924. The organizer was the German Party , a substitute organization of the banned NSDAP. Among the participating groups were various ethnic organizations, the Bund Wiking , the Wehrwolf , the Frontkriegerbund and the youth league of the Mannheim DNVP . The later NSDAP functionaries Robert Wagner , Walter Köhler and Franz Moraller were among the approximately 2000 participants . As a representative of the Karlsruhe local group of the Front Fighter League, Wagner laid a wreath and gave a speech; Moraller recited anti-Semitic poems. The German Day was originally supposed to take place at the beginning of August, but was delayed due to internal disputes. The Baden Interior Minister Adam Remmele approved the event at the end of September subject to strict conditions. The police largely prevented closed marches with open flags, which was criticized by parts of the Bruchsal population. The later Reichsstudentenführer Gustav Adolf Scheel, during his Nazi career as evidence of his early National Socialist sentiments in 1934 proudly proclaimed that he had participated in the Bruchsal German Day as a senior citizen.

foreign countries

German Days were also celebrated outside the Reich. These were organized by various organizations of Germans abroad and were not directly related to the events in the Reich, but were in some cases also ethnically or Nazi-influenced.

Celebration of German Day, group of uniformed men (similar to SA uniforms) with swastika flags and stars and stripes in front of the entrance to the Field Museum in Chicago (May 1931)

In New York City , German Days have been celebrated by German-Americans since 1901. a. the Battle of Nations near Leipzig or the landing near Germantown was commemorated. In St. Louis found German Days have been held since the 1880s, the early 20th century became regular events. In Seattle , the German Day on August 18, 1909, was part of the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition taking place at the University of Washington , during which gymnastics exercises were performed and The Watch on the Rhine was sung, and Kaiser Wilhelm II sent his congratulations by telegram to the participants let. The German Days in Chicago have a long tradition and are still held today and at which a parade is held in honor of Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben .

German days were held in Porto Alegre from 1923 to 1937, at which German-Brazilians a . a. commemorating the founding of the empire and the Brazilian national anthem and the Germany song (from 1934 the Horst Wessel song ) were sung. In Canada , a large number of German Days took place in the 1930s, most of which were dominated by ethnic or national socialism.

literature

  • Jürgen Erdmann: Coburg, Bavaria and the Reich 1918–1923 (= Coburg local history and regional history. Series 2, no. 22). Rossteutscher, Coburg 1969, in particular pp. 92-122, appendices 1-3, tables 2, 3.
  • Rainer Hambrecht: The rise of the NSDAP in Middle and Upper Franconia (1925-1933) (= Nuremberg workpieces for city and state history; Vol. 17). City archive Nuremberg, distribution by Korn u. Berg, Nuremberg 1976, ISBN 3-87432-039-1 .
  • Uwe Lohalm: Völkischer Radikalismus. The history of the Deutschvölkischer Schutz- und Trutz-Bund 1919–1923 (= Hamburg contributions to contemporary history; 6). Leibniz-Verlag, Hamburg 1970, ISBN 3-87473-000-X .
  • Martin Schramm: 'Under the sign of the swastika' - The German Day in Bayreuth 1923 . In: Yearbook for Franconian State Research , 65, 2005, ISBN 978-3-940049-00-1 , pp. 253-273.
  • Dirk Schumann: Political violence in the Weimar Republic 1918–1933: Struggle for the streets and fear of civil war (= publications of the Institute for Social Movements: Series A, Representations; Volume 17). 1st edition. Klartext, Essen 2001, ISBN 3-88474-915-3 , pp. 203-210.

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 386.
  2. ↑ a b Lohalm 1970, p. 31.
  3. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 340.
  4. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 65.
  5. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 341.
  6. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 80.
  7. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 98.
  8. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 128 f.
  9. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 98.
  10. ↑ a b Lohalm 1970, p. 105.
  11. ↑ a b Lohalm 1970, p. 261.
  12. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 259.
  13. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 370 f.
  14. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 375.
  15. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 173.
  16. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 392.
  17. ↑ Quoted from Lohalm 1970, pp. 204 f., 403.
  18. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 289.
  19. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 323.
  20. ↑ Eberhard Jäckel with Axel Kuhn (ed.): Hitler. All records: 1905–1924 . Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1980, p. 509 f.
  21. ↑ Lohalm 1970, pp. 103, 264.
  22. ↑ In a letter to Oskar Pennerstorfer, the managing director of the Schutz-und-Trutzbund-Ortsgruppe St. Pölten, here quoted from Lohalm 1970, p. 289.
  23. ↑ Erdmann 1969, p. 99.
  24. ↑ Erdmann 1969, p. 119.
  25. ↑ Quoted from Lohalm 1970, p. 289.
  26. ↑ Erdmann 1969, p. 117.
  27. ↑ Adolf Hitler: Mein Kampf . 11th edition. Franz Eher Successor, Munich 1932, pp. 614–618, quotations from pp. 617 and 618.
  28. ↑ Erdmann 1969, p. 114.
  29. ^ Digitized version of the 150th session
  30. ^ Digitized version of the 151st meeting
  31. ↑ Erdmann 1969, p. 111.
  32. ↑ Erdmann 1969, p. 112.
  33. ↑ Erdmann 1969, p. 116.
  34. ^ Wolfgang Mück: Nazi stronghold in Middle Franconia: The völkisch awakening in Neustadt an der Aisch 1922–1933. Verlag Philipp Schmidt, 2016 (= Streiflichter from home history. Special volume 4); ISBN 978-3-87707-990-4 , pp. 40-52.
  35. ^ Isolde Maierhöfer: Bamberg. History and art: a city guide. Konrad, Weißenhorn, 1973, p. 111.
  36. ↑ Lohalm 1970, p. 275.
  37. ↑ a b c Hambrecht 1976, p. 49.
  38. ↑ Werner Maser : The storm on the republic. Early history of the NSDAP. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1973, p. 421.
  39. ^ Siegfried Zelnhefer: " Deutscher Kampfbund, 1923 ", in: Historisches Lexikon Bayerns .
  40. ↑ Hambrecht 1976, p. 50.
  41. ↑ Schramm 2005, p. 255.
  42. ↑ a b Schramm 2005, p. 260.
  43. ↑ Schramm 2005, p. 263 ff.
  44. ↑ Schramm 2005, p. 270.
  45. ↑ Hellmuth Auerbach: Hitler's political apprenticeship and the Munich Society 1919–1923 . In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 1977, issue 1, p. 34, ifz-muenchen.de (PDF).
  46. ↑ Schramm 2005, p. 266.
  47. ↑ Schramm 2005, p. 268.
  48. ↑ Schumann 2001, p. 203.
  49. ↑ Schumann 2001, p. 204 f.
  50. ↑ Schumann 2001, p. 207.
  51. ↑ Schumann 2001, p. 213.
  52. ↑ Archive link ( Memento of the original from October 20, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.deutsches-filminstitut.de
  53. ↑ Alexia Kira House: Bruchsal and National Socialism. History of a north Baden city in the years 1918–1940. (= Publications of the Historical Commission of the City of Bruchsal , Volume 19) Verlag Regionalkultur, Ubstadt-Weiher 2001, ISBN 3-89735-190-0 , pp. 98-100.
  54. ^ Lutz Hachmeister : Schleyer. A German story. Beck, Munich 2004, ISBN 3-406-51863-X , p. 90.
  55. ^ Article in the New York Times, September 17, 1906
  56. ^ Article in the New York Times, October 6, 1913
  57. ^ David W. Detjen: The Germans in Missouri, 1900-1918 . University of Missouri Press 1985, pp. 16, 27.
  58. ↑ Peter Blecha, " Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition in Seattle celebrates German Day on August 18, 1909. ", on HistoryLink.org- the Free Online Encyclopedia of Washington State History , May 26, 2008.
  59. ↑ Kathleen Neils Conzen: Germans . In: Stephan Thernstrom, Ann Orlov, Oscar Handlin (Eds.): Harvard Encyclopedia of American Ethnic Groups . Harvard University Press, 1980, p. 423.
  60. ↑ Imgart Grützmann: Festivities, German Brazilian . In: Thomas Adam (Ed.): Germany and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History . ABC-CLIO, Santa Barbara 2005, p. 336 f.
  61. ↑ See Jonathan Frederick Wagner: Brothers Beyond the Sea: National Socialism in Canada . Wilfrid Laurier Univ. Press, 1981, ISBN 0-88920-096-3 .
  62. ^ Art Grenke: From Dreams of the Worker State to Fighting Hitler: The German-Canadian Left from the Depression to the End of World War II . ( Memento from January 13, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) In: Labor / Le Travail , Vol. 35 (Spring / Printemps 1995), pp. 65-105, here 82 f. and 87 f.