History of the city of Blumberg
The history of the city of Blumberg , which can be proven by written records, begins in the 13th century - almost 400 years later than in the documented old settlement regions on the Upper Rhine and the Danube. The late beginning of settlement at the current location of the city is attributed to the area that was marshy or muddy until the early days. Parts of it still exist today as a " Ried " (nature reserve Zollhausried).
The traditional history of the place begins with the construction of a castle by the " Lords of Blumberg ".
" Blumberg lies in a high valley embedded between the two mountain ranges of the Eichberg and the Buchberg, which drops steeply to the south-west to the Wutach valley and to the north-east on a gentle slope to the Danube valley ."
Primeval and early times
Nevertheless, groups of people lived in the Neolithic Age around 5000 to 6000 years ago in the area around Blumberg - after stone tools and ceramics were found on the "Bürkleuck" near Riedböhringen, whose hilltop and slope area was replaced by a small one in 1925 by Paul Revellio Excavation were investigated. [...] Another settlement from the Neolithic Age has been discovered on the boundary between Kommingen and Blumberg. "
A burial mound field from the Bronze Age (2nd millennium BC), which stretches across the Kommingen / Riedöschingen boundary, and a site "in the area of the early to high-medieval desert (abandoned settlement) 'Stetten' near Riedböhringen" have not yet been explored.
“The greater part of the grave mounds in the 'Wenzelwald / Randen / Celtic grave' probably belong to the Hallstatt period (8th – 6th centuries BC). […] It is the time of the early Celts . They were the first Central European people to enter the consciousness of the Mediterranean peoples and thus into the light of written history. Herodotus of Halicarnassus (middle of the 5th century BC) reported that they lived on the headwaters of the Danube . "
There are probably still several Celtic burial mounds in the Blumberg district - additions are mostly weapons and jewelry. In the more recent Celtic period ( Latène period ) the 'Bürkleuck' was fortified with a wall and moat. There is a report of the excavation and the finds on the hill.
Romans
The knowledge that can be deduced from archaeological findings increases with the Romans and the Teutons - here, systematic excavations (manors, streets) and the place names provide information about early buildings and settlements. As part of their Alpine campaigns under Emperor Augustus , the 19th Legion continued in 15 BC. Near today's Zurzach over the Upper Rhine and built a fort near Dangstetten . The apron was secured up to the Wutach line, and the connection to Hüfingen was later expanded. The Brigobanne fort there was built as part of the Black Forest campaign in 72/73 AD and the military road from Vindonissa (Brugg / Baden) via Schleitheim-Stühlingen was connected to the connection along the Danube to Argentorate (Strasbourg). In the following 200 years of cultivation in what is now southern Germany up to the Limes line ( Upper Germanic-Rhaetian Limes ), the country was covered with a network of manors, roads and military facilities.
Guts are known in the Blumberg area: “From Fützen, Gewann 'Schlattereck', a villa rustica has been handed down. […] In Achdorf-Überachen, Gewann 'Stockäcker / Krabettlein', encompassing the Ewattingen district, there is another villa rustica. This system has not been examined in more detail either. ”(V. Nübling, p. 17). There were also manors near Epfenhofen, Zollhaus and northeast near Aulfingen. Coins have been found in various places that allow dating - also in the area of the Blumberg high valley.
Contrary to older assumptions, the Roman Army Road did not run through the wide swamp to Zollhaus, but further east via a connection Randen-Riedöschingen-Hondingen; a fact that can shed new light on the origins of the Steppacher Hof. This farm is "first mentioned in the early 12th century as the property of the Allerheiligen Monastery " and was never part of the Blumberg rule.
From the middle of the third century. AD. Stormed the Alemanni in several waves to the Limes, about 100 years there have been eventful struggles to the Romans around 400 n. Chr. Retreated behind the high-Rhine line. As a result, the Alamanni conquered the land in batches, and only after the dissolution of the Roman army and state organization around 450 AD did they settle in the foothills of the Alps. Since there had been longer periods of quiet with trade contacts, the Celto-Roman population was not destroyed.
After the upheaval in the 5th century due to the dissolution of the Western Roman Empire, the social order of antiquity fell into disrepair at all levels. Germanic tribes, which had previously won many border regions, now also occupied the core regions of Central Europe. This brought the migration to an end.
Early Middle Ages (500 to 800)
There are testimonies to “original churches” or chapel buildings in the region from the early Middle Ages . Christian communities had survived in Roman centers; Sometimes women were able to gain respect in the now Germanic population because of their cultural lead (knowledge of the art of healing and hygiene, midwives). In Central Europe, the church survived the transition from antiquity to the Middle Ages as a stable institution (founding monasteries), which was able to gradually impart Roman legal regulation (written form) as well as technical skills (stone construction) and economic knowledge (fruit growing).
Franks and Alemanni
The militarily experienced and already state-organized people of the Franks prevailed under the Merovingian kings in former Gaul and Germania: “Their King Clovis first defeated the Romans, who had formed a kind of kingship under Syagrius , then the Burgundians and the part of the Visigoths who did not move to Spain. ”As a result, however, there were Alemannic attacks on the Merovingians, which led to a victory for the Franks: the place and course of the battle near Zülpich (496) are still controversial today. The decisive factor, however, was the Alemannic defeat in the Battle of Strasbourg (506) .
“Now the Alemanni who lived on the right bank of the Rhine came under Frankish rule. Those living south of the Rhine placed themselves under the protection of the Ostrogoth king Theodoric . After his death [526] the whole of Alamannia was incorporated into the Franconian empire. The Frankish king appointed an Alemannic great as deputy, who carried the title of duke . "
In the 7th century “the process of merging between the various ethnic groups also bore its first fruits. The individual tribes retained their own rights, but they were subject to the same state authority. "
Alamannia under the Franks
There is hardly any (written) news about the early settlement period, social conditions can only be read from the additions of the Merovingian period cemeteries typical of the Alamanni - weapons in general for men and Celts, and jewelry for women.
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Finds from the Merovingian period: Stone box grave fields are more common in the vicinity and also on the territory of Blumberg, although they were mostly discovered as early as the 19th century and precise documentation is therefore rare. Most of the finds are now considered lost. However, there are photographs of graves that could have been uncovered during the construction of a school house in 1933. (Archive Prillwitz).
“Numerous settlements have been newly created, especially those with the name endings ending in -ingen, such as Aselfingen, Hondingen, Kommingen, Opferdingen, Riedböhringen, Riedöschingen and the expired Aitlingen. All of them can look forward to an early start-up phase [6. and 7th century]. "
Two finds indicate a settlement in the Blumberg high valley:
- In 1954 a weapon from the Merovingian era was found while a telephone cable was being laid in Blumberg. The single-edged iron cutting weapon - a sax - is undoubtedly an addition to an undetected burial. The sax was part of the typical equipment of a free Alemanni.
- The discovery of a Carolingian well in the center of the village indicates that Blumberg has been continuously used as a settlement since then.
The Steppacher Hof , "just below Blumberg", is considered to be early medieval . It does not go back to the Alemannic times, “but rather belongs in its beginnings to the post-Carolingian expansion period. [11. Century] First mentioned in the early 12th century as the property of the AllerheiligenKloster Allerheiligen. "
Background
With the beginning of the rule of the Frankish Carolingian kings (ancestors and descendants of Charlemagne around 800), a new era in the history of Europe began.
After the Alamanni, despite their defeat by the Franks (around 500 AD), were able to enjoy extensive independence under their dukes for a long time - the winners only built out traffic junctions (often formerly Roman squares) - they were finally after several failed uprisings integrated. The Carolingian administration divided the country into Gaue and introduced the mostly Franconian count's office. The Black Forest was still unregulated terrain for a long time, but from the confluence of the Wutach into the Rhine there was now the Klettgau in the area , northwest of the Wutach the Alpgau, further east the Hegau . The Blumberg area was thus in the Alpgau and the extensive rulership relationships here are well known from the 7th century. Today's Blumberg area may have been overshadowed by lordly interests for two centuries, because more recent research puts a main connection, which was undoubtedly the Roman road, rather apart from the town.
During these times the Christianization of Western Europe began. The church had preserved the culture and knowledge of antiquity; ancient writings were copied and translated in the monasteries; the Roman law, justified, cultivated barbaric manners and customs (among other things, the Germanic custom of 'stealing women' was forbidden). The new beginning of trade and business was reflected in documented agreements and testimonies. To this day, documents of the transfer of ownership of goods, including entire villages, with the names of the places and the people involved are mostly preserved. In 1260, for the first time, there was a reference to the place name with a "Hans von Blumberg". This certificate is already a characteristic of busy business activity, so that the establishment of the place - in the original: "Bluomberch" - can be assumed much earlier.
Church life
Even centuries after the Christianization of Western Europe, church life, which is usually well documented early on, offers no evidence for Blumberg, “because there was no actual settlement core before the castle was built. […] It is likely that the castle chapel was built during the development of the fortified complex, but there is no documentary evidence directly from the construction period, as is the case for a chapel in the village that is independent of the castle. "
Before the notarizations
The written tradition that began with regard to Blumberg after the middle of the 13th century already identified people of higher rank as 'Blumbergers', who were thus already established and whose ancestors had already offered appropriate social conditions:
Prehistory of the Blumbergers
A reference in a document from 1292 allows the conclusion that the Blumberg followers of the Zähringer were, who are considered to be the city founders and who pursued an active settlement policy based on economic and political aspects in their sphere of influence in today's south-west Germany and Switzerland. Uniform law, central administration and the greatest possible freedom for the citizens of the cities characterized the Zähringer domain. Their way of acting was also attractive to an up-and-coming class of families who, as ministerials - in administrative service and at the same time in military service - joined such princes and were also able to establish themselves as a kind of new nobility:
In this document (1292), which refers to the ancestors two generations earlier, Heinricus quondam den Blumenberg miles is called - a Heinrich, a former knight of Blumberg , who could have been born before 1200, thus in the time of the last Zähringer: “Already Eduard Heyck , who wrote the authoritative work on the history of the Dukes of Zähringen, listed the Blumbergers as Zähring ministers. "
However, the Zähringers did not succeed in forming a coherent or well-founded duchy in the sense of a unified territory. With Berthold V , who remained without a successor, the Zähringers died out in 1218, their territory was partly confiscated by the king, and partly it went to the count husbands of the two sisters (according to another source, sister Anna and daughter Agnes) the Counts of Urach and Kyburg .
However, a current review of Eduard Heyck's work (the original is available on the Internet) revealed that Blumberg was already the 'hereditary estate' of the Zähringer:
First mention of Blumberg after E. Heyck (1218)
Under "Zähringische Orte - I. Grand Duchy of Baden" (p. 507) Heyck cites:
- Blumberg, BA. Donaueschingen. U. (Min) FUB. I 232.
He explains the abbreviations for the locations in the directory (including Achdorf and Hondingen):
“The listing of a place without brackets expresses that it is to be assigned to tenacious property - not only to the high jurisdiction - in whole or in part (even only through Zahringian rights, private people there, etc.) for the entire period of historical prosperity of the ducal house or a part of this time is. U. means the verifiable transfer to the Urachian heirs of the Duke who died in 1218, or that the place in question could not be proven by the Urachians or was only probably acquired differently than from the Zahringian rule. "
- (BA. = Baden; Min. = Ministeriale, FUB = Freib. UB = Document book of the city of Freiburg im Breisgau, edited by H. Schreiber. Freiburg i / B., 4 parts in 2 volumes, 1827–1828.)
Heyck's restriction that the place could also be “acquired differently from the Zahringian rule” does not change the fact of the naming , which would still have to be checked via the reference to the source FUB = “Freiburger Urkundenbuch”. In the chapter "Ministeriale [der Zähringer]" there is another, almost identical entry in Heyck (p. 543):
- Blumberg, (BA. Donaueschingen), by U. Min., FUB. passim, especially I. 232.
It can therefore be determined: The place Blumberg existed next to the villages belonging to it today when the last Zähringer, Berthold V, died in 1218; it was a castle and its owners were presumably the Zähringer ministerials, possibly also the counts of Urach .
The construction of the castle
The castle “was built on the hill that rises directly above the Wutach valley at the southwestern exit of the high valley. [...] Towards the southwest, the hill was protected by the steep slopes of the Wutach valley. From the north and east, the boggy high valley, later blocked by ponds, barred unhindered access away from an easily guarded road. The function of the castle went beyond that of a pure local castle from the start. It was obviously intended to cover the important Schaffhausen-Hüfingen road and thus joins the fortification system that the dukes of Zähringen began and the Fürstenbergs extended with their vassals. "
The complex had a military (tactical) purpose, a settlement was not a prerequisite. Whether a settlement already existed cannot be clarified without archaeological evidence. However, the site is so convenient that it could well have been fortified at an early stage. It goes without saying that a medieval castle had a courtyard which, as an economic addition, “ensured food in times of peace and war. [...] The village of Blumberg emerged from this building and castle courtyard . "
Another thing was that the area was usually assigned to older village brands, from which the castle and courtyard had to be removed, or a market community with the neighboring villages was formed. “It can be assumed that several neighboring communities had to cede part of their districts. [...] Since Hondingen was the mother church of Blumberg, one could assume that the later Blumberg village area had also been removed from its originally undoubtedly large and important mark. Hondingen was also the parish church of Fürstenberg. ”Karl Bader assumes“ that the beginnings of a village Blumberg in the time before the development of the city complex consisted only of the building yard with its landless day laborers, the manor mill and a few small farmers who were essentially servants and belonged to the craftsmen (familia) of Burg and Hof Blumberg. "
Since in the Middle Ages, when the castle was beginning to be built, a family did not give their name to the castle, but named themselves after the place of the castle, it can be assumed that the hill was previously called Blumberg (flower mountain) and that the castle builders therefore called themselves “Lords of Blumberg ”, other explanations in the literature would be unusual and do not appear plausible.
Documents from the 13th century
The reference: "When the name Blumberg or Blobinberch first became documented in 1260 ..." should probably be corrected to 1218, because according to E. Heyck, the place already existed this year - possibly as a castle with associated Homestead and still without a village, because Ministeriale did not come from a simple settlement. The general assumption that the castle existed before the two documents from 1260 would have to be confirmed.
"The owners of this castle were the Lords of Blumberg, who can be found in the interregnum as Ministeriale (servants) of the Counts of Freiburg, the Counts of Fürstenberg and especially as confidants of the Count and later King Rudolf von Habsburg ."
Background
The Interregnum (1250–1273) was preceded by an unprecedented conflict between Pope and Emperor, which in the empire also led to a large number of fronts between the Hohenstaufen under Friedrich II and the Church. With the death of the emperor in 1250 there was a power struggle of all against all - bishops, princes and also the bourgeoisie of the newly emerging cities tried to enlarge territories and areas of influence. The lower nobility was in no way inferior to the great, only its methods were less subtle, the robber baron arose. However, the interregnum can also be viewed as a transitional phase: the old order broke up and created a development in which the sovereigns rose to become the new bearers of the state order, and the cities also emancipated themselves through the wealthy bourgeoisie and thus faced more self-confidently the prince. Numerous leagues were formed and finally the clergy electors, dukes and counts agreed on the election and recognition of a new king: Count Rudolf IV of Habsburg.
Documents from 1260
In a document dated March 1260, the first “brother Hans von Blůmberg” is mentioned as a witness in a “document of the knight Volker von Kemnat and his son Marquard”, which was issued “in the Paradies monastery ” (near Konstanz). "Brůder" can refer to him as a member of a religious order. The Paradies monastery was a women's monastery belonging to the Poor Clares .
According to Hans von Blumberg, a "Iohannes de Blobinberch" is mentioned in a document that same year, in July 1260, and referred to as "milites".
“This second certificate leads to Ettenheim . There, on July 7, 1260, Bishop Walther of Strasbourg enfeoffed Countess Margaretha with Kyburg fiefdoms from his church. Among the 26 named witnesses, including the later King Rudolf von Habsburg and the Counts Heinrich von Fürstenberg and Friedrich von Zollern, one can find the name Johannes de Blobinberch in the series of milites . (UB [document book] Zurich 3, no. 1108, p. 206 f.) "
Johannes von Blumberg
Johannes von Blumberg is not only the name of the place, but also the position of the knight ( miles ), who has now been named twelve times in documents within a few years - in a document from 1264 he is also referred to as nobilis vir ... dominus Johannes de Blůmenberch , who is thus listed here under “the 'noble men'. […] One (can) assume that the Blumberger belongs to at least the so-called lower nobility. ”Owning a castle was mandatory. As a knight he is generally named, mostly in the foreground in the documents. And it can be described through the documents “the field of people in which the Blumberger moved: There are Count Heinrich von Fürstenberg, the Counts of Freiburg , the Lords of Klingen , Constance clerics, Heinrich von Krenkingen , the Abbot Albrecht von Reichenau , the Lords of Tengen and above all Count Rudolf von Habsburg . "
Johannes was not only involved in the transfer of property, which always meant political decisions - it is documented “that he fought feuds and wars together with Rudolf von Habsburg and the Counts of Freiburg, therefore with his own following, armaments, horses, etc. was equipped. One can also assume that he had a family. "
At a notarization on August 14, 1272, Johannes von Blumberg was not present, but - presumably as a representative - his son Johannesin von Blůminberc the young .
End of the interregnum
It does not appear to be a coincidence that the Lords of Blumberg are increasingly represented from 1273 onwards - on February 20, a Conrad von Blumberg ( domini C. de Blůmmberg, canonici in Constantienis ) is named as Canon in Constance. In the "emperorless time" from 1250 to 1273, circles or leagues of nobles were able to expand their territories and areas of power on their own and often violently due to the lack of central power. The Blumbergers certainly succeeded, because Johannes was part of the inner circle of Rudolf von Habsburg, who was elected the new German king on October 1, 1273. The lords of Blumberg also benefited from the associated abundance of power - on April 9, 1274 (confirmed) King Rudolf held the Monday market to the noble lord Johannes von Blumberg, one of his chosen loyal followers, which he is used to in Hüfingen. This granting of rights means that Hüfingen will become “the center of rule” for the Blumbergers.
In 1275 entries in the “Liber decimationis”, Johannes von Blumberg is “referred to as 'senior' and it becomes clear that he is the patron saint of Blumenfeld, Blumberg, Mundelfingen, Riedböhringen, Watterdingen and Deißlingen.”
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A certificate dated July 24, 1280 “was issued in Blumberg. Acta sunt hec aput in Bluomenberg ... Even if it does not mention Blumberger, or it even concerns Blumberger matters, we hear here in a document for the first time about the place Blumberg - probably the castle. "
Blumberg Castle
The castle, which was built around the turn of the 12th to the 13th century, “was above all in a safe location and therefore primarily had a protective function. It was not intended as a representative center for the Lords of Blumberg, the castle guarded the connection between Schaffhausen and Hüfingen and [...] is related to the fortification system of the Zähringers and their heirs, the Freiburgers and Fürstenbergers. "
In a sketch-like representation from 1620 from the “Landtafel der Baar” and more specifically on an oil painting by Martin Meinrad from 1688, the former clearly delineated location of the castle, town and village is shown.
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Originally there was only a farm or building yard in front of the castle, to which then residences for craftsmen and finally a mill were attached. Gradually it was expanded to a reinforced city complex.
The construction phases are also clear on the drawing based on the prototypes on the information board at the western tip of the former castle grounds: to the west (right) the actual castle, then "the outer bailey separated by a ditch or the later expanded town." The "town" was located thus directly in front of the castle. The village (and today's city center) was (left) further away from the building ensemble shown.
According to an archaeological finding from 1991:
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“Several small terraces can be observed on the west-facing spur, and overall the terrain there is very busy. […] In the east, the Schloßbuck is bordered by a neck ditch [… There] a corner of the wall made of large-format stones has been preserved. It is a remnant of the outermost lining wall of the neck ditch. […] Older components have been preserved in the building on the northeast corner of the city complex. [...] The south-east corner has a strong corner reinforcement, at the north corner a stronger wall is included in the gable wall. "
The castle was proven in the Swiss or Swabian War , when the town and the town defended themselves against the Swiss army that had been victoriously drawn from Waldshut: “Since 1499, Blumberg had the reputation of being the town that was the first to stop the Swiss train The unprotected village burned down, but "it was rebuilt 'in its own ashes'."
The castle was destroyed in the Thirty Years War on May 4, 1644 by the French who had occupied it before they retreated. The commander La Valette gave the order to blow up, and - as an old chronicle reports - accidentally a spark fell into the powder and "he himself, his soldiers and several farmers were damaged and 10 were blown up and somehow burned."
Main article: Blumberg Castle
Family (gender) of the Lords of Blumberg
The confirmation of the newly elected King Rudolf von Habsburg to Johannes Von Blumberg in 1274 to the right to the “Whitsun Market in Hüfingen” already indicated a property relationship that must have been established in the following 20 years - the Blumbergers become lords of Hüfingen .
Markets
The markets law , so comparatively insignificant it appears today was different in the Middle Ages the village from the city, d. In other words, due to its convenient location or otherwise suitable for trade (bridge / customs), which also harbored growth potential for residents, a place became a meeting point for the exchange of goods and associated businesses. This originally developed independently, but could also be defined and assigned as a right under centralized power relations. This triggered a chain of legal relationships that ultimately constituted the organizational form of the city .
Hüfingen was located at the intersection of two Roman military roads, which remained a traffic junction for a millennium and thus provided the prerequisite for the formation of an 'urban' center, which King Rudolf delegated to a loyal man in order to organize his sphere of influence and also made it possible for the Blumbergers on a smaller scale, to develop a stately territory.
"If Blumberg was the home castle of the family, then at the turn of the 13th to 14th century Hüfingen , which owes its expansion to a town and its town charter to the Blumbergers, became the center of the entire property."
For the continuation of the tradition to the Blumbergers, a document dated April 1, 1292 is decisive, which was connected with events in Hüfingen and which shows a multiplication of new families - a process that is connected with a "network of Blumberg castles".
- Blumberg Castle : Albertus and Johannes
- Blumenfeld Castle : Konrad
- Blumegg Castle : Heinrich
- Donaueschingen Castle : Johannes and Bertold
- Stahlegg Castle : Johannes
- Tannegg Castle : Konrad
The ownership of numerous towns and farms is also mentioned.
“By the end of the 13th century, the Blumbergers had extensive property in the southern Baar, on the western edge of the Hegau and in the Wutach Gorge. The center of this property was Hüfingen until 1383. "
With the rule of Hüfingen, the family castle and the numerous castles owned by family members in the wider area, the Lords of Blumberg reached the height of their power.
14th Century
“This ownership is confirmed in a document dated January 5, 1356, in which Diethelm von Blumberg's castle, town and village of Hüfingen were sold half to Konrad von Blumberg and the other half to Johannes the younger von Blumberg and his brothers Rudolf and Albrecht. A large part of the Blumberg noble family lived in this castle. [...] In the following, the source references become more and more frequent and an exact genealogical assignment of the individual Blumbergers is often not possible.
In fact, almost every property was a fiefdom of the respective higher ruler, in the case of Hüfingen this fiefdom was given by the Landgrave of Baar to the Blumbergers. In 1356 the count had also decided to “grant them the special grace that they may transfer this fiefdom as they wish and also bequeath it to female heirs. The provision was confirmed again on April 3, 1380 by Count Heinrich von Fürstenberg dem Burkhardt von Blumberg. “This right of inheritance for women was still unusual at that time, it was supposed to stabilize property, but things turned out differently:
This inheritance occurred in April 1382 with the death of Burkhardt von Blumberg: In a will, the Hüfingen inheritance received his "sister Gueten von Blomberg, wife of Bentzen von Schellenberg, and their legitimate children." This led to a dispute with the Blumberg cousins, which went out in favor of Guta. Her husband, the "knight Berthold von Schellenberg , who comes from a family in Liechtenstein [...] has been called Mr. von Hüfingen since 1383."
“With that, the Blumbergers had lost their headquarters in Hüfingen after more than 100 years and had to re-establish themselves, ie they had to try to develop a new center that had the quality of Hüfingen. And this new center was Blumberg. "
KS Bader describes this reorganization as an "emergency solution". For the citation:
Blumberg becomes a city
This change is documented soon afterwards: The Blumbergers withdrew from Hüfingen in a short time, as can be deduced from a document dated September 20, 1384. There it says: I, Růdolf von Blůmberg, settled down to Blůmberg . After that, until 1393 the Blumbergers are obviously missing in the documents (the historians Bader and Bechthold do not name any), their position was shaken:
“This event meant a heavy, indeed irreplaceable loss for the entire family. The times were long gone when castle ownership alone guaranteed the existence and security of a noble family. The city had taken the place of the narrow castle. "
However, the location of Blumberg did not offer good conditions to turn the castle, farmsteads and the village into a city, because “there was no connection to convenient traffic routes, and the space on the castle plateau was too small to be able to design a large-scale system . [...] it lacked essential urban features such as town law, market law or mayor. "
In addition, there was now a need for protection against Hüfingen, because attempts had been made “to stabilize the western edge of the Blumberg property with another castle or to secure the Hüfingen access to the Wutach.” In the first document after a long time, on April 22, 1393 a new castle Blumberg called: Eberhard von Blůmberg from the Nuwen Blůmberg ... . Again a few years passed before two more documents - 1400 and 1401 - indicate activities: The Blumbergers, together with the Schaffhausen citizens as guarantors, raise money in Basel and Stühlingen (with the sale of Eschach near Achdorf).
The reorganization of their headquarters could not have taken place without royal approval - in fact the loss of the Blumbergers was also a disadvantage for the Fürstenbergers, "who had to fear consequences in their territory from the loss of Hüfingen, because the Schellenbergers were not dependent on them like the Blumbergers. In addition, the conflict between the House of Austria and the Swiss Confederation came to light at the beginning of the 15th century. Blumberg was therefore of no small importance as a bastion against the Swiss. "
Fürstenberg's support in founding the city was also secured for political and military reasons, but this could not replace the lack of economic prospects.
“The city complex was nothing more than a 'outer bailey', an extended castle. [...] From the start, the foundation lacked the goal of becoming an economically significant center. It was not the market but the fortifications that gave the complex its urban character. […] The castle was simply supplemented by a citizenry, which settled in the outer bailey and indulged in everyday farming or craft activities in order to supplement the contingent of defensive men in times of war. The sources say nothing of a granting of the new facility with city rights. "
“One hears for the first time from the city of Blumberg in connection with the Fürstenbergisch-Lupfischen feud. In a verdict ( attempted mediation) of April 15, 1413, Blůmberg stat was one of the witnesses to be summoned to the Rœmschen court. "
The end of the Blumberg family
"Rudolf von der alten Blumberg" died in 1413 and - according to the historian Bechtold - "no more impulses were to be expected from the dying Blumberg family". His first-born Heinrich was sitting with his wife in Diessenhofen , one of the daughters “was married to Sigmund vom Stein, [...] whose family Blumberg finally passed on. [...] Rudolf the younger of the old Blumberg had died before April 30, 1451 and with him the Blumberg main line had died out. The Blumberg sidelines did not last long either. Bader determines the last documented mentions in the “neighboring seat in Donaueschingen”, at Karpfen Castle and for the “Neublumberger Line”. The last naming of a Schaffhausen citizen could be determined in 1470. The castles along the Wutach Valley “had long since passed into other hands. The Lords of Blumeneck existed even longer, but they were no longer related to the Blumbergers. ”(Bader, 20.) In Blumberg itself, Sigmund vom Stein and his family came to power” (Bechtold, 60 ff.).
“The family v. Stein could not hold the rule of Blumberg for long ”and their successors,“ the Randeggers do not seem to have settled in Blumberg at all. ”This interlude was over in 1484 (Bader, 21).
An overview of the main articles on the Blumberg noble family: Lords of Blumberg
Rise of the city of Blumberg
“The village of Blumberg probably also suffered from the economic downturn, but this time was mainly determined by sales that showed the financial difficulties. Even the Blumberg mill, which was of great importance for the town's economic development, was lost for a few years. ”(Bechtold, 62).
After Sigmund's death in 1477 or 1478, Blumberg was sold by his heirs in 1479 to the lords of Randegg , from whom the castle and town were transferred to Hans von Landau, who systematically acquired all the shares in 1483/84 and rebuilt the "undoubtedly economically dilapidated Blumberg" complex organizes and expands. In 1497 he received "a letter of freedom from King Maximilian ", which already indicates a special role for the former "Lordship of Blumberg" in a future dispute (Bechthold, 61 ff.)
Hans von Landau
“Hans von Landau was born around 1450 and came from a Swabian noble family who named themselves after Landau Castle near Riedlingen . [...] After he [1483] held the share of his cousin Ursula von Schellenberg, he bought (he) the rest of Blumberg on January 20, 1484 as well. ”Since the beginning of the 1490s, apparently systematically also bought other former Blumberg possessions and rights and he ended a dispute with the abbess of Lindau about the tithe of Riedöschingen by "having the bailiwick over the village of Riedöschingen in his hands on June 13, 1498."
The Swiss War in 1499
It can be assumed that Landau renovated and equipped the castle and town of Blumberg, because in 1499 the Swiss or Swabian War began . On the one hand, the Swiss Confederation , which had existed since 1291, gained ever greater importance and succeeded in “acquiring freedoms and rights within the German Empire that promoted a certain degree of independence. This independence also had an effect on the farmers, craftsmen and merchants: they were comparatively freer and more self-confident than the farmers of the Hegau or the farmers of the Baar, who were serfs. ”On the other hand, it got far beyond the border regions“ almost the whole empire " Into a" feuding state ". The Archduke of Austria and Roman-German King Maximilian I wanted to put a stop to this lawless feuding society in 1495 by means of an Eternal Peace . Feuds should be carried out in public before a Reich Chamber Court. The court and Maximilian's wars were to be financed by a general tax, the common penny . Not only did the Confederation oppose this, but the Swiss carried out raids, particularly in the Hegau, and in 1499 a campaign in the border regions north of the Rhine.
The confederates in front of Blumberg
“At the end of April / beginning of May the Swiss moved from Waldshut to Blumberg: and if the people pull the train along to the castle, then the village of Blůmberg burned down and waited honestly from the castle to shooting and tributing the sweats and kept it locked. That was the first thing to do according to our morals. "(Heinrich Hug's Villinger Chronicle)
The village was thus set on fire by the Blumbergers themselves - a measure that was supposed to make logistics more difficult for the enemy; after that it was again "in its own ashes", i. that is, built up quickly to calm the population.
But the Swiss train to the north was stopped and the imperial army followed suit, but the Confederates won the battle of Dornach near Basel and the peace treaty on September 22, 1499 brought them de facto independence from the German Empire.
Funds now flowed into the expansion of the Küssaburg on the Upper Rhine and probably also to Landau, because he had ponds built in front of the castle and town "between 1500 and 1510".
King Maximilian in Blumberg
At the end of April 1507, King Maximilian went to Blumberg, where construction work on the palace built in his name was still in full swing. As a result, however, there were conflicts, because the Counts of Fürstenberg feared Hans von Landau and his determined politics as competition in the Wutach Valley and complained that his ponds would endanger the road. Landau, who in the meantime - Maximilian had been crowned emperor - "Imperial Majesty Councilor and Imperial Treasurer [...] and was imperial in his small territory", was 'capable of compromising' with Count Wilhelm von Fürstenberg: He renounced further expansion and received 1511 in return highest rights over his territory: the councils that decidedly approved the dispute to Landau the expansion of the pond: a protection "that enabled the lord of the castle to flood the important Schaffhausen-Hüfingen road at a sensitive point and thus that to block the whole valley in the event of an incursion by the Confederates. [...] The importance of the Blumberger Weiher as a means of fastening later receded behind fish farming, when the expansive strength of the Confederates was extinguished after the Milan wars. "
“For Blumberg itself, this provided a stable starting point for the following years.” But Hans von Landau died in early December 1513 at his Blumberg Castle.
Church history
1353 (or 1356) there is now the first evidence of a chapel in Blumberg - although it is not clear whether it was in the castle or in the village - there is evidence of a branch relationship with the "Martinspfarrei Hondingen, one of the oldest parishes in the Baar. ”This dependency is also documented in the sources of the 15th century - ultimately until the 19th century under the direction of the Diocese of Constance .
Archaeological evidence shows that there was already a village church in the 14th century:
“When the nave of the old Blumberg town church was demolished in 1956, Gothic frescoes came to light, which were unfortunately largely destroyed during the demolition work, in ignorance of their historical significance. The remains were put back together by a restorer. With a certain degree of certainty, the frescoes can be assigned to the period between 1350 and 1450. ”This archaeological finding thus represents“ the oldest evidence of the existence of a village church in Blumberg. ”
In 1446 there is evidence of "a Marienaltar" and in 1484 "an Andrea patronage ". A repair invoice from 1546 shows that "the church was then about half the size of the later one."
A change began in the 15th century, which manifested itself in the crisis of the papacy down to the lowest level of the clergy - “many clergymen (operated) a sideline in agriculture, as innkeepers or traders. The concubinage was the usual way of life. […] The crisis of feudal society exacerbated the crisis of the church, the greatest feudal lord. ”More and more preachers, including citizens and nobles, demanded reforms.“ Luther's attack on his 95 theses against the indulgence trade in 1517 is a symbol for the beginning of the Become Reformation. "
The Fürstenbergers were among the decided representatives of the old faith, the new owners of Blumberg - Lutz and Jörg von Landau, then Hans-Jörg von Bodman as well. But the mood of optimism seized the people: "An answer to the increasingly unbearable living conditions of the 'common people' in the sixteenth century" was given by the peasants - "the Reformation ideas (received) new political explosives."
Peasants' War 1524/25 in the Baar
“The peasant uprising was a mass movement. Cautious estimates put sixty to seventy percent of the armed population directly involved in the uprising. […] Blumberg was an important bastion of the authorities, the rulers had to provide foot soldiers and horses for the fight against the farmers. […] However, there was no planned murder, as it was feared that the planned conflict would extend to another war with the Swiss. There was relative calm until the spring of 1525, then the dispute escalated. "
The farmers had almost the entire Baar under control, but the fortifications of the castle and city of Blumberg defied their onslaught. In response to the Swabian League under Georg Truchseß von Waldburg , “(the peasant armies) were defeated with unimaginable cruelty. The leaders were executed, villages burned and the people humiliated. [...] With the bloody suppression of the peasants, a religious movement of new beginnings was destroyed. ”But the old church life could not be renewed, the Catholic church organization continued to fall apart, sects emerged and people created their own spaces - cities were often condemned as heretical by the nobility - in the region "(was) primarily meant Schaffhausen by heretical places ."
The south-west of Germany was devastated by the fighting in the Peasants 'War, but - according to the historian Bechtold - the sales deed drawn up soon afterwards "is the best testimony to Blumberg's wealth in the early 16th century and also shows that Blumberg did not end the Peasants' War of 1524/25 had survived a lot of damage. ”(Bechthold, 70). However, the sovereigns, the Fürstenbergers, were involved in the suppression of the uprising under Wilhelm von Fürstenberg as count and mercenary leader.
Determination of the value of Burg & Stadt
Since the sons Hans von Landau, Lutz and Georg von Landau did not continue the work of their father, the sale to Hansjörg von Bodman zu Bodman in the contract of November 27, 1529, 16 years later, is a detailed one detailed description of the value of things and rights received, which is presented in detail in the literature (Bechtold, 74 ff. and Bader, 25 f.). With 21,000 fl. Rh. Gold , Hans von Landau had "increased the value by almost ten times." The sale also included various cannons, 78 rifles, 200 large iron balls, 6,000 iron hammock balls, 3 quintals of lead and 8 quintals of powder plus barrels. Also included was "Leipferdingen Castle with the moat and herb garden."
But just eight years later, on April 4, 1537, the guardianship of the still underage Hanswolf von Bodman, son of the buyer, sold "Castle and Stettlin Blomberg" with all rights and accessories to Count Friedrich von Fürstenberg. The purchase price remained at 21,000 Rhenish guilders.
Blumberg among the Fürstenbergers
After the aristocracy was able to reorganize the situation in their favor after the peasant war, which was victorious for them, the Fürstenbergers used a multitude of possibilities to expand their territory: "The new area decisively rounded off the Fürstenberg property and power influence in the Baar." and Count Friedrich also standardized rights and regulations of all kinds, which enabled him to further develop the sovereignty and to build up a “nationwide organization of offices and state administration. [...] Blumberg gradually (gained) a new spatial function as the official seat and at times also residence in the south of the Baar. "
“With the transition to the Fürstenberg family, the Blumberg rulership entered a new phase of its development.” The 'power principle of marriage policy' had not yet been staged, and mobility among the population, but especially among the nobility, was far advanced, so that marriages were distant (Aristocratic) houses were closed, which were still based strongly on affection and led to the simple merging of goods, since the right of inheritance of women also became more natural:
“Count Friedrich von Fürstenberg , one of the most remarkable figures of the count family, knew how to decisively increase and round off the Füstenberg land holdings. A few years after the acquisition of Blumberg, the count married Anna Countess von Werdenberg-Heiligenberg , who brought him the rule of Jungnau and Trochtelfingen as her own property and the county of Heiligenberg as a fief . Fürstenberg had thus [...] become one of the most powerful and wealthy families. "
First mining activity
“The manorial self-management in Blumberg concentrated on agriculture and fish farming in the ponds. [...] However, Count Friedrich had the ore deposits in the narrower area between Blumberg, Riedböhringen and Hondingen exploited for the first time. The ores obtained here were processed in the hammer mill in Eisenbach (Hammereisenbach). A brickworks was finally built in Zollhaus around 1555. "
The count also “made the protection of the forests belonging to the rulership particularly important” (Bader, 28).
Regardless of all care and probably also improvements in jurisprudence, in addition to the farmers, "the citizens as serfs belonged to the Fürstenberg subjects' association." Nevertheless, a conflict from 1539 that the prince had to wage with the abbesses of the Lindau women's monastery over property in Riedöschingen showed that 15 years after the Peasants' War, at least the “monastery farmers” - with the help of the nuns - knew how to defend their rights. The dispute did not end until 1613 - when Count Friedrich's grandson had bought all of the monastery property in the village. (Eveline Dargel, pp. 79-82).
A 'happy time' for Blumberg
Count Friedrich had died in 1559 and his descendants shared the property: the "Obervogteiamt Blumberg", which had meanwhile been set up, was awarded to Count Albrecht, one of Friedrich's grandsons, together with the rule of Kinzigtal and the Möhringen office. "
City law 1564
While still a minor, they were first represented by a guardianship who carefully organized their future property and rights. “At that time, Blumberg received the first city seal as a certification mark for its own legal transactions. The inscription reads: 'SIGELL DER STAT BLOMBERG 1564'. "
In 1568 the still young count was married to "Elisabeth von Pernstein, daughter of a Bohemian magnate and Privy Councilor, who brought him a rich marriage property [... and in 1578] with the young couple in the Blumberg Castle and active life. [...] A glazier supplied the castle with panes of glass. Between 1579 and 1588, Count Albrecht and his 'much beloved' wife spent a large part of the years in Blumberg; several of her numerous children were born there. ”(Bader, 29).
The count also consistently defended his rule against the claims of his own family - he insisted on an attempted attack by his uncle, Count Heinrich, on the "in the accrued lordship with all high, low and forest rulership and glory". He also insisted on “the old sovereign borders” - a first attempt to create “a unified Fürstenberg state, an independent office encompassing all sovereign rights ” with the Blumberg rule had failed. (Bader, 30 f.).
The population, too, seems to have taken part in the reign's well-being, because the count “obliged his bailiff to look after the subjects of the rule and not to burden them with 'insubstantial innovations', that is, to give them their good old rights leave. ”(Bader, p. 29 f.).
Under Count Albrecht in 1588 "the parish maintenance of Blumberg was mentioned for the first time". This included, among other things, a clearer regulation of church legal acts. “The marriage, previously valid as a secret marriage concluded only before God [and thus exposed above all to male arbitrariness], now required formal legal protection by pastors and witnesses. […] In order to carry out these reforms it was necessary to decentralize the church organization ”(Gertis, 278).
In 1588, the “entire court of Blumberg” was transferred to the “imperial hove” in Prague because of probably more important matters. After Count Albrecht's death in 1599, the Blumberg office went to his son Christoph, who died in 1614, after a ten-year vacancy. On this occasion a land register was drawn up (1609/1612), which recorded all goods, rights and persons and their social positions, functions and their economic circumstances. The data indicate a developed prosperity.
When the Landgraviate of Baar was redistributed in 1620, the southern area fell to two count's brothers, from 1626 Blumberg and Löffingen only to Count Wratislaus: “In addition to the old towns of Blumberg and Riedöschingen, Riedböhringen, Döggingen, Unadingen, Burg and Bachheim now also belonged to the Obervogteiamt Blumberg. ”(E. Dargel, 86 ff.).
Thirty Years War (1618-1648)
The religious disputes in Christianity after the Reformation of Martin Luther led in the early 17th century through numerous smaller armed conflicts to a European war, in which the religious appearance was also based on political interests.
Background
“After the outrage of the Bohemian estates against Emperor Ferdinand II , the war began in 1618, in which initially only the Protestant princes and cities united in the Union and the imperial cities united in the Catholic League faced each other, but this was due to the interference of Sweden and France assumed ever greater proportions. "For a decade and a half, southern Germany was spared from war operations," before the first enemy troops, the Swedes, defeated General Count Horn in 1632 after their victory in the Battle of Lützen and their horrific atrocities march on the Upper Rhine and in Breisgau on the Upper Rhine and invaded Klettgau under the Scottish Count Hamilton . "
The war in the Baar
The Baar was spared the events in the neighborhood, as Württemberg troops had invaded as early as autumn 1632: “Duke Julius von Württemberg , like many of the Protestant imperial estates, sided with the Swedish King Gustav Adolf II . The Swedes endeavored to consolidate military ties with their allies by granting territories. The [Fürstenberg] Landgraviate of Baar was awarded Württemberg in 1633. ”The representatives of the city of Blumberg also had to take the oath of homage to the Duke of Württemberg . However, the Württemberger should not have performed better than the Swedes.
Although three allied armies ended Swedish rule over southern Germany in the Battle of Nördlingen in September 1634 , France intervened on the side of the Swedes in 1635 and after the Wuerttemberg fortress of Hohentwiel was occupied by French-Swedish troops in 1637, the castle was also opened in February 1638 Blumberg occupied.
In September 1638 Bavarian troops under General Johann von Götzen besieged the castle in vain. It was not until August 1639 that the imperial family recaptured Blumberg. When they withdrew, the Swedish-French troops set the small town on fire. ”In the following two years,“ Blumberg served the imperial army as a military base between Hegau and the Upper Rhine. ”However, the Hohentwiel had maintained itself as a French bastion January 1643 also Blumberg retaken. After the French were defeated by the Imperial Bavarian troops in their winter camp in Tuttlingen in November 1643, troops of the victorious Field Marshal Mercy also stood in front of Blumberg at the beginning of May 1644: “The French were forced to give up the castle. Before the departure, Commander La Valette gave the order to blow up the castle. In the process, 'a soldier carelessly dropped gunners into the powder by a glowing fuse [...] damaged himself, his soldiers and a number of farmers and blew up 10 and was somehow burned.' "
The Wuerttemberg occupation in particular caused a lot of suffering to the population of the city and the surrounding area: “50 men were killed in the exchange of fire when the castle was taken over. Most of the population had fled together with the pastor, the fruits in the fields were 'hacked to the ground' and the soldiers had looted houses and churches. "Over the years, the changing occupiers had to give large amounts of food and money" and more than the fighting and looting of soldiers, the population was threatened by hunger and disease. [...] The fields were devastated and the harvests destroyed. "After nothing more could be extracted in the vicinity," the soldiers of both camps undertook raids far into the Black Forest. "When the castle was destroyed - the Schaffhausen town clerk Wepfer noted - had the surrounding places like to see “that the robnest fountain” (Eveline Dargel, 96 f.)
As early as 1642 - before the castle was destroyed - Blumberg "fell to the Meßkirch line of the Fürstenberg family" (Bader, 33). Background does not seem to be known here.
“The war resulted in a significant population decline. A list of the landowners from 1653 names 26 people. In contrast, 48 farmers and small business owners were counted in the land register of 1609/12. This suggests that Blumberg lost about half of the population through death or emigration during the war. "
The destruction [of the castle] was not so complete that it would have been completely impossible to rebuild. However, it was no longer possible to use it as the residence of the count's and later princely family. [...] The castle had had its day, just as the defensive character of the small town complex had been lost.
Consequences of the war
In the ruins of the castle, only the so-called "New Building" was rebuilt, it served as a stable and "fruit box" and until 1824 as an official prison; In 1706 the main tower was blown up. In the 19th century the stones were "used to build houses in towns and villages."
In town and village, “the buildings suffered great damage. The nave was obviously badly damaged, the tower was so dilapidated that it threatened to collapse, and the roof was missing. A thorough renovation took place in the middle of the 17th century. The baroque onion tower, which is still preserved today, replaced the old tower with a gable roof. ”(Gertis, 281).
After the devastation of the war it was an urgent matter to open up new sources of income for the impoverished country and around 1650 the royal family decided to take the " metallurgy " into their own hands. Probably also inspired by the wife of Count Froben Ferdinand (Fürstenberg-Mößkirch) , Maria Therese, Duchess of Arenberg , whose family owned several ironworks in the Hocheifel ( Ahrhütte ).
Blumberg as an early mining town
Verena Nübling suspects the first evidence of iron ore mining, who believes that “mining near Blumberg was already probable in the Middle Ages”, “maybe it even goes back to prehistoric times.” An extraordinary find in the 'Stoberg' (1948), a double vessel, 14 Rhenish Contained gold and 3 Italian silver coins and can therefore be dated to “after 1414”, she considers it “possible, but not verifiable” in connection with mining due to the mountain's location. (V. Nübling, 23 f.) The find lies in the time after the loss of Hüfingen, when the gentlemen from Blumberg tried to make their place, now also known as “stat”, the new center.
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It is generally assumed that the Blumberg ore deposits were discovered in the middle of the 16th century, when a contract dated July 28, 1544 between Count Friedrich and an Augsburg mining entrepreneur, Mathäus Zollmayr, regulated the search, extraction and processing permission. The prince made it a condition that the ore would not “run, melt and process” in the central smelter of Hammereisenbach-Bregenbach near Vöhrenbach, but only in his own, yet to be built, plant in Eisenbach .
There is no further information on this, and in 1607 there was only one interlude when Baron Christoph von Mörsberg himself applied for the construction of an ironworks in the Blumberg area. However, he was refused by the forestry office because they feared the rest for the "wildpret". However, the applicant was also considered over-indebted, because he sold the Bonndorf rule in 1609 to the St. Blasien monastery.
Mining in the 17th century
Fifty years later, the Fürstenbergers organized the ore mining:
In 1661 the first mining experts arrive from Lorraine and Luxembourg; The Belgian Guillaume Bilguin was commissioned in 1662, who set up the ironworks in Blumberg until 1665. Processing in one's own country was now important, because it was there that the acceptance of the products could be dictated.
What is striking compared to the attempts before the Thirty Years' War, which still seemed amateurish, is that the organization of the project now shows a comprehensive gain in experience in all areas of the work processes.
In 1665, the Blumberg official administrator Franz Vogler was appointed mine director:
“As such, he was responsible for both the economic organization and human resources. The mine director offset the income and expenses of the company, controlled the supply of raw materials and managed iron sales. In addition, he selected the workers, paid the wages and made sure that working hours and breaks were observed. He also represented the miners on labor law issues. "
The range of tasks still corresponds to the classic model of rule, but it was only a matter of time before administrative activities were also differentiated and specialized - as was already necessary among employees:
At first a distinction was made between craftsmen and assistants - "smelters, blacksmiths and people-masters" - although they were also sent abroad for training. Aids were "ore diggers, quarryers, carters and porters" - the so-called "laboratory assistants". This was where the locals came into play, the farmer's children as "ore miners", who received money as a reward and a considerably larger amount of food. This included living free of charge: as early as 1665, a separate building for the miners, the “Laborantenhaus”, was built. Others stayed with the farmers. All employees were encouraged to work qualitatively, because the purity of the ore played an important role in the increasing competition. In addition, there were 'suppliers', large quantities of charcoal were required: lumberjacks and charcoal burners. “The charcoal burning was mainly operated in the manorial 'Kohlwald' between Steppach and Randen and on the Stoberg.” There were supervisors for the wood and water areas. A large part of the skilled workers were brought in from abroad (especially the Netherlands) or immigrated as qualified workers from the area.
- E. Dargel also provides detailed descriptions of the life and work of the miners , marriage relationships and family structure (pp. 100-104).
But there was a problem early on - perhaps one that was unforeseen in this dimension: the lack of water. The Wutach was too deep, the Aitrach was arid and swampy. The supply of the Hondacher Bach failed in 1667. Without the ponds of Hans von Landau from 150 years ago, the whole company would not have been possible in the practiced dimension. However, these were often frozen in winter and overcrowded in spring, then they decreased daily as a result of the stress and were dry in summer and sometimes into autumn - the result: the furnace was shut down. (Reports 1670 to 1672). In addition, the large Schaffhauser Strasse was so strained by the timber transport that "its inspection - as it is said in 1673 - was almost life-threatening."
An undisturbed development of the mining industry was not possible, because the unstable political situation and renewed war events did not allow the people much rest even after the Peace of Westphalia of 1648: “Conflicts of the European ruling houses over the Palatinate, Spanish and Austrian succession to the throne led to one [from 1674] Decades of wars. ”Levies, billeting and mistreatment continued into the early 18th century - even if Blumberg was spared from direct hostile attacks. The castle was already in ruins, militarily the place was meaningless. (after Dargelt, p. 106).
From 1674 “a new, larger forging plant was put into operation [… and] while in the first years the focus was on surface construction, underground construction was added in the eighties and nineties. […] The factory's turnover was modest in the first few years, but rose to around 2500 quintals of forged iron by 1690. ”(Bader 34 f.). The literature is silent on the problems of the decade and a half since the initial phase (until 1674), but they were probably not solved:
“In addition to the lack of water, the lack of profitability was the main reason why the main factory, the hammer forge, was relocated to Kirchen in the summer of 1694, where from then on the ore extracted, washed and melted in Blumberg was also processed. [...] The smelter in Blumberg also closed a few years later. This brought the ironworks in Blumberg to a standstill at the turn of the 17th and 18th centuries. They tried to recycle the remains of the hut as best they could. "
18th century
In 1728 “the abandoned smelter was broken up, [...] the mostly foreign smelter staff gradually withdrew. From the second decade of the 18th century onwards, Blumberg was again a community of farmers. ”(Bader, p. 35 f.).
In 1744, after the end of the short-lived branch of the Fürstenberg-Meßkircher line, Blumberg fell through inheritance to Prince Joseph Wilhelm Ernst , who in 1716 had risen from count to imperial prince. With this all Fürstenberg areas were again in one hand and the ruler organized his territory according to absolutist principles with central administration in Donaueschingen .
This way of organization was the last "rebellion" of an outdated principle of rule that ran counter to social developments across Europe and thus led to revolutionary movements. The resulting undesirable developments and tensions can also be observed in the Blumberg area.
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A lot of money flowed into the church, which was needed by the princes to consolidate the situation. For the construction of the new rectory, which was headed by the Fürstenberg master builder Joseph Saltzmann, “stones were taken from the Blumberg castle ruins” (text information board on the building).
Initially, the process appeared as a territorial reform and with Donaueschingen the prince also made the most economically and politically important place his headquarters - with four upper offices and ten upper bailiwick offices, including Blumberg with the now connected villages of Zollhaus and Randen as well as the villages of Riedöschingen, Riedböhringen, Hondingen and Mundelfingen counted. The tighter organization with precise recording and monitoring of the population and the control of all activities also brought numerous new sources of income. The rapid population growth in the relatively peaceful second half of the century contributed to this, but traditionally old constraints and authoritarian regulations remained unchanged. On the one hand, the inheritance regulation, which determined property as indivisible, led to a fixed number of well-to-do farmers, a lack of the middle class and a large number of forced disqualifications: “More than three-quarters of the population hired themselves as 'dumpers' or day laborers. […] In contrast to the day laborers, the Stümpler had a lot of tension with horses. ”A sideline was necessary to survive.
And although trade developed, handicrafts and trades differentiated - people were becoming increasingly qualified and educated - it was hardly possible to change location due to the continuing "serfdom" and rigid regulations despite increased mobility (forced road construction). The restrictions on marriage permits or “feudal rights”, such as giving the best head of cattle when a man dies and the best dress for a woman to the royal house, also generated indignation.
The rulers reacted only slowly to grievances - only the so-called ' enlightened princes' tried to modernize. But in the historical progress they could only delay the duration of their form of rule again.
“The events following the French Revolution of 1789 led to a profound change in politics, economy and society in this country too. The population learned about the ideals of revolution through printed matter. […] Around 1791, revolutionary leaflets were also in circulation in the Blumberg office, and tobacco tins with verses appeared at the fairs that propagated freedom and equality for all people. "
Further political developments blocked the ideals again, however, and when Napoleon made himself the 'soldier of the revolution' and the war “finally spread to the German southwest in the mid-1990s, the fear of the French army probably outweighed the various impulses among the people to deal with the revolution. "
In fact, French troops soon came to Blumberg - with the consequence of looting and billeting (1796) and in the spring of 1799 and 1800 there was extensive fighting in the region. Napoleon ordered the demolition of the Hohentwiel fortress , to which Blumberg citizens were also compulsorily obliged.
19th century
But the 'revolutionary impulse' of the imperial farmer's son from Corsica led to the radical transformation of feudal Germany, which was divided into countless domains - to the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation (1806) and “the southern German territories of the nobility and imperial knighthood went to the newly formed middle states Baden, Württemberg and Bavaria. ”'Enlightened aristocrats' were still at the top - in Baden, as sovereign, Grand Duke Karl Friedrich . He was a seasoned man who, when he died in 1811, was reigning monarch for a total of 73 years.
to bathe
"The replacement of the medieval feudal burdens had already started, [... but] the initial joy about this peasant liberation quickly gave way to the sobering realization that one had turned from a feudalist obligation into a capitalist one: that was for the ransom from the land interest obligations Eighteen times an annual average amount, for the tithing redemption even twenty times the average annual income amount to be paid as redemption capital. The state treasury added a fifth of the redemption amount, but four fifths had to be raised by the titans themselves. [...] But the most serious thing was that the reform legislation halted the property of the landlords and class lords who had been mediatized in the years 1803 to 1806, that is, had lost their previous imperial immediacy and another sovereign, so [...] the Grand Duke were assumed. These mediatists, whose best-known representatives in Baden were the princes of Fürstenberg, von Löwenstein-Wertheim and von Leiningen, had an influential lobby in the German Confederation and in the First Chamber of Baden , so that the Baden government was forced to protect its interests in many ways. "
Nevertheless, the disempowerment of the rulers could not be stopped and "what happened between the peasantry and the Fürstenberg family in the following decades up to the revolution in 48 can be seen as a gain in rights in a slow process of liberation."
Though was servitude and forced labor ( forced labor ), but the Liberated had to replace for years financially so. The living conditions were also problematic - severe famine in 1816/17; due to bad harvests, but also as a result of the outdated economy or still a jumble of powers and inexperience in the creation of new regulations by new state institutions that have proven themselves in just procedures. New suffrage in 1818, new municipal regulations (1831), forest laws, market rights. Blumberg had little to offer - remote - and received this in writing:
“The city of Blumberg is, if the name is deducted, a village and as such of only very insignificant proportions, it is not on any country road, not even on an important Vinizialweg and counts under 600 souls. The markets […] have dried up. ”(Letter from the government of the Seekreis , Huggle, 133 f.). This assessment also led to the loss of the town charter (1864 at the latest).
However, it can also be seen in the tradition that the Blumbergers did not care much about it and knew how to regulate their affairs, be it in welfare, wages or inheritance and resident rights: “The community did its best, often against their will of the district office. ”Even if the problems of population growth were combined with a certain compulsion to emigrate.
Nevertheless, an impatience built up, freedom came only in small bits and had to be paid dearly (to the prince) in all aspects:
Revolution 1848
“Years of hunger 1846/47” further fueled the mood and although the government announced the “abolition of all feudal rights” in “Vormärz 1848” - and Prince Karl Egon II accommodated this with a “final renunciation”, “ Friedrich Hecker , Freischarführer and fighter won many supporters for the republic in Blumberg. ”The defeat of the armed insurgents on April 16, 1848 near Donaueschingen against Württemberg government troops and the retreats and escapes via Zollhaus to Switzerland hardly weakened solidarity:“ There was so much sympathy with the politically persecuted that the residents of Blumberg, Randen and Zollhaus willingly donated for them. "
"Johann Baptist Moritz, the son of a day laborer", was "elected mayor in May 1848." After the rest of the year 1848 had been quieter, however, in March 1949 the desired new "constitution of the German Empire" failed and it came about in Baden in Offenburg to a large popular assembly - with a Blumberg delegation - and to the popular uprising (May 13, 1849): "The revolutionary movement was victorious and the Grand Duke had to flee." Back in Blumberg, Mayor Moritz announced "by firing guns and planting the three-colored flags in At an immediately held community meeting, the resolutions passed [...] - 'one should just stick together and organize the arming of the people as quickly as possible'. What he did then, not without causing the community several thousand guilders in debt, a rifle cost 20 florins […] On May 26, 1849, the people's army was finally called to mobilize to oppose the Prussians called by the Grand Duke To fight back. "
After the failure of the revolution, some of the Blumbergers, including well-known ones, got into considerable difficulties and the community had to bear almost 1,500 florins for editions. “When the state of war was lifted at the end of August 1852, the reins of the grand ducal administration had long been firmly in hand again. Once again the Blumbergers felt what it means to be subjects. […] When the Grand Duke finally issued an amnesty for the former leaders and revolutionaries (with the exception of the leading figures) in the summer of 1857, many of them had long since left Blumberg ”(Huggle, 150).
Even if "a reactionary course (repressed) all democratic aspirations" and a part of the citizenship showed "little diligence and no inclination to improve" in the eyes of the authorities, a new, self-confident basic mood remained - the feudal times were also final past. The new mayor Feederle acted prudently: “The district office observed this community particularly closely” and: “They let him through so many arbitrary acts” (Huggle, 157 f.).
Church history
The medieval and modern church history of Blumberg differed little from the general German history of religion and denominations - rather, new developments were suppressed by the pronounced 'conservative' rule of the Fürstenbergs: “In the 16th century, attempts at Reformation were on the verge of the Fürstenberg Authority held down. And even later, up to and including 1848/49, it suppressed opposition movements. This potential for unrest, which had been built up for a long time , found a way of articulating itself after 1870 in Old Catholicism . "
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State and social development
"With the separation of church and school in the first liberal cabinet after the reaction time, the Baden state gained more and more influence from 1860 [... and] after the new school law of 1863 [...] (came) in 1874 compulsory further education." The state had the task of paving the way for the industrialization brought about by science and technology and that this also meant the education of young people was understood: "The handicraft teacher from Blumberg and von Randen took part in an industry course as early as 1874" - in Karlsruhe to qualify as "industrial teachers". (Huggle, 180 f.)
A catastrophe had its effect: On March 30, 1873, “31 houses were in flames within 1 hour” in Blumberg. Shortly afterwards, the volunteer fire brigade was formed , a new fire engine was purchased and a syringe house built. While only 9% of the houses were insured before the fire, in 1878 it was three quarters.
Poles for telegraph masts were already provided in 1878 (the Reich telegraph station was not available until 1885); The repair of roads was accelerated, in 1881 the mail and tourist traffic expanded suddenly, in 1883 electric street lamps were installed: “They replaced the smoking and flickering lamps, some of which were filled with pitch. A new well pipe was also laid in the Städtle [… and] soon the community started another major project: the water pipe for Blumberg, the construction of which the local council approved in 1896. ”Randendorf owned it as early as 1888.
"Altogether there were two good decades between 1894 and 1914." (Huggle, 169–187). The construction of the strategic railway from 1887 to 1890 brought the residents “merit from the 400 to 500 foreigners who now lived temporarily in the district and had to be looked after. Some of them were housed in Epfenhofen, but they also stayed in almost every house in Blumberg. Since they obtained the food from their householders, another source of income was created. "
Construction of the strategic railway
“The general contractor for railway construction was the Philipp Holzmann company , at that time already a global company (founded in 1849). [...] According to contemporary reports, the entire route was a huge construction site. "
"In order to move the construction work forward quickly, over 4,500 workers, mostly Italians, were employed at times." Four large viaducts and six tunnels were completed on the kilometer-long route, all of which were double-tracked. The iron bridge parts came as individual parts from the Gutehoffnungshütte in Oberhausen and were transported from the Immendingen storage area to the construction sites via field railway tracks. The tunnel construction was started on both sides, "small oil lamps were used for lighting, it was hit with hammers, drilled with simple compressed air drills operated by water power, the ventilation hardly worked." Nevertheless, it can be assumed that for the workers in this country, advanced technology and also a new work organization was used. There were teams of surveyors, the wooden structures for bridge piers and fish-belly girders were highly complex - to this day there is almost nothing to complain about in any of the structures. In particular, the river crossing in the deeply cut Wutach Valley was considered a "technical challenge" - "huge amounts" of flood and white water had to be taken into account: "The engineers had succeeded in creating a masterpiece."
On the history of the railway: Strategic bypass railway (Switzerland)
A completely new dimension in working life was heralded when, towards the end of the century, the farmers suffered severe earnings losses, "because grain prices fell due to cheap imports from overseas and Russia." Only when "extreme weather conditions led to poor harvests in Australia and Russia" and The government took stabilization measures as a result of self-sufficiency considerations, and the economic situation remained stable until the beginning of the war in 1914. In 1903 there were no unemployed in the village, but “the number of wandering beggars and destitute migrant workers increased: in 1908 […] between 15 and 20 people were fed per day. With this facility, which had been taken over from Switzerland, the aim was to prevent begging by feeding people free of charge and providing them with accommodation ”(Huggle, 176 and 187).
First World War
The new electrotechnical developments also favored the flow of information - the transmission of news in the political and economic structures, but also in newspaper editors: The general escalation of the political situation due to the expanding economy - establishment of colonies (Africa and Asia), competition for raw materials and military positions ( Fleet building) - was not hidden from the population: "At that time, war clubs were founded and monuments were unveiled - after all, you were a great power [...] and had a splendid imperial army." In July 1914, the "long-planned warrior table." unveiled in the presence of the veterans ”and soon afterwards the military association accompanied 13 of its members“ with a flag under cheers and cheers to the train station. […] The initial enthusiasm only subsided when the mourning news reached Blumberg. “The community also had to support the families of war veterans, war invalids and survivors, before welfare was regulated by the state of Baden after two years.
Background
“Although those responsible in politics and business in Baden had observed the politically critical development of the pre-war period with concern, they were surprised by the outbreak of war in 1914. [...] Perhaps in the south-west, where the noise of the battle on the western front was audible in many places just a few days after the outbreak of war, the military events were observed with less enthusiasm than in other parts of the empire. Despite the successes of the German armies in Belgium and Lorraine, the beginning of the war did not have to appear very promising because of the partly lost skirmishes and battles around Mühlhausen, especially between August 9 and 10, 1914. If these military operations were less important overall, they were persecuted they are given all the more attention in Baden because here the XIV Army Corps was fighting with predominantly Baden troops, so that only a few days after the start of the war one had to feel the immediate effects of the fighting. "
Consequences of war
Blumberg was also involved in the war through the Strategic Railway: “In 1916, almost 10% of the population consisted of military personnel who were stationed there. [...] Those who were lucky could visit their wounded son or husband in one of the nearby military hospitals in Bonndorf, Donaueschingen or Engen. "Finally, rural communities were" obliged to pay high taxes to ensure the food of the population in the cities "and prices rose , Animals could no longer be fed (“pig murder”) and food became scarce: “The inadequate diet led to epidemics, such as a measles epidemic in November 1917, which led to the closure of the Blumberg School for a whole month. The following year it was a severe flu epidemic that claimed its victims worldwide. ”Children and young people had to take on agricultural work in addition to school, which led to injuries:“ Numerous mutilations, especially of the hands, were found in Blumberg. [...] At harvest time, lessons were completely suspended. "
Unrest in the population was reprimanded by the district authorities - “'Anger and resentment about the defeat' ruled the population, famine and the shattered financial situation did the rest - Blumberg slipped into the next crisis. The church had also had to subscribe all nine war bonds to help finance the war ”(Huggle, 188-194).
Between democracy and dictatorship
In the period after the First World War, which in the cities was mostly characterized by political unrest - including the proclamation of a Soviet republic - "(acted) calmly in turbulent times." But the election for the German National Assembly in 1919 showed that that a large part of the population was quite progressive, because in addition to the Catholic Center Party (with 48%), the still young Social Democrats (SPD) received 39% of the votes.
The mayoral election of 1929 caused a lot of unrest and an 'open letter' ("nepotism") because applicants were excluded - "In contrast to his predecessors, the new mayor Theodor Schmid was only elected by a narrow majority of the Blumbergers."
Even in the election after Hitler came to power, in which most of the parties were only able to act to a limited extent, the center (42.8%) and the NSDAP (48.5%) in Blumberg were almost on par. (Mietzner, 197).
“There was no absolute majority for the National Socialists, neither nationwide nor nationwide. The Nazis secured their positions through administrative pressure, police action and open terrorism, and within six months all political opponents were checkmated. […] Catholicism [of the center], which found its representative in the local pastor, was the real opponent of National Socialism on the Baar. In 1935 they judged accordingly: 'The Black Forest was the most difficult area all the years until shortly before the takeover of power.' "
“The centre's strong position to the last shows that Blumberg never lost its Catholic, rural character. This Catholicism [...] was the real opponent of the National Socialists on the Baar. […] Nothing is known of a local NSDAP association before 1933. […] Although there were a handful of active partisans later […], none of them was born in Blumberg. ”(Mietzner, 197 ff.)
time of the nationalsocialism
In Blumberg, Mayor Theodor Schmid, a member of the conservative DStP (German State Party), remained “the central figure in the local political hierarchy”. Despite the requirement of a new election by emergency ordinance from May 1, 1933, “Schmid remained in office. In 1933 he joined the NSDAP. The following year he became their local group leader and thus held all the power of the 700-strong community in hand. "
“The protest-inclined population in Blumberg was opposed to the party and its branches. [...] Nevertheless, there was no broader organized movement in Blumberg. [...] Hardly anyone thought of politically motivated resistance, and even the later student in the resistance, Sophie Scholl [...] was still a seemingly calm kindergarten teacher at the time [of her stay in Blumberg]. "(Mietzner, 220 f. ).
But Blumberg was not spared from the ruthless methods of restructuring the democratic institutions after the victory of the NSDAP and the smashing of the left-wing parties KPD and SPD through to the authoritarian organization of all living conditions. The ideologization of thought was now staged and the population was involved: "The most important National Socialist organizations [...] organized the majority of the population before 1935."
It was also not known that with the preparation of the first four-year plan "the first investigations of the ore had already taken place at the end of 1933 on the initiative of the Saarhütten and in March [1934] engineers of the Röchling'schen Eisenwerkes then appeared ." The National Socialist economic planning had in In an effort to become self-sufficient, the exploitation of the Dogger ore deposits in southern Baden was tackled. (Mietzner, 201).
Mining town
Now existence changed “suddenly” for the community. Officially nothing had been decided in 1934 and according to Mietzner, 1995, (in contrast to Günther M. Walcz, 1983, who personally scheduled the visit of the industrialist Hermann Röchling to Blumberg for 1934), he only appeared a year later, in 1935, but the facts in Blumberg had already been created at this point. Röchling had the measures - probably with the highest level of support - "carried out on your own".
From March 1934, the “Arbeitsgemeinschaft Neunkirchen-Völklingen für Doggererz” began driving test tunnels and testing mining methods, and Mayor Schmidt mobilized workers in Blumberg and the surrounding area. According to G. Walcz, Schmidt knew of advanced plans in July 1935 after a meeting in Karlsruhe, because Gauleiter Wagner "ordered that Blumberg alone should become a mining town and [contrary to initial considerations] the other villages were allowed to retain their rural structure." Walcz, 32). An "original plan for the formation of a separate class of miners rooted in the area had to be postponed [the plant management] because of the speed at which the plant was built" (Walz, 351, source 1936).
As a formerly liberal and 'unwilling' partisan of the Nazis in the government as Reich Economics Minister , Hjalmar Schacht was still realistic enough to see the economic nonsense of a purely self-sufficient policy, but he did not calculate like Hitler, who wanted to leave the solution of the problems to future war conquests.
Schacht, Sept. 1936: “The Fiihrer has to be told again and again that we are not yet ready with German materials. In the fuel sector we have setbacks, in the rubber sector there will not be larger quantities until the middle of next year. The racing process in the ore area causes great difficulties. "
But Schacht was already in a losing position, because he now had Göring , the boss of the four-year plan, as an opponent:
On June 16, 1937, [Göring ..] declared to representatives of the iron and steel industry that Germany would be much better off if German industry had not relied on extracting iron from German ores:
“It is nonsense, I will proceed ruthlessly and issue legal provisions that iron should be extracted from the German soil in the greatest possible extent. How the iron deposits are discovered, whether with the dowsing rod or otherwise, is indifferent to me. It is also not decisive what the costs of iron extraction are. "
The “four-year plan” remained in effect for practically no more than two years. Then new concepts followed, which were even more focused on the Wehrmacht and the war. (ifz Zeitgeschichte, p. 202) Hjalmar Schacht resigned from his office as Reich Economics Minister in November 1937.
Facts had long been created in Blumberg and although the chaos of National Socialist economic planning was already beginning to emerge, the development was transfigured, especially on site:
“In newspaper reports [first from October 1937] and speeches of the time, the construction was recognized as a brilliant achievement of the National Socialist pioneering spirit, as a consequence of 'National Socialist state and economic management (...) in which around 15,000 people will have a new home. (Theodor Schmid). ' [...] Up there in the Randen area, a completely new industrial city is emerging, filled with the song of work and the song of the hammer drill. In reality, however, the following years were catastrophic for the old and new Blumberg population ”(Mietzner, 202 f./206).
The Göring's announcements of ruthlessness were already subject to the farmers from the beginning - the land and land required for the works became "unusable for the actual owners due to ditches and bores, excavation of earth, construction of administrative, factory or residential barracks, among other things made; often without informing them beforehand, almost always without even entering into negotiations about a corresponding compensation. "
Nothing happened under National Socialism without a "legal basis" - in the case of the appropriation of land, the procedure was followed by the "Ordinance for the Implementation of the Four-Year Plan of October 18, 1936 (Reichsgesetzbl. I, p. 887)":
"The procurement of land for the purposes of the Wehrmacht of March 29, 1935 (Reich Law Gazette I, p.) Governs the procurement of the land that is required for Doggererz Bergbau GmbH as well as for its ancillary facilities and housing developments and for the resulting relocation. 476) and its implementing regulations. ”(Figure, above).
The regulation, which then justified any corresponding measure in the occupied countries, was initially applied in their own country.
After the farmers had just watched for a while, Mayor Schmid was prompted to point out to the company management at the beginning of 1937, “that the landowners will take joint violent action against Doggererzbau GmbH in the near future. E. is to be expected if compensation is not paid to the landowner immediately. ”(A. Walz: Die Wirtschaftsgeschichte , 365 ff.). According to the files, however, hardly anything changed; there are probably indications that the time after the final victory was put off. After the company ceased operations in 1942, the question initially 'settled itself'.
“Completely hastily built, without coordination and planning, with insufficient resources, a juggernaut was created in a very short time, which looked more like a settlement than a city. The traffic connections to the hinterland and the major centers of the country were insufficient. In a report from 1939, the gendarmerie of the 'city' wrote: 'In the expansion of the Dogger ore works and the location of the town of Blumberg to be built, no consideration was given to its actual location. The consequence of this is that trade and industry are reluctant to settle here because the traffic conditions here are extremely unfavorable. ' […] In 1939 there was a butcher's shop, two bakeries, a dairy shop and four general stores for 4,500 residents. [...] Confrontations and violence in the shops showed the irritable mood. […] There was slaughter in a car garage. There was also a lack of public buildings such as classrooms, higher schools, community halls or hospitals. "(Mietzner, 203 ff.)
The difficulties had already started in 1937, when almost 160,000 tons of ore (as opposed to 20,000 in the previous year) were mined - from a planned three to four million in 1942. “With the 600 workers in 1936, such an increase was not possible. More miners had to be recruited. [...] Soon the workers brought their families to catch up, so that with each worker often three more people followed. ”(Mietzner, 204 ff.) The climate between new families and the long-established ones was relatively insecure, and sometimes aggressive. More and more miners were forced to move to Blumberg, especially from abroad.
In October 1937/38 the workforce consisted of: 498 Italians, 13 Czechs, 32 Yugoslavs, 232 Poles (refugees of German origin), 462 Saarlanders, 48 workers from other mining areas […] and 387 locals.
“Up until the war, the foreign workers were essentially volunteers who lived in barracks. The foreign workers who were deported to Germany as prisoners of war and civilian forced laborers during the war must be clearly separated from these workers . ”(Mietzner, 211).
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“On March 23, 1942, the Reich Ministry for Armaments and Ammunition resolved the immediate closure of the Dogger ore mining in Blumberg with effect from April 7. This decision was justified by the fact that during war it was not justifiable to provide valuable labor for the mining of poor iron ores, while one had no miners for the extraction of good ores. ”(G. Walcz, 92). The promotion of "good ores" could meanwhile be started in the conquered countries, especially in the " Minette areas " in Lorraine (France) - the plants were dismantled, in September 1942 78 rail cars went "to Krivoj Rog in Russia" ( Ukraine).
From one day to the next, with the exception of a few (for the dismantling), all employees were without work and without any further income. The literature is silent about the fate of foreign and forced laborers, the miners were now “partly employed in the Siegerland iron ore mining (250 men from the mine and 150 from the opencast mines), partly in the Harz and the Black Forest (Kappel, Wieden) or transferred to the Military service drafted. ”Back in Blumberg, the families remained who no longer had a breadwinner. (Walcz, 92).
Main article: Doggererz AG
In order to avert the next catastrophe, the administration and management tried (under the pressure of Baden's Prime Minister Koehler) to establish new industry and these could only be "war-important companies". The Hamburg company Kopperschmidt und Söhne, which manufactured plexiglass domes for airplanes, the Berlin Otavi Mining and Railway Company (which, however, hardly went into production until the end of the war) was instructed in the tunnels, and in mid-February 1945 the company Teveswerke GmbH from Heitersheim came along here to produce engine parts, especially valve cones. (Bader, Appendix XI). Blumberg was lucky here that allied bomber groups did not hit regions close to Switzerland, because the reconnaissance did not hide the relocation of production facilities.
“In the course of 1943 the Kopperschmidtwerk developed more and more into the most important economic factor. At the end of October the company had almost 1,200 employees, and all apartments in Blumberg had already been occupied in the spring due to the arrival of working-class families. After the air raids on the Hanseatic city at the end of July ( Operation Gomorrha ), more than 700 people fled to their relatives in Blumberg. ”After the warehousing companies were stored,“ almost 1,650 industrial jobs existed in Blumberg just a year before the end of the war [... however] production could initially only be started to a limited extent because of the end of the war that soon followed. ”(A. Walz, 372).
After the French occupation at the end of April 1945, Kopperschmidt, Otavi and Teves had to stop their production and some of them were also dismantled. Attempts were made to carry out "alternative production", in part for the occupying powers.
When the war began, criminals (who could choose between a death sentence or Blumberg) and an increasing number of prisoners of war were 'deployed'. “For the German war industry - and thus for Blumberg - the foreign workers were indispensable and also cheap slaves. […] Survival was not guaranteed for the forced laborers. To this day it is not clear how many foreign workers were employed in Blumberg and how many of them paid with their lives. ”(Mietzner, 213).
Sophie Scholl in Blumberg
In the civil German resistance against National Socialism, Sophie Scholl was the co-founder of the student group Die Weisse Rose .
In August 1940 she completed a four-week internship at the Kohlermann children's sanatorium in Bad Dürrheim as part of her training as a kindergarten teacher at the Froebel seminar in Ulm. After this training was not recognized as a substitute for the Reich Labor Service [RAD], she was assigned to the RAD in Krauchenwies near Sigmaringen in the spring of 1941. On October 7, 1941, she finally got a job in the NSV day care center in Blumberg, where she had to do a six-month military service until the end of March, which had meanwhile been introduced for those willing to study. "
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“Your stay fell in those weeks and months when, after the mine was closed, the city got caught up in the vortex of unemployment and social unrest. [... Here] she must have seen the ruthlessness of a regime that pushed people back and forth like peasants on an urban chessboard to achieve its goals. "
She wrote to her brother [in November 1941]: "I work here in the daycare for school children whose parents have a 60 percent criminal record, but (these) are still far too good for a comparison with my superiors."
Sophie had a friend, Hildegard Schüle, from her time in Krauchenwies in Zollhaus - there she played the organ on Sundays off in the "small, colorful chapel" (Catholic church in Zollhaus) "and visited the Schüle sisters."
“Dealing with the children entrusted to her led to an inner bond with her work and the Eichbergstadt because of her personality, who believed in the good in people: I go for a walk with my girls every day. Over time you have grown as fond of me as I have ... It is a happy feeling for me that I can close this way. "
“Less than half a year after she left, she began the resistance with flutter campaigns during her studies. She was arrested by the Gestapo on February 18, 1943 and, after being sentenced by the People's Court , executed on February 22 . "
"Today the new kindergarten in Blumberg that bears her name reminds of Sophie Scholl." (Sturm, 234).
Last years of the war
“With the closure of the plant in January 1942, a catastrophe loomed on the Baar. Thousands of people threatened to perish without work. One tried to forestall this with quick measures. Shortly after the closure in April 1942, 400 miners in Saarland were engaged. For Blumberg, however, this brought no relief, because the families stayed here. "Mayor Schmid wrote to the employment office in Villingen:" Women came to me who cried bitterly and explained that they had not been with their children for 2 and 3 days Bread and no more food in the house. "
Not only “doubts about the Nazi economic management” were cherished, also “Schmid was secretly denied the management of the community and especially the correct management of the Dogger works.” The latter was of course a “misunderstanding of the real [power -] Conditions. "
“A salvation could only exist in the settlement of new industry.” This “could only mean: war-important and armaments industries, because other industries have long since not received enough raw material allocations.” This was achieved, among others, with the Kopperschmidt company from the increasingly bombed Hamburg . “With their work in the armaments factories and the still existing industry in the village, the women got the families through poorly. In mid-1943 the situation in Blumberg had stabilized again. "
Since Blumberg - despite the relocated armaments works - was considered to be relatively bombproof, it was "preferred by refugees" and the 1,500 evacuees whom the community had to accommodate and take care of at the beginning of 1945 showed [..] the poor war situation and the near end. (Mietzner, 217).
End of the war in the Blumberg area in 1945
After the southern Baden area near the Swiss border was largely spared immediate war events during the Second World War , shortly before the end of the war, due to the withdrawal of a large unit of the Wehrmacht through the Black Forest towards Bavaria in the Blumberg area, violent fighting with French units broke out had cut off the route of the German army divisions. Several villages were largely destroyed, there were major casualties among soldiers on both sides and civilian casualties.
Prehistory
In the spring of 1945 the Western Allies (British and Americans) and in the east the Soviet Army quickly invaded the German Reich. In the south-west, the 1st French Army , which was mainly reorganized from colonial troops , crossed the Rhine near Speyer at the end of March and made a pincer movement towards Stuttgart and south via Freiburg along the Upper Rhine. The 19th German army , which had defended on the Upper Rhine, was split up into different parts. The German units evading from the Freiburg area into the southern Black Forest since April 20, 1945 were part of an “XVIII. SS Army Corps ”, whose staff consisted of SS officers , but almost all of the men were battered Wehrmacht units , Volkssturm and various kinds of auxiliary troops with little 'combat value'. The SS-General Georg Keppler as leader of the XVIII. SS-AK tried to get the units through to the east towards Lake Constance, prevented destruction (e.g. a dam) and prevented senseless actions by Gauleiter , local party leaders or werewolf groups.
However, the retreating corps was soon sealed off by rapid advances by French armored units via Freudenstadt – Villingen – Donaueschingen and along the High Rhine (Swiss border) through the Wutach valley into the Blumberg area. The German troops undertook a partially successful escape south of Blumberg, but failed in the depths of the area towards Lake Constance.
Tradition There
are two printed volumes on the subject by Hermann Riedel, 1983, and Fred Trendle, 2003 (see references) on which this chapter is based. There are known three independent representations of contemporary witnesses that are in the Reimer Archive, Blumberg. These are incorporated into the main article. Contemporary witnesses call the XVIII. SS-AK often also "Black Forest Army".
Breakthrough plan of the "Black Forest Army"
After retreating from the Upper Rhine Plain through the southern Black Forest, General Keppler gathered staff and division commanders in Hammereisenbach . The general situation and a locking wedge of the French from Donaueschingen via Blumberg to the Swiss border were known there. Obviously, the French headquarters did not consider the situation to be explosive, because it concentrated on its own march towards Allgäu and the Lake Constance region. The Blumberger Riegel was weakened in favor of an advance to Constance.
April 23, 1945
On the German side, an immediate breakthrough to the east was considered possible and the commanders of the troops also trusted their men to be able to do so. Three breakthrough groups were formed - in the north to advance via Marbach – Bad Dürrheim to Immendingen; a middle group was to march with the same goal via Aasen – Geisingen and the southern group to advance via Behla – Leipferdingen – Engen. Thus the lay Raumschaft Blumberg in the target area of the southern group.
See main article: End of the war in the southern Black Forest (1945)
Combat Group South, April 24th
After the preparations were completed, the meeting of the southern breakthrough group (89th Infantry Division) took place “near Schwärzenbach. At 6:15 p.m., the first parts of the division move towards Bräunlingen. The Army Weapons School 19 regiment in Furtwangen, which has been subordinate to the SS corps since April 21, 1945, takes on the flank cover for the staging area and securing the marching area. Parts of the regiment are tasked with throwing the French in Behla out of the village that night and keeping the road clear for the 89th Infantry Division to march towards Leipferdingen. ”However, the actual goal, the city of Engen, fell on the evening of 24th in the hands of the French 1st Combat Group (Lebel) .
In the destination Behla, however, “various units of the French reach the village in the course of the afternoon and early evening. After dusk, parts of the 3rd Battalion of the 6th Moroccan Rifle Regiment, the 4th Moroccan Spahi Regiment and parts of the 8th Dragoons (tanks) gathered and billeted in Behla. ”As a result, the German attack hit an unexpectedly strong crew . (Trendle, 78).
Attack on Behla, April 25th
"The regiment of the Army Weapons School 19 with the order to secure or free the march road for the 89th Infantry Division on their way to Leipferdingen / Engen, attacked the French in Behla in the morning at 01:30 with artillery support." The French, who were already retreating, received tank reinforcements from the direction of Hüfingen and Riedböhringen at dawn, the Germans had to retreat: "This means that the road through Behla is ruled out for the breakthrough undertaking [...]." That night, General Keppler decided on the route in Hausen before Wald Achdorf as a new route for the southern group, whose peaks reached Döggingen at night and which now took the route via Mundelfingen into the Wutachtal. The attack units on Behla withdrew to Hausen before Wald to cover the diverted columns. Hausen was under heavy fire from the French all day (April 25).
Fight on April 26th
In the early morning of April 26th, the French air force was mainly occupied with fighting the northern group and only then attacked the Wutach valley route Aselfingen – Achdorf with the forest path ("Wellblechweg") to Fützen. At this point in time the combat units of 89 ID. but already pulled through and the French fighter-bombers destroyed "almost the entire entourage" in the valley (heaviest attack from 9.40 am to 10.20 am, then "thick, thick smoke hangs over the valley.")
After the air raids ceased and "nightfall, the regiment [of the army weapons school (Behla attackers) from Hausen] also moved away in the direction of Achdorf." (Trendle, 85). One of the combat groups of 89 ID. “March to Fützen to secure the right flank of Kampfgruppe Süd there. This measure proves to be very useful, because already in the early morning [April 26th] French tanks attack from the direction of Grimmelshofen. ”This was the French 3rd Combat Group , which with an express march from Waldshut via Stühlingen in the southern group Fützener Talessel should fall in the back. However, it was blocked in Fützen throughout the day.
A unit of the Army Weapons School had already shielded the Achdorfer Tal from an attack by the 3rd combat group via Weizen-Ewattingen the day before, April 25, in Überachen on the southern bank of the Wutach : “Around noon [...] violent battles develop during their course the French have to withdraw. "
Blumberg
Due to the circumstances, the town of Blumberg, which the Nazis once again degraded to a village, was, as it were, 'between the fronts'. Since the steep ascent in the west from the Wutach valley (Achdorf) was unusable for German (arms) transports, Eichberg and Buchberg shielded the place in the north and south and the main route from Donaueschingen via Behla and Zollhaus to Switzerland in the east to Blumberg by far only sporadically, groups of soldiers from both sides appeared in the village, and they quickly withdrew. The occupation only took place after the fighting ended on April 27th.
Situation in the valley basin, April 26th
.JPG)
Around noon on April 26, the majority of the German combat units of the southern group were relatively secure in the Fützen-Epfenhofen pocket, because the proximity of the Swiss border meant that the French did not dare air attacks in the Epfenhofen area, especially since Swiss troops had positioned themselves directly on the border . The Fützen part of the boiler had been under heavy, continuous artillery fire for days, and Epfenhofen was spared because of its proximity to the border.
General Keppler was also in Epfenhofen with his staff, and this is where the regimental commanders gathered at noon. The entrances to the boiler were shielded from Achdorf and Fützen.
However, "another German combat unit (tries) in vain until late in the afternoon to wrest the village of Zollhaus from the French." Since Zollhaus was intended as the northern 'cornerstone' for the attempt to break out to the east, Keppler decided because of the further high risk, “The XVIII. SS Army Corps to be disbanded in the late afternoon and released from the oath of allegiance. Participation in further breakthrough attempts is voluntary. "
In the meantime, German observers have been able to determine that the French, despite their defensive success at Zollhaus - presumably shocked by their heavy losses - omitted the opportunity to massively strengthen the bar over Randen to the Swiss border. Despite the arrival of a unit, the village of Randen remained only sparsely occupied and the road connection to the Swiss border evidently remained unsecured.
“One last attempt to break through the French encirclement was made by [Keppler] in Randen that evening. Contrary to all expectations, the French suffer a heavy defeat and a large part of Kampfgruppe Süd manages to break out in an easterly direction. "(Trendle, 124):
Breakthrough 26./27. April
In the late afternoon of April 26th, around 5 p.m., the attack on the French positions around Randen began from different directions. The unit, which was supposed to secure against Zollhaus, attacks additionally (from the west). She succeeds in breaking into the town, capturing around 50 French people. The battle soon shifts from the outer areas to the village, where there is "bitter house-to-house fighting". After a two-hour battle, the situation developed "unfavorably for the French [...] Due to a hasty escape leaving behind all the material, the scattered heap managed to retreat behind the Swiss border near Neuhaus."
After the end of the fighting until well after midnight, thousands of German soldiers moved east over the hill near Randen. Finally they were followed by General Keppler with members of his staff. Some of the troops decided to attempt a transfer to Switzerland. Since Swiss officers were not allowed to negotiate with members of the SS, Keppler had authorized his chief of staff Kurt Gerber to conduct negotiations.
Contrary to the assumption of the Germans that Randen is only a relatively narrow enclosure, the French had already occupied the eastern territories as far as the Lake Constance region at the time of the breakthrough. So only a few soldiers managed to escape the much-feared French captivity.
Losses and destruction
The population in the area was massively affected in numerous places - first by artillery fire, then by close-quarters and house-to-house fighting and, after the occupation by the French, by acts of violence and numerous rapes. The losses among the troops were around 100 on both sides, the death toll among the civilian population was relatively low - this was due to the massive construction of the farmhouses with the old vaulted cellars, which those seeking refuge only left when the houses burned down. Behla was almost completely destroyed; 50 to 70 percent of the buildings burned in the pillars, roofs and edges. During the Jabo massacre in the Wutach valley around Achdorf, the German soldiers were mostly able to take cover (17 dead), but over 800 (baggage) horses were killed.
Reports on the experience of the population in: End of the war in the southern Black Forest (1945)
Combat Groups North / Center
“After the corps broke through on the evening of April 24th, troops of the 106th Infantry Division were able to reach the Immendingen destination almost effortlessly, while units of the 719th Infantry Division and here mainly baggage units responded to permanent air raids by the French on the next day fell victim in the Ostbaar. The 352nd People's Grenadier Division got stuck on April 25 when it attacked the French position in Aasen and had to be disbanded that evening after heavy, bloody losses. The 106th and 719th Infantry Divisions failed to attempt to break out in the direction of Hegau near the village of Mauenheim. [...] Completely surrounded by the French, the two divisions dissolved. [...] By the evening of April 30, 1945, most of the armed forces who fled had fallen into the hands of the French. "
post war period
In the workers' town, which had been 'forced to expand' from 700 to 7000 inhabitants by the National Socialists, violent disputes broke out in the immediate post-war period, as many workers leaned towards their interests according to Social Democrats and Communists and tried to push “old Nazis” out of their positions. “But the less well-off population was starving. The children sometimes ran around with wooden sandals or even barefoot in winter: it was a bad time ”(Bader, XI).
Blumberg's problem was to re-stabilize the city, which had been knocked out of joint and which was further enlarged by the displaced refugees from the east. i.e. to settle trade and industry due to the industrial workforce.
Inevitably, the “end” for the armaments industry was the order of the day for the Allies to dismantle , and civil auxiliary production - partly for the occupying army - was only minor.
Until the currency reform in 1948, numerous short-lived small businesses set up in the abandoned factory facilities and even after that progress was slow, more than half were now craft businesses with up to 10 employees. In October 1948 "(were) with 3,860 inhabitants [...] 830 people were employed in the town itself, another 300 worked outside the municipality." Most of the employees were employed by the Teves company. (A. Walz, 376)
Following a personal interview by Mayor Theo Schmid on March 14, 1949, Baden's “State President Wohleb , Minister of Economics Dr. Lais , Finance Minister Eckert and other gentlemen ”Blumberg and perceived“ the extraordinary emergency ”. The city received a financial grant for the new school building, an improvement in the power supply and the approval of a large company. (Karl Bader, epilogue, p. 2 f.):
“The decision of the Lauffenmühle spinning and weaving mill to open a branch in Blumberg was a ray of hope . [...] In December 1950 the new factory building, in which a handkerchief weaving mill had been set up, was inaugurated. [...] In the following years, the weaving mill developed into the second largest employer in the city (predominantly female workers) [and it] was able to expand its facilities generously in the mid-sixties. "
At the same time as the company inauguration of the Lauffenmühle, Blumberg also celebrated the regaining of city rights .
The Teves works remained vacant for ten years "until the management finally decided in 1960 for Blumberg to be one of their locations." (A. Walz, 377).
present
In 1970, 66% of all employed persons in Blumberg were blue-collar workers, 24.5% were civil servants and employees - just under 10% were self-employed and people working in the agricultural sector. Of the 700 out-commuters, 200 were cross-border commuters. (A. Walz, 379 f.)
In the 1970s, Blumberg became the central location of a space with nine district communities. As everywhere, this communal reorganization required long negotiations and many discussions, but the present tends to confirm the advantages, especially in the expansion of the infrastructure.
- At the end of the 1970s, peat mining was stopped for reasons of profitability.
- The Werner Gerber Stadium (of TUS Blumberg), the sports hall and the “Am Stadtbrunnen” square with the miners' memorial (1994) have been built since 1979.
- In 1992 the railway museum in Blumberg-Zollhaus was established.
- In 1995 the company in the Lauffenmühle-Blumberg was stopped.
Operation of the museum railway
After the Strategic Railway seemed to lose its importance after the defeat of the German Reich in 1945 and the end of the occupation and finally the car and truck traffic took over classic railway operations, the line was expected to be closed. After the aggravation of the political situation in the East-West conflict , the line was fundamentally rehabilitated and maintained by the Federal Ministry of Defense by order of NATO from 1962 to 1965 , but in the mid-1970s this no longer made sense either. Now even a complete dismantling of the plants has been considered.
The German Railways (DB) possessed "the complete cessation of rail transport to 31 December 1976. [... and] was planning a dismantling of the now unprofitable plant. [...] This now called the mayor of Blumberg, Werner Gerber, and like-minded people to the scene. Together with the proponents of a museum railway, Ferdinand Mollet and Hans Dorner (both EUROVAPOR Zurich) as well as qualified engineer Zimmermann (from the management of Deutsche Bahn in Karlsruhe), they got the promise in Stuttgart to start a provisional museum railway operation from Zollhaus to Weizen ( Train station). "
“After unforeseen difficulties - the DB had de-dedicated the route, now an accelerated planning approval procedure had to take place because 'the route no longer existed' - the first museum train ran on May 19, 1977. […] The train was a colorful ensemble of all possible car types and a small locomotive. […] Already during the first season in 1977 there were over 20,000 passengers. ”The museum railway was officially registered as a cultural monument in 1998 and in 2014 was recognized by the Federal Chamber of Engineers as a historical landmark of civil engineering in Germany . (Reimer, 65).
With the establishment of the museum route, the responsibility of the association Wutachtalbahn eV and the city of Blumberg shared in the first decades . Over time, however, there was a kind of 'renewal backlog'. In addition, decision-making processes were difficult, so that in one case a measure was only approved after its completion. After a conflict about the "rolling stock" and the expansion of the business, the association and the city separated. However, the plans for winter operation resulted in official and legal disputes over the protection of bat populations in the tunnels.
With Mayor Markus Keller, who took office in Blumberg in 2010, a new phase began in the administration and management of the museum railway, as he realized "a long-standing request from the local council to establish a GmbH from the museum railway's own operation" in 2014.
"The Blumberg Railway Company , which has been responsible for the Sauschwänzlebahn since 2014, bought its own steam locomotive, the BB 262, and a train for almost two million euros."
The circumstances had led to the city "having to withdraw around 1.5 million euros from its reserves from 2013 to 2015". Passenger numbers also fell by 2015 (three years by 90,000) and only recovered again in 2016 “with 108,000 passengers”.
The winter driving ban was lifted under certain conditions in 2018.
In the meantime, the Blumberg railway companies, together with the communities on the line, are trying to gradually restart operations on the Wutach Valley Railway between Lauchringen station and Weizen station .
Remarks
- ↑ According to a communication from P. Revellio (In: Badische Fundberichte 17 (1941–1947). P. 354), the remains of a Roman road are said to lie on the “'Bleiche' near Blumberg-Zollhaus.” (Information in V. Nübling, 18 .) “This road crossed the Aitrach valley near Zollhaus. […] A side street should have led down the valley to the Danube. ”(K. Bader: Burg, Dorf, Stadt und Herrschaft Blumberg. P. 6.)
- ^ LOA (Blumberg local file). "The exact location and the whereabouts of the well nester found during construction work in 1936 cannot be determined." (A. Bechtold, p. 25).
- ↑ Also possible over the Kalvarienberg from Stühlingen to Schwaningen. There is a menhir near the Calvary Chapel , probably a sign of an 'ancient' path.
- ↑ The following is also entered in the directory of places near Heyck: “Aachdorf, BA. Bonndorf. s. Ministerials von Aachdorf “(508), Hondingen (514), Opferdingen (517).
- ↑ Determination of the naming process by H. Maurer: “The builders did not call the castle after its name, but after the name given to the castle.” ( Helmut Maurer : The role of the castle in the high medieval constitutional history of the landscapes between Lake Constance and the Black Forest . Reprinted from The castles in German-speaking countries. (ed .: Hans Patze) in: lectures and researches XIX, 1976.)
- ↑ The interregnum in German history, the "kingless time," the lack of a result of the central government one, naturalizing 'the political mores took place (robber barons), but also unusual opportunities for advancement and opportunities were offered personal power development. This applied to the Blumbergers.
- ↑ The Roman term milites was based on miles = soldier and in late antiquity also meant civil administrative officials. From this I developed in the Middle Ages: "Minsteriale". From the 12th century, parts of this originally unfree class of 'servants' developed into the class of the lower or 'knightly' nobility - apart from the ability to cope with courtly duties, they had to be able to carry weapons and be economically secure through their own property. Thus, ministerials serving as knights were initially also 'castle men' on their masters' castles, and since the 12th century they have built their own fortified houses or small castles ("ministerial castles") as members of knightly living families that have become prosperous. For this they required the sovereign permission. The ministerial castles were not necessarily in the vicinity of rural settlements and villages. Their location was primarily dependent on the respective topographical situation and often secured the territory of their masters, to whom they had to "open" their castles on request.
- ↑ The Countess, not specified here, is Margaretha von Savoyen, the heiress of Hartmann IV., The last male representative of the Kyburgs , who died on November 27, 1264 on the Mörsburg and then left Margaretha. After her death, the castle fell to Rudolf von Habsburg in 1273.
- ↑ In this document Johannes von Blumberg is also mentioned as pastor of Tuselingen (Deißlingen near Rottweil) and of Blumenfeld, but there is still no evidence of a chapel or church in Blumberg. (Richard Gertis: Church History , p. 276).
- ↑ The painting is in the possession of the Princely-Fürstenberg family (and) is the only historical representation for the period before the 19th century. The original is in Heiligenberg Castle . (Bechthold, p. 81).
- ↑ Bader, p. 13. It was not until 1620 that Hüfingen was sold to the Fürstenberg family. (E. Balzer: The Lords of Schellenberg in the Baar. Baar XI writings, 1904.)
- ↑ In the interest of presenting complex facts that have not been developed in a coherent manner in the literature, exact sources are required, but the testability and legibility should not be impaired, and the apparatus should not be unnecessarily inflated. For the sake of clarity and simplicity - if the literature is not newly introduced - the references are briefly placed in brackets next to quotations or sections.
- ↑ The term stat (must) be seen in a differentiated manner [-… and] can also mean neutrally locality. (Bechtold, p. 51, quotation p. 54.). Bader cites a source from 1420 on p. 11, but this could mean the same as above.
- ↑ There are uncertainties about the end of the Blumegger - see: Blumegg (noble family) .
- ↑ A list of costs for the staff with the annual salaries shows that after the bailiff with 47 florins the best-paid person was the countess's court master (40 florins), then the count's secretary with 35 florins, followed by two male and female nobles each 30 florins each, also the hunter and the carter. Armed men (pay and clothing) and cooks received 25 florins (E. Dargel, 84).
- ↑ K. Bader, p. 31. A decade earlier, on March 8, 1634, the central fortress on the Upper Rhine - Küssaburg Castle - was set on fire by the imperial garrison there while fleeing from a Swedish task force. The castle was not rebuilt either; Above all, gun technology was so advanced that the classic fortifications no longer made sense.
- ↑ Statistics
- ↑ The final consequence was missing: "From the Baar, when the feudalistic relic of the rulership of Prince von Fürstenberg had to be shaken off, a total of 200 men streamed to him [Hecker]" (Vollmer, 55).
- ↑ The author does not provide information about the outcome of the company: Ursula Huggle, 148 f., With regard to the files in the trial against Moritz, StaF (State Archives Freiburg i. Br.), District Court of Konstanz, 244/3. Moritz was arrested on July 20, 1849 and sentenced on February 8, 1851 for high treason and libel of majesty to one year in penitentiary and damages. On April 14, 1852, he was pardoned and released, and his property was auctioned. "He then emigrated to America with his family and many others who were involved in the 1848/49 revolution."
- ↑ The authors, who found the use of electric light to illuminate the material storage areas in photos, leave open why this type of lighting was not also used in the tunnels.
- ↑ But their policies hardly seem to have lived up to expectations, because barely a year and a half later the SPD in Blumberg was only 17%, and from 1924 on hardly exceeded 2%. The center remained in the absolute majority, with a peak in 1928 at 63% and also in 1932 at 53%. Radical parties had no chance, and the NSDAP only received higher shares in 1932 (July 31, 36%) and dropped to 28% in November.
- ↑ “According to another source, Schmid was only a base leader until 1937, and only afterwards was the local group leader. [...] Unfortunately, little is known about the internal structure and development of the party, as the party documents were destroyed at the end of the war. […] From a relatively complete list that was drawn up after the end of the war, it can be seen that the Blumberg NSDAP had around 375 members, that is to say it organized around 8% of the population. ”(Mietzner, 200 f. And 220.).
- ↑ In the background there was a covert conflict, because the “bourgeois” Reich Economics Minister Hjalmar Schacht was “until the end an opponent of these measures” for rational and economic reasons [Mietzner, 202], while “the real motives for the demand for the mining of local ores [ ...] the armaments industry intentions of the new rulers (formed). ”(Annelore Walz: Neun Jahre Doggererz. In: J. Sturm: Blumberg , p. 350). Schacht resigned in November 1937.
- ↑ While H. Riedel primarily compiled a collection of documents, troop diaries from both sides and witness reports, Fred Trendle, who was able to fall back on Riedel's volume in 2003, succeeded in describing the connections between troop movements and battlefields more precisely, but reduced it through numerous emotional and rhetorical submissions add to the value of its portrayal. In order not to artificially dramatize the description, the past tense was chosen for the presence of the Trendles quotes in the connecting text parts.
- ^ The work of Hermann Riedel: Halt! Swiss border! , 1983, collects documents on the process in the southern area and only touches the groups advancing north; Fred Trendle: Ten days in April. , 2003, deals with the events in summarized diction in the whole area (but without French reports or contemporary witness minutes such as Riedel). Soon there was no longer any contact between the north and south groups, and the development did not allow any more coordination. Limited by the topic, the course of the fighting in the southern group is shown here; Events and incidents as well as the experience of the population in the villages are dealt with in the main article.
- ↑ It is not known whether this mass massing was based on knowledge of a possible attack; It is more likely that these were not intended to remain in Behla, but rather to reinforce the bolt as far as the Swiss border.
- ↑ After Blumberg had "lost the right to the designation 'city'" after the new municipal code came into force in 1935, it was "raised again to the rank of 'city" in October 1950 in accordance with the new Baden municipal code. "(A. Haußmann: Blumberg after 1948. In: J. Sturm: Blumberg. 1995, p. 274).
literature
- Karl S. Bader: Castle, Village, City and Lordship of Blumberg. Without publisher information and year of publication. Since the font is related to the renewal of the town charter, it could have appeared in 1950.
- Joachim Sturm (ed.): The history of the city of Blumberg. Dold-Verlag, Vöhrenbach 1995. ISBN 3-927677-06-X . (Quoted authors: Verena Nübling, André Bechthold, Eveline Dargel, Ursula Huggle, Georg Herbstritt, Richard Gertis, Thorsten Mietzner, Annelore Walz, Andrea Haußmann).
- Pierre Riché: The Carolingians. One family makes Europe. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1987. ISBN 3-421-06375-3 . Original edition: Les Carolingiens. Une famille qui fit l'Europe.
- Eduard Karl Heinrich Heyck: History of the dukes of Zähringen. Ed .: Baden Historical Commission, Freiburg i. Br. 1891–1892, reprint of the edition: Scientia Verlag, Aalen 1980. (Licensed edition by JCB Mohr (Paul Siebeck)), Tübingen. ISBN 3-511-00945-6 .
- Georg Michael Wepfer: Chronicle of the city of Schaffhausen. Vol. 1 (1591–1635), Vol. 2 (1635–1659), Schaffhausen City Archives.
- Ed .: State Center for Political Education in Baden-Württemberg: History of Baden. From the Grand Duchy to the present. Konrad Theiss Verlag, Stuttgart 1979. ISBN 3-8062-0213-3 . Here: Hugo Ott: The economic and social development from the middle of the 19th century to the end of the First World War.
- Dietrich Reimer and Bernhard Prillwitz: The Sauschwänzlebahn in the southern Black Forest. Sutton Verlag, Erfurt 2010. ISBN 978-3-86680-605-4 .
- Wolf-Ingo Seidelmann: "Making iron for the fighting army!" Doggererz AG - a contribution by the Otto Wolff Group and the Saarland steel industry to the National Socialist autarky and armaments policy on the Baar in Baden. UVK-Verlag, Konstanz and Munich 2016, ISBN 978-3-86764-653-6 .
- Günther Walcz: Doggererz in Blumberg. Südkurier , Konstanz 1983, ISBN 3-87799-036-3 .
- Hermann Riedel: Stop! Swiss border! The end of the Second World War in the southern Black Forest and on the Upper Rhine in documentary reports by German, French and Swiss participants and those affected. Südkurier Verlag, Konstanz 1983. ISBN 3-87799-023-1 .
- Fred Trendle: Ten days in April. , 2003. ISBN 3-00-010705-3 .
Individual evidence
- ↑ Verena Nübling: Pre and early history of the Blumberg area. In: Ed .: Joachim Sturm: The history of the city of Blumberg. Dold-Verlag, Vöhrenbach 1995, p. 11. ISBN 3-927677-06-X .
- ^ V. Nübling: Pre- and early history. In: J. Sturm: Blumberg , 1986, p. 13.
- ^ Paul Revellio in: Badische Fundberichte II, 1929–1932 on the Neolithic and the latter: Badische Fundberichte I, 1925–1928 on the Celts. Note in V. Nübling, pp. 11 and 15.
- ^ Karl S. Bader: Castle, Village, City and Lordship of Blumberg. S. 6. Without publisher information and year of publication. Since the font is related to the renewal of the town charter, it could have appeared in 1950.
- ↑ Theodor Mommsen: The Roman Empire of the Caesars. Safari-Verlag, Berlin 1941, p. 512.
- ^ Pierre Riché: The Carolingians. One family makes Europe. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1987. ISBN 3-421-06375-3 . Original edition: Les Carolingiens. Une famille qui fit l'Europe.
- ^ V. Nübling, p. 24.
- ^ K. Bader: Herrschaft Blumberg , 1950, p. 5. f.
- ↑ Richard Gertis: Blumberg, church history. In: J. Sturm: Blumberg , 1995, p. 275 f.
- ↑ A. Bechthold: From the Middle Ages to the transition to the house Fürstenberg in 1537. In: Joachim Sturm (Hrsg.): The history of the city of Blumberg. Dold Verlag, Vöhrenbach 1995, p. 28.
- ^ History of the Dukes of Zähringen. P. 509 , accessed December 29, 2018 .
- ^ History of the Dukes of Zähringen. P. 507 , accessed December 29, 2018 .
- ^ History of the Dukes of Zähringen. P. 543 , accessed December 29, 2018 .
- ↑ Quotations: K. Bader: Herrschaft Blumberg , p. 7 ff.
- ^ WUB 5 [Wirtembergisches Urkundenbuch], No. 1578; ThurgUB 3 [Thurgau Document Book], No. 421. Quotation and source in Bechthold, 25 ff.
- ↑ Quotations in the section: A. Bechthold: Mittelalter , 1995, p. 30 ff. The certificate with son in: FUBH 1, No. 259.
- ↑ Quotations in the section: Bechthold: Mittelalter , p. 35 f. Sources given there.
- ↑ Quotations in the section: Bechthold: Mittelalter , pp. 52 f., 68 and 95. Sources given there.
- ^ W. Schlesinger: The market as an early form of the German city. In: Pre and early forms of the European city in the Middle Ages. Göttingen 1973.
- ↑ A. Bechthold, pp. 37-42.
- ↑ Bechthold, p. 42, cites: August Vetter: Hüfingen under the Lords of Blumberg. 1984, pp. 60-86.
- ↑ Bechtold, p. 51.
- ↑ Further quotations in the chapter: Bechthold, pp. 53–60.
- ↑ Heinrich Hug's Villinger Chronik from 1495 to 1533. P. 12. Ed. By Christian Roder [from Dangstetten]. Cf. FUB 4, no. 545, p. 514. Report from the Villinger Chronik on the Swiss War and other events of that year. In: Bechtold, p. 69. The spelling of the chronicle is different with Bader: But when the Schweytzer saw the castle move along, the village of Bluomberg itself burned and armed themselves and so defended themselves honestly and defended Bluomberg that closed ; and düs was the first to defend our seytes. Note 97 to page 22.
- ↑ K. Bader, p. 23 and note 101.
- ↑ Quotations in the section: Bechtold, p. 68 f.
- ↑ Quotations in the section: R. Gertis: Kirchengeschichte , pp. 277 to 289.
- ↑ Quotations in the chapter: R. Gertis: Kirchengeschichte , p. 289 ff. With reference to sources, u. a. Hans-Martin Maurer: The peasant war as a mass uprising. Stuttgart 1979 and Heinrich Hug Villinger Chronik. Ed .: Christian Roder , Tübingen 1883 and EAF (Archbishop's Archive Freiburg i. Br.) Ha 61/62 (visitations).
- ↑ Bader, p. 27. Documents in: KS Bader: Documents and Regesta for the history of the city and rule of Blumberg. 1953, pp. 33-36.
- ^ Eveline Dargel: The official city of the Fürstenberger (1537-1806). In: J. Sturm (Ed.): The history of the city of Blumberg. Dold-Verlag, Vöhrenbach 1995, p. 78 f.
- ↑ K. Bader: Herrschaft Blumberg , 1950, p. 27. Bader refers here and in the following to: Communications from the Prince. Fürstenberg Archive (Mitt.) , Volume I / II. (1894/1902). Also on G. Tumbüll, Das Fürstentum Fürstenberg , 1908, p. 100 f.
- ↑ Eveline Dargel: Fürstenbergische Amtsstadt in Sturm: Blumberg , 1995, p. 82 f. The seal is also shown there. Also as a replica by Bader, Blumberg , cover (picture).
- ↑ Quotes: Hans Matt-Willmatt : Weilheim in the district of Waldshut. The Thirty-Year War. Verlag H. Zimmermann KG, Waldshut 1977, p. 119.
- ↑ Quotations in the chapter: E. Dargel: Fürstenbergische Amtsstadt. P. 95. Sources there. Esp. : M. Wepfer, Chronicle, City Archives Schaffhausen.
- ↑ E. Dargel, 98 ff., Günter M. Walcz: Doggererz in Blumberg. 1983, p. 16 ff. Sources in the comprehensive collection of the FFA (Fürstl. Fürstenbergisches Archiv), Donaueschingen :, Bergwerksakten Blumberg Fasz. 2.
- ^ Franz X. Vollmer: The 48 revolution in Baden. In: Ed .: State Center for Political Education in Baden-Württemberg, Konrad Theiss Verlag, Stuttgart 1979, p. 39. ISBN 3-8062-0213-3 .
- ↑ Ursula Huggle: Blumberg from 1806 to 1918. In: J. Sturm: Blumberg , 1995, p. 131.
- ^ Georg Herbstritt: The old Catholic community. In: J. Sturm: Blumberg , 1995, p. 312.
- ^ Dietrich Reimer: The Sauschwänzlebahn - from the strategic bypass railway to the tourist museum railway. Writings of the Association for History and Natural History of the Baar, Volume 59, April 2016, p. 58.
- ^ Dietrich Reimer and Bernhard Prillwitz: The Sauschwänzlebahn in the southern Black Forest. Sutton Verlag, Erfurt 2010, pp. 7–15. ISBN 978-3-86680-605-4 .
- ^ Hugo Ott: The economic and social development from the middle of the 19th century to the end of the First World War. In: Ed .: State Center for Political Education in Baden-Württemberg: Baden History. From the Grand Duchy to the present. Konrad Theiss Verlag, Stuttgart 1979, p. 132.
- ↑ Previous quote from: Manfred Bosch: When freedom went under. A documentation about refusal, resistance and persecution in the Third Reich in southern Baden. Constance 1985, p. 33 f. In: Thorsten Mietzner: Between Democracy and Dictatorship. In J. Sturm: Blumberg , 1995, p. 195 ff. Quotations in the chapter.
- ↑ Th. Mietzner, p. 202 and G. Walcz, p. 23.
- ^ Wilhelm Treue: Hitler's memorandum on the four-year plan 1936. In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte. Published by Hans Rothfels and Theodor Eschenburg, Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt GmbH, Stuttgart, 3rd volume, 2nd issue / April 1955. p. 195. ifz Zeitgeschichte 04/1955 on behalf of the Institute for Contemporary History Munich .
- ↑ Mietzner, p. 210. Source: StaF 1979/15, No. 119. Another collection of sources: StAB (Stadtarchiv Blumberg), rubric I – III.
- ^ Joachim Sturm: Sophie Scholl in Blumberg. In: J. Sturm: Blumberg , 1995, p. 232 ff.
- ↑ Ed .: Inge Jens: Hans Scholl. Inge Scholl. Letters and Notes. Frankfurt a. M. 1984, p. 241.Source in Sturm, 232 f.
- ↑ Quote Schmid from: StaB (City Archives Blumberg) Section IV.2 Quarterly Plan Project Blumberg. In: Mietzner, 215 f.
- ↑ Fred Trendle: Ten Days in April. , 2003, p. 71. ISBN 3-00-010705-3 .
- ↑ Information from Hermann Riedel: Stop! Swiss border! Südkurier publishing house, Konstanz 1983. ISBN 3-87799-023-1 .
- ↑ Fred Trendle: Ten Days in April. , 2003, p. 228.
- ↑ Post: Blumberg - A journey through pictures through the modern age. In: Sturm, 1995, pp. 431-445.
- ^ Bernhard Lutz: Start of the season for Sauschwänzlebahn. Albbote, April 29, 2017, p. 28.
- ↑ Quotes from two articles by Bernhard Lutz: We are on the right track. (Conversation with Mayor Markus Keller), Albbote, April 22, 2017 and: The start of the season for Sauschwänzlebahn. Albbote, April 29, 2017.
- ↑ Gerald Edinger: More trains in the Wutachtal. Südkurier, November 17, 2018.