Synesios of Cyrene

Ruins of Synesios' hometown of Cyrene

Synesios of Cyrene ( ancient Greek Συνέσιος Synésios ; * around 370; † after 412) was a late ancient Greek philosopher , writer and poet. He came from a noble family in the city of Cyrene in the east of what is now Libya . From 411/12 he officiated as bishop of the provincial capital Ptolemais in his home region, the Cyrenaica .

Synesios was significantly influenced by Neoplatonism , which was the predominant philosophical school at that time. The influence of the pagan Neo-Platonist Hypatia , with whom he received his philosophical training and with whom he remained close friends, played an important role . Since he was also a Christian, Synesios was faced with the task of reconciling the Platonic view of the world and man with the Christian faith. The syncretistic religiosity that resulted from this is expressed in his hymns and his correspondence. The combination of philosophical striving for knowledge and literary and musical activity represented the ideal way of life for him, which he advocated as a writer.

As envoy of his home province Libya superior , Synesios stayed for three years in Constantinople , the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire . In the power struggles at the local imperial court, he took a decisive side and put his literary talent at the service of his political convictions. After his return he actively participated in the military security of his homeland. He vehemently opposed arbitrariness and corruption in the administration. In his political philosophy he invoked an ideal of virtues and an image of rulers that was based on a transfigured distant past.

In addition to hymns and letters, Synesios also wrote speeches, sermons, a novel and treatises on various topics. His “royal speech” is an important source for the history of political ideas . In the Middle Ages and in the early modern period, the letters were considered exemplary in style in the Greek-speaking world.

Modern intellectual historical research has paid a lot of attention to the synthesis of Platonism and Christianity attempted by Synesios. A controversial topic among historians is the question of what to think of Synesios' portrayal of his time as an epoch of decline. At least his work documents such a view in the leadership class to which he belonged.

Life

The life of Synesios is well documented through his works - especially the numerous letters - and many facets of his political and scientific activity and his intellectual development are recognizable. However, his texts are in need of interpretation; they contain an abundance of allusions and profound, veiled information that can only be understood by those familiar with the situation at the time.

origin

The diocese (administrative unit) of Egypt at the time of Synesius, in the far west the province of Libya superior

Synesios was born around 370, at least before the middle of the 370s. He had sisters and a brother named Euoptios, with whom he had a close relationship. His wealthy and respected parents lived in the city of Cyrene , which was part of the Roman province of Libya superior, the more populated western part of Cyrenaica. The philosopher's family traced its ancestry back to the first Doric colonists who lived in the 7th century BC. Colonized Cyrenaica and founded Cyrene. His father Hesychios belonged to the family of the Hesychids, who owned an extensive palace-like building complex in the city. This structure, which was excavated in the 20th century, is called "House of Hesychios" by archaeologists. The interpretation of the archaeological findings is controversial. One research hypothesis has been that the house was so badly damaged by an earthquake in 365 that it had to be abandoned; the family moved to an estate that was fortified because of the threat of attack by predatory tribes and was defended by the paramilitary contingent of landowners. Accordingly, Synesios grew up in a rural environment. According to the opposite hypothesis, the house excavated by the archaeologists was only built after 365 as a replacement for the previous building destroyed by the earthquake, and Synesios's center of life remained permanently in the city of Cyrene.

It is therefore uncertain where Synesios spent his childhood. The only thing beyond dispute is that he received a solid school education. The excavation findings also showed that his family had already become Christian in the great-grandparents 'or grandparents' generations. Recent research has shown that members of the Hesychid family had senatorial rank, but it is unknown whether this also applies to the family branch to which the philosopher belonged.

youth

Synesios's parents apparently died early. In keeping with family tradition, he received a careful upbringing, especially in the literary field. This included a good rhetorical training, the fruits of which were later revealed in his letters. In the nineties of the 4th century he went to Alexandria to study philosophy with the pagan platonist Hypatia. Hypatia, the daughter of the mathematician Theon of Alexandria , had a mathematical and astronomical focus; Synesios was probably also active in this area at her suggestion. After completing his training, he left Alexandria, but continued to work with Hypatia by letter. Perhaps after his studies, but possibly not until 399 or 410, he traveled to Athens in search of wisdom to get to know the philosophy school there. However, his stay in the city once famous as an educational center disappointed him seriously; He raised the charge of insubstantiality against the "Plutarchiker", the Neoplatonic school directed by Plutarch of Athens . Perhaps this was due to the fact that the pagan Athenian Neoplatonists mistrusted the Christian Synesios and therefore did not allow him to attend advanced classes in which sensitive religious subjects were discussed.

Legation trip to Constantinople

With the division of the empire in 395 , Libya fell to the Eastern Roman Empire. In 397, or according to another dating 399, Synesios took on the assignment to travel to Constantinople as envoy from his home province to the court of Emperor Arcadius to apply for a tax break. Presumably, as was customary at the time, he belonged to a three-member provincial embassy that had to raise this matter. After the official completion of the mission, Synesios decided to stay longer in the capital instead of immediately starting the journey home with his two companions. He spent three years in Constantinople, gained the favor of the powerful Praetorian prefect Aurelianos and became a determined supporter of his benefactor in the power struggles at court. Aurelianos, for his part, made sure that the requested tax relief was granted. Synesios could ascribe this success to himself alone and thus gain the reputation of a benefactor of Cyrenaica. Finally, the experience of a severe earthquake gave him the impetus to return home. Since he had to pay for the return trip himself and his means were exhausted, he was forced to ask a friend for credit.

Philosophical life and military engagement

Synesios spent the rest of his life at home. The writing, philosophical studies and the security and administration of his goods formed the focus of his activity. In addition, he also participated intensively in political life. Once he decided to travel to the capital again in the hope of gaining influence again at the imperial court. He boarded a ship to Constantinople, but was thrown by a storm to Alexandria and there decided to abandon his project. The reason for not going on the trip was probably a church political dispute at court in which the Patriarch Theophilus of Alexandria was involved. Synesios did not want to be drawn into this conflict. In Alexandria he married a woman whose name and origin have not been recorded. The marriage ceremony was performed by the patriarch.

After his return to the Cyrenaica, Synesios continued to observe the power struggles at the imperial court. These took an unfavorable turn for him at times, when 403/404 Eutychianos, the rival of his patron Aurelianos, became Praetorian prefect and thus came to a central control point of power. Synesios cultivated his contacts in Constantinople and tried to influence them by letters and gifts.

From 405 the philosopher was no longer able to lead a peaceful life in Cyrenaica, but rather had to deal with military problems. The defense against raids by the inhabitants of the desert hinterland was an urgent task of the regional aristocracy, in which he had to participate. In 405 the situation came to a head: a weakening of the defenses, which Synesios attributed to a failed military reform, had encouraged the “barbarians” to attack that was more dangerous than previous raids. Synesios organized the defense, although he was only a private citizen and did not hold any office. In doing so, he took on a task that at that time fell to the urban elites, given the inadequacy of the Eastern Roman military administration. The cities were military organizational units; At least in Cyrene and Ptolemais the troops stationed there consisted of citizens of the cities and were subordinate to a city commander in chief. However, according to the prevailing research opinion today, the armed forces that were called up by the cities were not private armies of local commanders, for example in the sense of “prefeudal” structures; rather, local military initiatives were seen as participation in the fulfillment of state tasks. Some of the soldiers who faced the danger at Synesius' instigation were officially part of the Imperial Army, and others were private individuals who wanted to take part in the defense of their homeland. Synesios commented ironically and with bitterness about the failure of the official commanders who were actually responsible for military security.

The fact that Cyrene was founded by Doric colonists in the distant past played an important role in Synesius' attitude to his military duties. Through the Doric tradition there was a reference to Sparta , the once most powerful Doric city in Greece. Synesios traced his ancestry back to the first colonists of Kyrenes and was proud of his ancestors. He saw himself as the offspring of able warriors and followed the famous Spartan ideal of bravery.

The discouraging experiences with politics at the imperial level - both with the changeful intrigues in the capital and with the failure of the military administration - induced Synesius to redefine his priorities, which he set out in a letter to his friend Pylaimenes in Constantinople in 405/406. He now turned more consistently to the ideal of a philosophical way of life. He seems to have taken this turning point in his life as a conversion. But this was by no means meant to turn away from political and military tasks in favor of a contemplative, withdrawn way of life. Rather, he expected the reflection on philosophical principles to enable him to better participate in public life in Cyrenaica. He gave up hope of being able to shape politics at the national level according to philosophical principles.

The episcopate

The reputation of Synesius was so great that he was elected bishop of Ptolemais at the instigation of Patriarch Theophilos in 410, although he had kept his distance from church life and especially from the violent dogmatic disputes that were raging at the time. Even his blatant rejection of central statements of the faith that were incompatible with his worldview was not considered an obstacle. Beliefs, which he found unacceptable as a philosopher, he considered myths intended for the incomprehensible. From his point of view, it was erroneous opinions of the uneducated people, which in no way should have priority over philosophical knowledge. As a bishop, too, he held fast to convictions that came from pagan Platonism. He continued to be of the opinion that the world was not created in an act of creation in time, but that it exists forever. In addition, he assumed the pre-existence of the soul , that is, he ascribed an existence to it before the body was formed. He did not believe in the resurrection of the flesh. The contrast between “pagans” and Christians was far less important to him than that between the philosophically educated and the ignorant. With this attitude, which he undeterred as a high church dignitary, Synesios was an exception in an era of sharp contradictions between the representatives of contrary religious claims to truth.

Differences of opinion about the value of education were particularly evident in the relationship of Synesius to monasticism. He shared the strong aversion among the pagan educated to a current among the monks which he perceived as hostile to civilization. The endeavor of uneducated monks to achieve a direct connection with God without first doing philosophical thinking seemed absurd to him. His sharp criticism of this tendency did not lead him to a general rejection of monasticism; it did not prevent him from founding a monastery as a bishop.

The loss of philosophical leisure connected with the episcopal dignity was a painful sacrifice for Synesios. He therefore only accepted the election after a long hesitation and despite serious reservations; only between mid-January 411 and mid-January 412 did he receive episcopal ordination. He found the church office to be a heavy burden. According to him, he bowed to divine providence, although he would have rather suffered many deaths than become a priest. Before he consented to the ordination, he reserved the right to cling to his philosophical views, which were offensive to the believing people, and to continue his marriage. He indignantly rejected the idea of ​​separating from his wife in order to lead a celibate life or hiding his marital status from the public as an impertinence. He also affirmed his intention to father many children in the future.

Soon after taking office, the conflict with the representative of imperial rule, the provincial governor ( Praeses ) Andronikos, who he accused of serious crimes, became a major challenge for the new bishop . According to the representation of Synesius, Andronikos was a proletarian who had come up through bribery and abused his high position for all kinds of villainy. In the fight against the governor of the Libya superior, who had only been in office since 411, the bishop used his spiritual power: He proceeded against him in 412 with the punishment of excommunication , the exclusion from church fellowship. At first Andronikos managed to evade this measure by appearing remorseful. He won the intercession of bishops who wanted to defuse the conflict between secular and spiritual violence. Synesius reluctantly granted him forgiveness, but the excommunication for new offenses was soon put into effect. Spiritual punishment turned out to be a very effective weapon, because the bishop forbade all Christians to interact with the banned secular minister and thus prevented him from exercising his functions. With this Synesius forced the deposition of the governor in a short time, who then went to Alexandria. There the now powerless Andronikos came under so much pressure that even his previous adversary stood up for him. Synesios was not resentful after his victory. He asked the Patriarch Theophilus to see that the fallen enemy was not treated harsher than appropriate.

Synesios had three sons, the two younger of whom were twins. All three died before him. Faced with these strokes of fate, he found solace in the writings of the Stoic Epictetus . In the year 413 he is attested for the last time as living. Presumably he died soon after. Perhaps he did not live to see the murder of his teacher Hypatia 415/416.

Works

156 letters, nine philosophical-theological hymns, three speeches, a novel, four writings on various subjects and two short sermons have been preserved from the works of the Cyrene man. They are all written in the Greek language but are usually cited using the Latin titles by which they are known. Many of the ideas presented in it go back to Plato or come from the Neoplatonic- Aristotelian tradition, whereby among the Neoplatonic directions that of Porphyry is preferred over the school of Iamblichus . What are lost today are the Kynēgetikaí or Kynēgetiká (Hunting Stories ) , a presumably extensive work on hunting and hunting experiences, which the author himself described as a gimmick; whether it was a poem is controversial. He is also said to have authored philological writings, including, as is evident from a remark in a letter, a treatise on Homer . A dialogue about alchemy , which is assigned to Synesios in the handwritten tradition, is spurious.

The prose works, with the exception of the letters, are often quoted according to the pagination in the third edition of the edition by Denis Pétau (Petavius) published in 1633 (for example “ De dono 307A”). This citation is still common alongside the chapters in the critical edition by Nicola Terzaghi (1944).

The letters

One page of a manuscript written in 1325 containing the letters of Synesius. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France , Gr. 1040, fol. 27r

The 156 traditional letters of the Cyreneers are partly official, partly private. They are of great source value for his biography as well as for the cultural, political and economic conditions in Libya and for the historical geography . All letters are from himself; the replies from the correspondent were not included in the collection and have not been preserved. It is an incomplete and by the standards of the time rather small collection of letters, the relatively modest size of which is also related to the author's early death at the age of about 43. In the handwritten tradition it is in a poorly organized condition. In this form, according to the predominant research opinion, it cannot go back to Synesios himself, who as editor would have followed a principle of order. The collection was probably put together in the second half of the 5th or 6th century by an editor who had no access to the author's complete archive.

The letters show Synesios as a skilful stylist who carefully worked out his texts, employed an abundance of stylistic devices flexibly and effectively, and had a wide range of variations. His expression is elegant and effortless. Some shorter letters are shaped according to the ancient ideal of brevity - the strict avoidance of any verbosity - while others are extensive and set off rhetorical fireworks. In the late antique correspondence of the educated, it was common not only to have the directly addressed recipient in view, but also an audience to whom the literary letters were read. Synesios was aware of this when writing. He paid attention to the liveliness, fluidity and balance of the style and avoided the dangers of a mechanical and excessive use of conventional stylistic devices. Sometimes he expressed himself enthusiastically and wanted to sweep his correspondent away with his enthusiasm. As an eyewitness, he vividly described the misery of the war, the suffering of the population during the raids of the desert tribes. Depending on the occasion, he wrote solemn, humorous, ironic, reprimanding, admonishing, imploring, dramatic or plaintive. He used quotes and puns and knew how to add compliments. He expressed his feelings vividly, sometimes tenderly, when he expressed his strong affection for friends or for his brother Euoptios, and sometimes vehemently and passionately when he denounced atrocities. In addition to such effusions, there are also factual descriptions and cold, formally worded messages.

Synesios also spoke openly in the letters about his weaknesses and revealed how far he was sometimes from the philosophical ideal of equanimity. When he was already a bishop, he freely confessed that he was so distressed after the death of one of his sons that he thought of killing himself.

The fifth letter in the collection, in which the writer told his brother about the course of his stormy sea voyage from Alexandria to Cyrene, is considered to be of particular literary importance. This trip is probably about his return from the legation trip to Constantinople. The text has received a lot of research attention because of its source value.

The hymns

The hymns give an insight into the author's worldview, in which pagan Neoplatonic ideas mix with Christian ones without being seen as a contradiction. Synesius describes the task that he has set himself with the words that the spirit of the mystic - the one initiated into the mysteries or, more generally, the pious - revolves around "the unspeakable source of the dance". As a poet, he resolves to put the actually unspeakable into words. The hymns glorify “ the One ”, the absolutely transcendent highest principle of Neoplatonism, which the philosopher equates with the Christian God. Like the pagan Neo-Platonists, he regards it as an “overriding source” and calls it the “number of numbers”. He addresses this highest deity as the “father of all fathers”, who is “beyond the gods” and represents the “lifeline of the gods”. With such formulations he allows pagan polytheism to be a reality; he treats the gods as real beings.

For the hymn poet, one thing is not only father, but also mother and the womb that gives birth; it appears as female and male at the same time. The Neoplatonic doctrine of the one as the origin of all beings mixes with the Christian concept of the divine trinity . Whether the maternal aspect of the deity, the importance of which the poet emphasizes, is the Holy Spirit is a matter of debate .

From the generating deity, who is at the same time father and mother, the Son of God emerges in a ceaseless birth. Synesios emphasizes the paradoxical identity of the childbearing and the born; the son is not separate from and not subordinate to the father. The son is brought forth through the father's will, which occupies a middle position between father and son. The Son is the aspect of the deity who is aligned with the creation of the world and is also responsible for salvation. He does not remain in divine solitude, but turns to the world. Synesios uses the expressions "father", "mother" and "son" taken from human relationships as metaphors in the hymns , not in a literal sense.

The poet starts from a plurality of spiritual worlds, the origin of which is the One and which in turn produce the sensually perceptible, material world through emanation . The immortal souls of men, residing in the purely spiritual, descended into the material world. There they got lost wandering abroad and are now exposed to multiple hardships. In the first hymn the poet lets his soul speak and lament its fate. She came down to serve the earth; like a drop from heaven she fell to earth. Now she has to discover that she has become a slave instead of a servant after the matter has captivated her with enchanting arts. Their bonds are the addictions that oppress and mislead them. The means with which the earth beguiles and holds them fast is the "joyless joy" of the sweet delusions. She is at the mercy of “stinging passions”, she has forgotten her own values. After she has recognized this, she wants to free herself from the deceptive imaginations and return to the divine source from which she once flowed. Therefore she asks her divine Father to let a shine shine that lifts her up. She asks for protection from Helios , the divine sun, on her ascent into her heavenly home. After returning home, as Synesios assures her in the ninth hymn, she will "dance the round dance, united with the Father, God in God". The poet places his hymns at the service of this goal. He emphasizes the importance of the devout silence that should prevail when “holy hymns” are offered to the deity as “bloodless sacrifices”. The affects are to be calmed. The soul has to be free from passions and desires, toil and complaints, anger and strife when it approaches the deity.

The cosmology of the hymns is based on the ideas prevalent at the time, primarily going back to Aristotle . According to this geocentric worldview , the spherical universe is made up of spheres . The heavenly spheres are transparent, hollow spheres that are concentrically arranged around the earth as the center of the world and rotate uniformly. The stars are attached to them. The celestial bodies are held in their circular paths by this fastening. Their movements do not emanate from themselves, rather they are transferred to them from the spheres. Synesios accepts nine spheres. The seven inner hollow spheres each carry a wandering star, that is, the moon and the sun, as well as the five planets known with the naked eye, Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn. All fixed stars are attached to the eighth, apparently fastest hollow sphere. A ninth, starless sphere envelops the whole, drives it and keeps it moving. It forms the limit of the universe. The cosmos is divided by the lunar sphere, the lowest planetary sphere: Above the lunar orbit is the region of the immortal heavenly beings, below it the realm of transience.

For his religious poetry, Synesios chose not the hexameters often used for cult songs , but simple lyrical meter measures. The poems are engraved according to the principles of quantitative metrics . The first two hymns, which make up the bulk of the poetry book, are made up of Anapaestian monometers . In terms of metrics and expression, the Cyrene's hymn poetry was influenced by the model of the hymns by the pagan poet Mesomedes .

The royal speech

The beginning of the royal speech in a manuscript from the 13th or 14th century owned by Cardinal Bessarion . Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana , Gr. 264, fol. 247r.

The imprecise but common expression "royal speech" is used to describe a treatise by Synesius written in Constantinople in the form of a fictitious admonition addressed to the emperor Arcadius. The Greek title is Eis ton autokrátora perí basileías , which means (speech) to the ruler of the royal (or imperial) rule . The work is often quoted under the Latin title De regno (About the Kingdom) . Synesios could hardly have given the speech, which was incredibly frank for the time, to the emperor and his powerful advisors, at least not in such a harsh form. With such criticism and admonition, he would have put his life in danger and would only have damaged his cause as envoy. If he actually spoke in front of Arcadius, the text presented must, according to the prevailing research opinion, differ considerably from the traditional one. The royal speech, conceived as a literary work, was probably intended for Aurelianos, the patron of the Cyreneer. It should formulate the point of view and the value judgments of Aurelianos and his like-minded people in a rhetorical and effective way and thus preserve the goodwill of his sponsor for the author.

The content of the royal speech is a call for radical rethinking. The philosopher speaks to the conscience of his imperial listener in order to induce him to fundamentally change his government. This purpose is served by the representation of an ideal of rulers based on classical models and Platonic demands, which is presented to the emperor as a norm. Synesios shows the stark contrast between this ideal and the conditions at the court of Arcadius. In doing so, he exercises strong, fundamental criticism of both the emperor himself and his surroundings. He criticizes the courtly display of pomp and the seclusion of the ruler's personal sphere of life. He considers the shielding of the emperor living in the palace to be a great evil, in the pageantry and court ceremonies he sees a barbaric bad habit, alien to the Romans. From his point of view, a capable state leader is characterized by the fact that he is present in public, appears in an exemplary simple manner and personally takes command in war. Such fulfillment of duty, as the royal speech indicates, is the opposite of the behavior practiced by Arcadius, who is used to luxury, is remote from the people and has no military knowledge. Synesios accuses the emperor of distrusting the discerning and of surrounding himself with incompetent courtiers. He urges him to get rid of bad advisers and instead listen to philosophical advice. Apparently he thinks of himself as a qualified advisor. In addition, he takes a decided position on current issues of imperial politics. He criticizes concessions to the “barbarians” - by which he means primarily the Goths - and rebukes their increasing employment in the imperial service, especially in leadership positions. What he has in common in the developments that he complains about is the advance of “barbarian” and “barbaric” customs, which has fatal effects both in the courtly lifestyle and in foreign and personnel policy.

Synesios emphasizes charity (euergesía) as a characteristic of a good ruler . The monarch should be philanthropic (philánthrōpos) ; Just as he himself is loved by God, so he in turn should love people. He must never tire in doing good deeds, just as the sun never tires in sending out its rays. He should effortlessly give his benevolence away, like the sun its light. With these remarks, Synesios takes up the traditional ideal of ruling philanthropy . In a hierarchically ordered world, the lower has the task of looking at and imitating the higher. It should be based on the example of the higher in order to become better yourself. Just like God to the monarch, the monarch should show the people what is good and exemplary through his care. This creates the right, natural order in the state. Under no circumstances should a king be greedy and invalidate the cities through excessive taxation. He has to ensure that the tax burden remains bearable for the taxpayer. All unnecessary government spending must be avoided. A greedy king is poorer than a petty trader, because the trader has to look after his family, while the king has no justification for his weakness of character. The widespread purchase of offices is a great evil, because it leads to the filling of offices with incompetent, corrupt persons. The selection of officials should therefore only be based on qualifications, money must not play a role.

The advice and admonition of an ignorant ruler was a procedure that Plato had made the philosopher's task and practiced himself. With the royal speech Synesios placed himself in this tradition - albeit only in literary terms. The selection and treatment of his subjects corresponded to conventional patterns; Orientation towards an idealized, exemplary past and criticism of the inaccessibility of a shielded ruler were common. Inaccessibility has traditionally been associated with unjust tyranny and barbaric arbitrariness. In addition, the courageous appearance of an outspoken philosopher before a bad ruler was a valued literary motif in ancient times. There was also a concrete, topical political concern behind the fundamental statements made by the Cyreneer. With his barbarian criticism he turned - albeit without naming his name - against the powerful courtier Eutropios and his indulgent policy towards the Gothic king Alaric I. Eutropios was in the power struggles at the court of the opponent of Synesios' patron Aurelianos. Due to his very low social rank, which his rise to power had not changed from an aristocratic point of view, he was open to attack. He was “barbarian”, that is, his ancestry was assigned to a people outside the realm, which was understood as a unit of civilization. Even more important was the fact that he was an upstart: he was offered for sale at a slave market in his youth and later made a career as a freedman at court. He was also a eunuch . All of this made him a contemptible person in the eyes of his critics and opponents. Synesios played this background cleverly against the opposing courtier in the royal speech, emphasizing the contrast to traditional values ​​of the Greek and Roman aristocracy.

With its anti-Germanic, patriotic-Roman thrust, the royal speech seems like the program of a party organization that wanted to distinguish itself with such a declaration of principle. According to a research opinion that used to be very widespread, Synesios acted as the spokesman for a "national Roman party" that set the tone in the Senate of Constantinople. Powerful personalities at court were among her, including the Empress Aelia Eudoxia , although she herself was of Germanic origin. Older research was dominated by historians such as Otto Seeck , Ernst Stein and Ludwig Schmidt of a fundamental opposition between an anti-Germanic, “patriotic” and a Pro-Germanic party. The two parties fought for opposing beliefs. The royal speech should be understood as a programmatic demonstration of anti-Germanism. Seeck saw in her the expression of a "beautiful, if foolish, idealism". It was believed that with the failure of the rebellion of the Gothic army master Gainas in 400 and the overthrow of the army master Fravitta , the anti-Germanic party had prevailed. With this a decisive course was set in the Eastern Roman Empire. In the period that followed, the Teutons were removed from military leadership positions, as requested by Synesios. In more recent studies, however, this interpretation of the processes has been revised. The dramatic events of the time around 400 are interpreted as personal power struggles, not as disputes on principle about the role of the Teutons in the empire. Although the royal speech is still mostly viewed as a propagandistic aid for a group around Aurelianos, this assumption is no longer undisputed. Alan Cameron and Jacqueline Long believe the speech was written before Synesios bonded with Aurelianos.

The Egyptian tales

The novel that Synesios wrote is entitled Aigýptioi ē perí pronoías ( The Egyptians or About Providence , Latin Aegyptii sive de providentia or De providentia for short ). In the German-language specialist literature it is usually called Egyptian stories . The action takes place in a mythical Egyptian milieu, but like the royal speech, it has a current background in the battles and intrigues at the imperial court. The author created the work, which is divided into two books, during his stay in Constantinople and processed his experiences with the political turbulence there. The conflict between the good king Osiris and his dark brother and rival Typhos is depicted. According to the prevailing, albeit controversial, interpretation, Osiris stands for Synesios' patron, the Praetorian prefect Aurelianos, Typhos for his predecessor and successor Eutychianos, and the Egyptian kingship corresponds to the Praetorian prefecture. However, the novel also contains elements that have no discernible equivalent in historical reality.

The king's son Osiris and his older brother Typhos are extremely different in character. With this scenario, the author would like to show his readers that physical kinship does not have any psychological conditions, because people's souls are of a different origin than their bodies. Osiris is hardworking and eagerly striving for knowledge, Typhos despises education and relies entirely on physical strength and the satisfaction of raw needs. Osiris proves to be able and successful, Typhos fails in everything and therefore develops envy and hatred. The father of the two, the reigning king, calls a meeting of the priesthood and the army to regulate his succession. The decision is unanimously in favor of the popular Osiris, who then receives the royal consecration. Now the gods announce to the new ruler that his brother cannot endure anything good and will confuse everything if it does not succeed in getting him out of the way. He, Osiris, must banish Typhos to a distant place and must not prove to be soft. Otherwise, with the support of powerful, envious demons, his evil brother will bring great calamity to the country. Osiris refuses, although his father also persuades him. The Father explains that man cannot rely on Divine Providence to do for him what he has to do himself. However, Osiris chooses the path of gentleness and nonviolence. His rule is extremely beneficial to the country.

Typhos, however, does not accept his defeat; under the influence of his power-hungry wife and demons, he strives for an overthrow. The means for this are said to be Scythian mercenaries who are entrusted with military tasks in Egypt. The Scythian commander is incited to a coup with an intrigue. The coup succeeds. Typhos now wants to have Osiris killed, but the Scythians shy away from that. The overthrown king is therefore not murdered, but banished. Under the rule of Typhos, Egypt found itself in terrible misery.

The second book of the novel describes the new turnaround. For little reason a dispute arises, mercenaries and locals clash. The population of the capital rioted against the Scythians, some of whom were massacred and some fled. The machinations of Typhos are exposed, he is disempowered and imprisoned, Osiris can return. Again Osiris ensures that his brother is spared; he withdraws him from the wrath of the angry people and asks the gods to save him. In this way the tyrant escapes punishment, but after his death he will have to atone for his misdeeds by order of the gods. In conclusion, the author offers a philosophical interpretation of the myth he told.

Typhos, the character in the novel, is more of a type than an individual. He is the embodiment of wickedness and incompetence in every way and in an extreme way. In addition to shamelessness, gluttony and violence, the symptom of sleepiness is one of the salient features that are supposed to signal the badness of this figure to the reader. In ancient times, the tendency to indulge in an excessive need for sleep, like excessive eating and drinking, was regarded as a significant sign of a lack of self-discipline. A good ruler was expected to be alert and able to get along with little sleep.

Dion

Díōn ē perí tēs kat 'autón diagōgḗs (Dion or about life after his model) Synesios called a text in which he analyzed the career of the famous speaker Dion Chrysostomos (Dion of Prusa) as an example. He placed particular emphasis on a break that had occurred in Dion's life: his reversal (metáptōsis) to philosophy as a way of life. At the time of his great external successes he was a sophist , that is, it was only important to him to show off his linguistic skills. He wanted to excel as a rhetorician and sought recognition. He even took a hostile attitude towards philosophy. Only at an advanced age did he turn around and recognize what was really essential: not the judgments of others, but self-perfection through virtue. In this fundamental change in attitudes of the rhetorician Synesios apparently saw a parallel to a similar turning point in his own life.

Synesios pleaded for the connection of a philosophical way of life with literary education and rhetorical art, whereby the philosophical goal should be given priority in principle. He demarcated this path from setting priorities that he considered wrong. He turned against the narrowing of horizons of one-sided specialized specialists and opposed it to the ideal of a general education. From his point of view, literary figures and grammarians who only spend their time on incidental matters miss what should be realized in life. Scientists who deal with philosophical topics without affecting their own way of life are not really philosophers for Synesios. Dion, on the other hand, had become one through his repentance, although he was already too old to turn to the clarification of technical questions and to deal with the problems of natural philosophy .

According to Synesios' philosophy, a philosopher must not be incompetent or uneducated in any field. He should be “a Greek in the full sense of the word”, that is, he should be able to associate with people as is possible if one is familiar with all of the major literature. “Literature” (lógoi) is understood to mean both scientific specialist literature and valuable literary material. The preoccupation with literature - both receptive and creative - is the purest of specifically human pleasures and most closely related to divine reason. It is the ferry with which one arrives at reason - to philosophical insight - or at least to a scientific activity of the mind, which is a lower level of insight. The fields in which such intellectual activities take place are rhetoric, poetry, natural history and mathematics. Historiography is also part of the common treasure of Greek educational goods. It is characteristic of the Greek that he exercises his mental agility even when he is occupied with gimmicks and amusements. From this he can then draw profit for the actual goal of human existence, the grasping of the divine. Man stands between God and beast; He should avoid the animal, consider the divine, not neglect the human. A philosopher cannot continually concern himself only with the highest; For him, too, it makes perfect sense to honor literary works or to write them himself and to improve his style. For him this is not a waste of time, but rather steps that are part of his path. Even if he does not achieve the goal of philosophical pursuit, advancement is a value in itself. Those who systematically strive for education differ more from those who fail to do so than humans do from animals.

Synesios compares the philosopher with an eagle and the esthete , who is only enthusiastic about literary beauty and other sources of aesthetic joy, with a swan. He thinks the swan is less admirable than the royal eagle, but he values ​​it as a creature whose sight is delightful. Even the people who, like swans, limit themselves to the world of beauty and do not strive for philosophical knowledge, are lovable and respectable from his point of view. It is best to combine both, wisdom and beauty. Nature has not allowed birds to be eagles and swans at the same time and to combine the advantages of both, but it is granted to humans both to enjoy the art of language and to gain deeper insight.

Synesios criticizes the overestimation of a one-sided and incomprehensible self-control as a widespread maladministration. By this he means the then popular ideal of Christian asceticism , which was mainly cultivated in monasticism, and especially the glorification of chastity . From a philosophical point of view, as the Cyreneer points out, self-control is a valuable “cleansing” virtue. Their basis should not be mere getting used to the fulfillment of demands, but a reasonable insight into their meaning and purpose. There is no point in exercising command yourself if you do not know why to do so. For example, sexual abstinence is not a value in itself, but just a tool for the purpose of aligning thinking on higher things. Whoever practices chastity for its own sake regards the least as the greatest and the preparation as the goal. He neglects the virtue of prudence (phrónēsis) and thus devalues ​​his self-control, because the virtues are only helpful if they are all cultivated together, since they are mutually dependent.

The dream book

The treatise Perí enhypníōn ( About the dreams , Latin De insomniis , German usually "the dream book") deals with the divination function of dreams from a philosophical perspective.

Synesios derives the meaning of the future-oriented dream interpretation from the value of knowledge. His reasoning is: It is knowledge that distinguishes God from humans and humans from animals. God knows the future, but humans usually cannot see beyond the present. God effortlessly disposes of the highest, man must laboriously work for it; the gods have put sweat on everything beautiful. The sage strives to assimilate himself to the deity by increasing his capacity for knowledge and increasing his knowledge. Thus it is also his task to open up the knowledge of the future and thereby become more divine.

The epistemological basis for such a dream interpretation is Synesios in the nature of nature. According to his understanding, the cosmos is a living being, whose components relate to one another like members of an organism. Since all parts of the cosmos - the coinciding as well as the opposing - are related to one another in one way or another, it is fundamentally possible to infer from the known to the unknown, also from the present to the future. If a viewer took a position outside the cosmos, he would not have this possibility, because for him the context would be broken; the world can only be grasped from within. Wisdom consists in knowing in detail the nature of the kinship between parts of the world. Those who have such wisdom can also gain insight into the future through dreams. Dreams are information in a script that can be learned to read. In doing so, however, one has to take into account a certain ambiguity or darkness that lies in the nature of dreams; Proofs such as those possible in natural research should not be expected.

The decisive factor is the imagination. The nous - the intellect or reason - is the realm of unchangeable being; it contains the Platonic ideas , the eternal archetypes of everything sensually perceptible, which are unchangeable and therefore “being” in the real sense. Just as the nous is to beings, the soul relates to what is becoming. It carries within it the images of everything that will become, just as the nous carries the images of everything that is. The future is also contained in this visual information. From the abundance of images the soul takes the appropriate ones out and reflects them in the imagination. This makes them understandable for the subject - the person capable of knowing. The contents of the nous become accessible to the subject when they enter the soul, and the contents of the soul when they enter the imagination. Seen in this way, the imagination is to a certain extent a second soul for the knower: a level on which certain contents can be grasped. It is a perceiving authority that has its own organs, which are analogous in their functions to the bodily organs. Therefore, it can convey the messages of dreams to the subject.

Just as sunlight is visible to everyone, so dreams are shared with everyone. Thus the dream messages are not exclusive in themselves; Just as with the sun, its general availability is a sign of its divine nature. The general philanthropy of the Godhead is shown by the fact that it communicates itself to all people on this path without special preparations being necessary; all you have to do is sleep. However, the quality of dream perception depends crucially on the respective state of the soul. When the soul follows its original spiritual nature it is pure and transparent; then, both in sleep and in waking, she truthfully takes in the impressions of things and can grasp the future. However, if she is stuck in the mud into which she has gotten through the deceptive lure of the material world and the domination of affects, then she is obscured, her perception is hazy, and she does not understand the dream messages properly. The nature of a person's imagination reveals the state of their soul. Inwardly the soul is always pure; the impurities that make their perception foggy are external.

This is illustrated with the author's own experiences. In his sleep he had been revealed what had been a mystery to him when he was awake, or at least he had been shown a way to solve it. Dreams would also have helped him to improve his fonts significantly in terms of style. He owes his dreams to inspirations that were often helpful to him in accomplishing his tasks. They would have saved him from danger and encouraged him at the right time.

If the soul keeps itself free from the inundation by external impressions, it can turn to its own images, which come from the nous and which it carries within itself, and present these in the dream. Then the dream messages are sublime, clear and least in need of explanation. But this is usually not the case. Most dreams are confused and puzzling because they mix impressions of the past, the present and the future, with the future being the most indistinct. But such dreams are also of knowledge value.

The common dream books, which make general statements about the symbolism of individual dream images, are of little value from Synesios' point of view. In his opinion it is in principle impossible to establish a dream science with a claim to general validity, because the interpretation of the dream images is individual and depends on the respective relationships of the soul; it cannot be generalized. Therefore everyone has to create their own dream interpretation art that is only valid for them. This is done by observing one's own dreams and researching their laws and their connections with the events of the day. For this purpose one should keep a dream diary.

About the gift

The short tract Pros Paiónion perí tou dṓrou ( To Paionios about the gift , briefly About the gift , Latin De dono ) is one of Synesios' early works. The philosopher wrote this script during his stay in Constantinople as a cover letter to a precious gift for the influential politician and officer Paionios. Although it is actually a letter to Paionios, the text is not passed down in the collection of letters, but is considered a treatise. The gift described therein was a silver planispherium , an instrument for depicting the movements of the stars, which Synesios had made by a silversmith. In doing so, he relied on the astronomical knowledge he had acquired during his academic years at Hypatia. With the gift he wanted to secure the favor of Paionios, whom he had recently met. He praised him as a personality who was capable of realizing the Platonic ideal of combining love for wisdom with the exercise of political and military power. The treatise contains two epigrams attached to the planispherium; Synesios had composed one of them himself.

The description of the device in Synesius' treatise shows that his understanding of how a planispherium worked was very poor. Apparently he was unaware of a relevant treatise in which Hypatia's father, the astronomer Theon of Alexandria , discussed the construction and use of such instruments. The question of why he did not have Theon's level of knowledge despite his studies at Hypatia is answered differently in research. It is possible that Theon was still alive at the time and did not write his work until after Synesios left Alexandria. But it can also be that Synesius' lack of astronomical talent is sufficient to explain his incompetence.

The praise of the bald head

The Phalakrás enkṓmion ( praise of the bald head , Latin Calvitii encomium ) is a humorous exercise in style with which Synesios showed his literary skills and wit. He was responding to a speech by Dion Chrysostom entitled Praise the hair of the head . The reason was that he was affected by hair loss at an early age and suffered greatly from it, as his bald head did not meet female beauty expectations. In this context, he pointed out that male beauty is not only decisive for erotic attractiveness. It is so important to women that it even influences the extent of maternal love. The Persian queen Parysatis had preferred her younger son Cyrus over the older, the ruling Great King Artaxerxes II , because Cyrus was more beautiful. The Parysatis' fondness for Cyrus had played a role in the rivalry between the brothers that led to civil war and, according to tradition, represented an important political factor. Synesios was even more disturbed by Dion's speech, in which the appreciation of the head hair was underpinned by literature, particularly with reference to Homer's authority. In order to counter the judgment of the famous speaker, whom he also valued himself, Synesios decided to make his reply. He brought up an abundance of amusing ideas to put the baldness in a favorable light. At the same time he used this opportunity to demonstrate his literacy.

Dion's speech, to which Synesios refers and which he quotes, has not survived and is nowhere else mentioned. Therefore, in research the suspicion has been expressed that such a work never actually existed. It was a free invention of Synesius, who faked the alleged speech in order to achieve a literary effect. That question remains open.

Disaster ice

Two speeches given by Synesios in 411 have come down to us under the strange name katastáseis . He addressed the concilium provinciae , a meeting of delegates from the cities of his home province. In rhetoric, katástasis is the part of a speech in which the speaker interprets and contextualises already presented facts in a way that is necessary for the audience to agree and to dispel possible concerns. Both speeches deal with the defense against the raids that desert nomads undertook in the province. They are valuable sources for regional military history. In the first address Synesios praised a defensive success, but complained about the insufficient number of troops; in the second, held a little later, he painted the gloomy picture of a desperate military situation.

reception

Middle Ages and Early Modern Times

Byzantine Empire

In the Byzantine Empire Synesios was one of the well-known and valued authors. His pagan-sounding utterances and his rejection of church dogmas were considered early errors; it was assumed that he later made a consistent turn to the true faith. In the late 6th century, the church historian Euagrios Scholastikos praised his high level of education and the artful writing of the letters. He emphasized the orthodoxy of Synesius, who had overcome his doubt in faith thanks to divine grace. Euagrios' younger contemporary Johannes Moschos told in his Spiritual Meadow , one of the most popular works of Byzantine literature, a legend invented by himself or perhaps already widespread at that time, according to which the Cyreneers as bishop a pagan philosopher of the truth of Christian teaching in disputed cosmological terms and anthropological questions and then baptized him. Here Synesios even appears as a saint whose holiness is revealed through a miracle. In the 9th century, the patriarch Photios of Constantinople, a leading literary critic of his time, judged with approval . He praised both the language skills of the letters and the strength and density of the thoughts expressed in them. However, he did not like the fact that the prose showed a tendency towards overly poetic language. The Suda , a 10th century Byzantine encyclopedia, noted the great admiration that was shown for the letters. Michael Psellos , a renowned scholar of the 11th century, studied the dream book and defended it with indignation against criticism that was then exerted on the work. Even John Italus , a student of Psellos, consulted dream book. In the early 14th century Nikephoros Kallistu Xanthopulos wrote his church history , in which a chapter is about Synesios, whose outstanding position as a writer Nikephoros paid tribute to. The Cyreneer is also an important philosopher and his fame is spread worldwide. In addition to these judgments, the number of surviving manuscripts in the collection of letters - there are more than 260 - is evidence of the extraordinary reputation that Synesios enjoyed as a writer in the Greek-speaking world. The oldest of these manuscripts date from the eleventh century, most of them from the fourteenth. The letters were considered exemplary and were often quoted, imitated and explained with scholias .

Other works by the Cyrenian also found - albeit to a lesser extent - attention and appreciation. In the 12th century, the scholar Johannes Tzetzes dedicated a few verses to the praise of the bald head . The philosopher Theodoros Metochites († 1332) particularly valued Dion . He liked the openness of Synesius, who did not limit himself to a single philosophical school, but made profit from all of them; he made the best of both Plato and Aristotle his own. Metochites praised the extensive knowledge spread in the scriptures, but criticized linguistic idiosyncrasies that would have led to hardship in expression; that is typical of writers who received their training in Egypt. Metochites' student Nikephoros Gregoras , who wrote a commentary on the dream book in the early 14th century , also mentioned this stylistic aspect . He expressed his admiration for the combination of wisdom and linguistic elegance in the work of the ancient author. However, there is also darkness and fuzziness in it; therefore, as an interpreter, one must have good expertise and empathy.

Reading the letters was recommended in rhetoric manuals of the time of the palaeologists. Synesios was regarded as the model of an author who cultivated a splendid style. Unusual words and uses of words from his works were listed in lexica.

Under the Turkish rule from the 15th century Synesios was still considered a classic and a stylistic model; one read primarily the letters that were part of school reading, but the royal speech was also widely used. Translations into modern Greek were made.

Western and Central Europe

A page from the dream book of Synesios in the Latin translation by Marsilio Ficino. The codex , written in 1484, comes from the possession of King Matthias Corvinus . Wolfenbüttel, Herzog-August-Bibliothek , Cod. 2 Aug. 4 °, fol. 5r.

The works of Synesios were unknown to the Latin-speaking scholars of the West in the Middle Ages. It was not until the epoch of Renaissance humanism that they were rediscovered and made accessible to a broader class of education through translation into Latin. The Englishman John Free (Joannes Phrea) completed his Latin version of the praise of baldness in 1461 , a free, flawed reproduction of the Greek original. He also translated the dream book for Pope Paul II into Latin. At the end of the 15th century, the printing of humanistic translations and editing began. It all started with the humanist Marsilio Ficino , whose translation of the dream book was published by Aldo Manuzio in Venice in 1497 . This was followed by the first edition of the original text of the collection of letters, which Markos Musuros published as Aldine in 1499 . Beatus Rhenanus published Free's Latin version of the praise of the bald head in Basel in 1515 under the title De laudibus calvitii and furnished it with scholias. He had no access to a Greek manuscript and was aware of the inadequacy of the Latin text on which he relied; Nevertheless, he said that the work should not be withheld from the public. The first edition of the dream book came out in Venice in 1518. An incomplete edition of the works without translation was printed in Paris in 1553; the editor was Adrianus Turnebus (Adrien Turnèbe). A Latin translation by Janus Cornarius of the texts contained in the 1553 edition was published in Basel in 1560. The works missing from Turnebus, including the hymns, were edited by Willem Canter in 1567. Finally, in 1612 Denis Pétau published his complete edition, which was decisive for the subsequent period; New editions appeared in 1631, 1633 and 1640.

The dream book received some attention. Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim (1486–1535) referred to it. He followed the principle outlined there, according to which no general rules can be established for dream symbolism and every dream interpretation must be strictly individual. The humanist Girolamo Cardano (1501–1576), who wanted to establish a science of dream interpretation and developed original ideas in this area, also followed up on Synesius' writing. He wrote an extensive Latin manual, in which he presented the subject theoretically and practically thoroughly. The concept of the dream book served him as a starting point, but he did not adopt the principle of an exclusively individual interpretation, but considered a general theory of dream interpretation to be possible. Cardano published his manual in 1562, and a German translation appeared the following year.

From the late 16th century onwards, Synesios was one of the authors whose works were used in grammar and rhetoric lessons in Jesuit schools . His acceptance among the school authors in the Jesuit education system contributed significantly to his fame. Hymns and letters were read.

In the dispute between Jacques Bénigne Bossuet (1627–1704) and François Fénelon (1651–1715) over quietism , the episcopal ordination of Synesius was discussed as a precedent for the consecration of Fénelon. Bossuet approved the decision to consecrate the "great Synesios" despite his heterodox views; you trusted your ability to learn. He, Bossuet, also relied on Fénelon's ability to correct his own errors, and therefore campaigned for his ordination, although he was already aware of the erroneous opinions of the future bishop. Fénelon, however, objected that the example was inappropriate. Synesius could only be consecrated because his dogmatic reservations were not taken seriously; one saw in it only a pious device with which he wanted to escape the burden of office.

The picture that was made of Synesius' religious convictions in the early modern period corresponded in principle to the medieval perspective. It was believed that the philosopher was initially a pagan and then gradually adopted Christianity, his religious development was documented by the hymns. The unequivocally Christian "tenth hymn" was invoked, which was considered the end point of the philosopher's turn to pure Christian teaching. In reality, the “tenth hymn” is not a work of Synesius. The inauthenticity of this poem was only proven in the 20th century.

Denis Diderot dealt with the elevation of Synesius to bishop in the article Jesus-Christ of the Encyclopédie around 1755/1760 , one of the most noticed articles. He quoted at length Letter 105 in which the philosopher - with enchanting naivety, as the French encyclopedist found - had set out his reservations. The decision of the Patriarch Theophilus to entrust the ecclesiastical office to the Platonist despite the serious dogmatic differences of opinion impressed Diderot and met with approval. Voltaire expressed himself in a similar sense ; he wrote that Synesius was an enemy of Christian dogmas and yet the best bishop.

Edward Gibbon praised Synesios as a great-thinking patriot who spoke the language of reason and recommended remedial action for the devastating evils of the time. He was right to denounce the empire's fateful dependence on mercenary armies. However, with the unrealistic idealism of his royal speech, he did not take into account the limited scope for action in a depraved age. Gibbon also pointed out the historical significance of the impressive victory that Synesios achieved as bishop over the governor Andronikos. In the specific case, the British historian considered the outcome of the conflict to be gratifying, since Andronikos was a monstrous tyrant. But he gave the fundamental problematic of the process to consider: Here the superiority of the spiritual power over the worldly thanks to the sharp weapon of excommunication has shown. The success of the Cyrenian was a prelude to the triumphs of medieval popes over kingship.

Modern

Classical Studies

Synesios has received a lot of attention in modern research as a writer and as an extraordinary personality of late antique cultural life. His life and thoughts have been thoroughly researched. The classical scholars are particularly interested in his idiosyncratic connection of pagan and Christian concepts and the tolerance of this attitude by the church in an epoch marked by increasing religious intolerance. His political nostalgia and criticism of the times are also the subject of detailed investigations.

The publication of the two-volume critical edition by Nicola Terzaghi in Rome from 1939–1944 marks a milestone for the philological development of the works.

The literary quality of the works, especially the letters, is usually rated as high in modern literary-historical appraisals. Liveliness, freshness, immediacy and sincerity are emphasized as virtues. Nonetheless - especially in the 19th and early 20th centuries - critical voices have also been heard, especially those who have accused it of artificial elegance. Henriette Harich-Schwarzbauer thinks that the hymns “belong to the most beautiful thing that late ancient Greek poetry has to show”.

The philosophical achievement is usually judged much less favorably than the literary, while the human side, the personality, is described with respect. A lack of originality of the thoughts is criticized, but the application of philosophical principles to one's own lifestyle, which is shown in the successful character formation, is recognized. This assessment already dominated the authoritative handbooks of the 19th and early 20th centuries: Eduard Zeller missed new ideas that went beyond the well-known basic features of Neoplatonism. Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff found that Synesios, in his role as philosopher and bishop, illustrates “the unity of culture, admittedly as an exception and as the last”. He did not remain a speculative philosopher, but took energetic responsibility. Wilamowitz called him a "splendid person" with a "heart and head in the right place". For Karl Praechter , the philosophy of Synesios is "a primitive Neoplatonism". Under no circumstances did he have “the importance of an independent philosophical thinker”, but in addition to his “highly respectable personality”, his religious attitude lends his figure charm. In 1950, Georg Misch stated in the third edition of his history of autobiography that “presenting oneself to the world” was for the Cyreneer an “enjoyment of one's own personality”. He did not count among the struggling natures "who first had to buy the equilibrium of the mind with hard wounds"; the riddles of existence would not have tormented him. Therefore his self-portrayal lacks depth. In 1973 Antonio Garzya praised "the clear critical awareness and penetrating understanding of history" of Synesios, who was a true humanist. Joseph Vogt titled a collection of his relevant essays, Encounter with Synesios , published in 1985 and stated: "His humanity is so great that it urges everyone who meets him to make a decision." Günther Zuntz wrote in his monograph on the philosophical hymn, published posthumously in 2005 Synesios has achieved in his person a harmonious combination of active and contemplative life, "of solitary philosophical deepening and public activity, of literary production and heroic struggle in a losing position".

A central theme of the research is the determination of the writer's religious position. An essential difference to the Synesios image of the early modern period and the older research is that his religious worldview is considered to be firmly established in recent research. The idea that he was pagan in his youth and later turned to Christianity has proven erroneous. Wilamowitz already stated that Synesios "was always more of a pagan than a Christian". The Christian and the Pagan Neoplatonic elements of his religiosity are weighted differently in the research literature. According to one interpretation, the pagan aspects are consistently decisive, the Christian ones secondary and mainly politically motivated; other historians suggest that he internalized Christianity as he understood it. After decades of debates about the religious position of the Christian Neoplatonist and its possible development, the result has emerged that he has merged two different models of world interpretation in his personal spirituality without perceiving this as a contradiction. Synesios always clung to this syncretism. In doing so, he relativized the truthfulness of the beliefs that were problematic for him to the extent that it was necessary for the purpose of harmonizing with his Platonism. He did not accept a principle priority of the doctrines because of their revelatory character.

Historians deal with the question of the relationship between the writer's complaints about the decadence of his epoch and the picture of the reality of that time in Cyrenaica, which emerges from the entirety of the sources, including the archaeological ones. In the older research, the statements of Synesios and Ammianus Marcellinus , which give the impression of a general economic, demographic and military decline, were mostly adopted. The debates revolved around the causes of the crisis. In 1987 Denis Roques turned against this assessment of the situation in the late 4th and early 5th centuries. His comprehensive analysis of the sources found that the Libyan provinces and especially the city of Cyrene had prosperity and stability. The contrary statements by contemporary authors are, according to Roques' judgment, rhetorical exaggerations or references to special situations limited in time and space; Synesius' complaints about the decline of his hometown do not refer to a deterioration in the economic and political situation, but to a decline in intellectual life. Roques' opposition to the idea of ​​decline met with a lot of approval in the professional world. However, it met with fundamental criticism from Alan Cameron (1992) and Tassilo Schmitt (2001). Schmitt criticized the question of the decadence debate as fundamentally wrong. He argued that the assumed decline was "not a phenomenon that can be confirmed or refuted by factual findings". One cannot play off the presumed reality against the representation of Synesius, but rather must classify his utterances "as part of this very reality".

psychology

Carl Gustav Jung saw in the phantasy theory of Synesios' dream book a forerunner of his own concept of creative phantasy, only the ancient thinker did not express himself psychologically but metaphysically . Synesios recognized that the "spiritus phantasticus" (phantasy spirit) combines opposing psychological functions. If the individual approaches a pair of opposites in such a way that he consistently identifies himself with one side - for example the thought function - and forcibly suppresses the opposite - in this case feeling - then the unconscious takes the side of the repressed function and rebels . This must have struck the Neo-Platonist as a proponent of an exclusive spiritualization. The fantastic element is associated with the repressed functions in the unconscious. Through such a development the individual is torn inwardly, "an agonizing disunity" arises. Synesios addressed this condition and also addressed the principle of its elimination - the removal of identification. He also recognized that the imagination gives demons their essence by descending into the instinctual nature “to the animal”. His reference to the imaginary nature of demons is particularly valuable. The demons dealt with in the dream book are "psychologically nothing more than interferences of the unconscious, ie intrusions of a spontaneous nature into the continuity of the conscious process on the part of unconscious complexes".

The psychoanalyst Erich Fromm wrote that Synesios had "left us one of the most precise and beautiful representations of the theory that dreams can be traced back to an increased capacity for insight during sleep".

Fiction

The writer Charles Kingsley presented Synesios in a favorable light in his novel Hypatia or New Foes with an Old Face , published in London in 1853 and first published in German in 1858; he described him as a multifaceted country gentleman and brave warrior. Kingsley is said to have even given this figure features of his own person. The novel shaped the image of the historical characters appearing in it for a broader public.

In his historical novel The Temptation of Synesius , published posthumously in 1971, Stefan Andres described the life of the philosopher from the perspective of his wife, who is called Prisca in the novel. She settled in Alexandria after the death of her husband. There she looked back at what she had experienced together and recorded it. The focus of the events is the dispute with Andronikos and his supporters. Synesios appears as a steadfast representative of a humane attitude and philosophical worldview that is not tied to a creed. The "temptation" means, on the one hand, the shyness of responsibility that the protagonist has to overcome before he can accept the episcopal dignity. On the other hand, it is about the temptation to make a compromise with Andronikos, the embodiment of evil. In some ways, the character of the title character offers a self-portrait of the author.

Text editions and translations

Complete editions with translations

• Synésios de Cyrène . Les Belles Lettres, Paris (critical edition with French translation and commentary)
  • Volume 1: Hymnes , 2nd edition, ed. Christian Lacombrade, 2003, ISBN 978-2-251-00321-4
  • Volume 2: Correspondance. Lettres I-LXIII , ed. Antonio Garzya , Denis Roques, 2nd edition, 2003, ISBN 978-2-251-00479-2
  • Volume 3: Correspondance. Lettres LXIV – CLVI , ed. Antonio Garzya, Denis Roques, 2nd edition, 2003, ISBN 978-2-251-00479-2
  • Volume 4: Opuscules I , ed. Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat, 2004, ISBN 978-2-251-00517-1
  • Volume 5: Opuscules II , ed. Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat, 2008, ISBN 978-2-251-00547-8
  • Volume 6: Opuscules III , ed. Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat, 2008, ISBN 978-2-251-00549-2
• Antonio Garzya (Ed.): Opere di Sinesio di Cirene. Epistole, operetta, Inni. Unione Tipografico-Editrice Torinese, Torino 1989, ISBN 88-02-04205-5 (Greek text without critical apparatus, Italian translation)

Several works

• Joseph Vogt : Meeting with Synesios, the philosopher, priest and general. Collected Posts . Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, Darmstadt 1985, ISBN 3-534-02248-3 (contains German translations of twelve letters, the treatise De dono and the speeches Katastasis I and Katastasis II )

Letters

• Pietro Janni (ed.): Sinesio: La mia fortunosa navigazione da Alessandria a Cirene (Epistola 4/5 Garzya). Olschki, Firenze 2003, ISBN 88-222-5187-3 (Greek text with Italian translation, introduction and commentary)

Hymns

• Joachim Gruber , Hans Strohm (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene: Hymnen . Carl Winter, Heidelberg 1991, ISBN 3-533-04265-0 (critical edition with German translation and commentary)

Egyptian stories

• Martin Hose u. a. (Ed.): Synesios of Cyrene: Egyptian tales or about providence. Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2012, ISBN 978-3-16-152259-8 (uncritical edition with introduction, translation and interpretive essays)

Dion

• Kurt Treu (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene: Dion Chrysostomos or From the life after his model . Akademie-Verlag, Berlin 1959 (critical edition with German translation)

Dream book

• Wolfram Lang (Ed.): The dream book of Synesius of Cyrene. Translation and analysis of the philosophical foundations. Mohr, Tübingen 1926
• Donald Andrew Russell , Heinz-Günther Nesselrath (Eds.): On Prophecy, Dreams and Human Imagination. Synesius, De insomniis. Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2014, ISBN 978-3-16-152419-6 (Greek text largely based on the edition by Nicola Terzaghi, Rome 1944, as well as English translation and six essays)

Praise the bald head

• Werner Golder (Hrsg.): Synesios von Kyrene - Praise of baldness . 2nd edition, Königshausen & Neumann, Würzburg 2007, ISBN 978-3-8260-3777-1 (critical edition with translation; Greek text based on the edition by Nicola Terzaghi, Rome 1944)

literature

Overview representations

• Jay Bregman: Synesius of Cyrene. In: Lloyd P. Gerson (ed.): The Cambridge History of Philosophy in Late Antiquity , Volume 1, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2010, ISBN 978-0-521-76440-7 , pp. 520-537
• Stéphane Toulouse: Synésios de Cyrène. In: Richard Goulet (ed.): Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques. Volume 6, CNRS Éditions, Paris 2016, ISBN 978-2-271-08989-2 , pp. 639-676
• Samuel Vollenweider: Synesios of Cyrene. In: Christoph Riedweg et al. (Ed.): Philosophy of the Imperial Era and Late Antiquity (= Outline of the history of philosophy . The philosophy of antiquity. Volume 5/3). Schwabe, Basel 2018, ISBN 978-3-7965-3700-4 , pp. 1898–1908, 2132–2135

Overall representations, general

• Jay Bregman: Synesius of Cyrene, Philosopher-Bishop. University of California Press, Berkeley 1982, ISBN 0-520-04192-5
• Bengt-Arne Roos: Synesius of Cyrene. A Study in His Personality. Lund University Press, Lund 1991, ISBN 91-7966-145-9
• Helmut Seng , Lars Martin Hoffmann (ed.): Synesios of Kyrene. Politics - Literature - Philosophy (= Byzantios. Studies in Byzantine History and Civilization , Vol. 6). Brepols, Turnhout 2012, ISBN 978-2-503-54662-9
• Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to philosophy in late antiquity. Emperors Julian and Synesios of Cyrene. Franz Steiner, Stuttgart 2008, ISBN 978-3-515-09092-6 , pp. 155-294

Politics and political philosophy

• Alan Cameron , Jacqueline Long: Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius. University of California Press, Berkeley 1993, ISBN 0-520-06550-6
• Wolfgang Hagl: Arcadius Apis Imperator. Synesius of Cyrene and his contribution to the ruling ideal of late antiquity. Franz Steiner, Stuttgart 1997, ISBN 3-515-07046-X
• Denis Roques: Synésios de Cyrène et la Cyrénaïque du Bas-Empire. Center National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris 1987, ISBN 2-222-03866-9
• Tassilo Schmitt : The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene. Politics and philosophy, court and province as an aristocrat's sphere of activity until he was elected metropolitan of Ptolemaïs. Saur, München / Leipzig 2001, ISBN 3-598-77695-0 (habilitation thesis, important standard work; see, however, the very critical review by Denis Roques in the Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 99, 2004, pp. 768–783)

Letters

• Martin Hose: Synesios and his letters. Attempt to analyze a literary draft. In: Würzburger Yearbooks for Classical Studies 27, 2003, pp. 125–141
• Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios of Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes. Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2010, ISBN 978-3-16-150654-3 (interpretive essays on some letters)
• Denis Roques: Études sur la Correspondance de Synésios de Cyrène. Latomus, Bruxelles 1989, ISBN 2-87031-145-1

Hymns

• Idalgo Baldi: Gli Inni di Sinesio di Cirene. Vicende testuali di un corpus tardoantico. De Gruyter, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-11-027448-6
• Denis Roques: Les Hymnes de Synésios de Cyrène: chronologie, rhétorique et réalité. In: Yves Lehmann (Ed.): L'hymne antique et son public. Brepols, Turnhout 2007, ISBN 978-2-503-52464-1 , pp. 301-370
• Helmut Seng: Investigations into the vocabulary and the metrics in the hymns of Synesios. Peter Lang, Frankfurt 1996, ISBN 3-631-49724-5
• Günther Zuntz : Greek philosophical hymns. Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2005, ISBN 3-16-147428-7 , pp. 157-193

Dion

• Antonio Garzya: Synesios' Dion as testimony to the struggle for education in the 4th century AD. In: Yearbook of Austrian Byzantine Studies 22, 1973, pp. 1–14
• Helmut Seng: The controversy about Dion of Prusa and Synesios of Cyrene. In: Hermes 134, 2006, pp. 102–116

reception

• Denis Roques: Lecteurs de Synésios, de Byzance à nos jours (VI ^e -XXI ^e s.). In: Helmut Seng, Lars Martin Hoffmann (eds.): Synesios von Kyrene. Politics - Literature - Philosophy (= Byzantios. Studies in Byzantine History and Civilization , Vol. 6). Brepols, Turnhout 2012, ISBN 978-2-503-54662-9 , pp. 276-387

Web links

Wikiquote: Synesios of Cyrene  - Quotes

• Literature by and about Synesius of Cyrene in the catalog of the German National Library
• Works by and about Synesius of Cyrene  in the German Digital Library
• Jonah Lendering: Synesius of Cyrene . In: Livius.org (English)

Remarks

1. ↑ Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 62–66.
2. ↑ On the dating debate see Tassilo Schmitt: Die Bekehrung des Synesios von Kyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 144–146; Denis Roques: Études sur la Correspondance de Synésios de Cyrène , Bruxelles 1989, pp. 21-36; Alan Cameron, Jacqueline Long: Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius , Berkeley 1993, p. 13 and note 1.
3. ↑ Denis Roques: Synésios de Cyrène et la Cyrénaïque du Bas-Empire , Paris 1987, pp. 129-131.
4. ↑ Bruno Bleckmann : Historical remarks on the letters to and about Johannes . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, pp. 207–226, here: p. 208 note 6; Tassilo Schmitt: The Conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 146–178; Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, pp. 176–180; Denis Roques: Synésios de Cyrène et la Cyrénaïque du Bas-Empire , Paris 1987, pp. 136-138. See Denis Roques: Les lettres de Synésios de Cyrène. Problèmes et méthodes. In: Roland Delmaire u. a. (Ed.): Correspondances. Documents pour l'histoire de l'Antiquité tardive , Lyon 2009, pp. 515-552, here: 535.
5. ^ Tassilo Schmitt: The Conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 150–154, 190–201, 228–242. On Schmitt's results, see Denis Roques' critical opinion: Les lettres de Synésios de Cyrène. Problèmes et méthodes. In: Roland Delmaire u. a. (Ed.): Correspondances. Documents pour l'histoire de l'Antiquité tardive , Lyon 2009, pp. 515-552, here: 535 f.
6. ^ Katharina Luchner: Introduction . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, pp. 3–34, here: 5; Bruno Bleckmann: Historical remarks on the letters to and about Johannes . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, p. 210 f.
7. ↑ For the dating of the trip see Joachim Gruber, Hans Strohm (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene: Hymnen , Heidelberg 1991, p. 10; Antonio Garzya, Denis Roques (eds.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 2, 2nd edition, Paris 2003, p. 162 and the older literature mentioned there.
8. ↑ Joachim Gruber, Hans Strohm (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene: Hymnen , Heidelberg 1991, p. 10 f .; Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, p. 102 f. and note 130, p. 146 f.
9. ↑ For the dating, see Tassilo Schmitt: Die Bekehrung des Synesios von Kyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 243–250; Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 5, Paris 2008, pp. 11-26; Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, p. 156; Denis Roques: Les lettres de Synésios de Cyrène. Problèmes et méthodes. In: Roland Delmaire u. a. (Ed.): Correspondances. Documents pour l'histoire de l'Antiquité tardive , Lyon 2009, pp. 515-552, here: 517-524.
10. ↑ Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 5, Paris 2008, pp. 1-10; Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 250-252.
11. ^ Tassilo Schmitt: The Conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 253-261.
12. ↑ Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 450–467.
13. ↑ Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesios of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 388-450, 467-475.
14. ↑ See Tassilo Schmitt: Synesios and the nomads. In: Alexander Weiß (ed.): Der imaginierte Nomade , Wiesbaden 2007, pp. 121–135.
15. ↑ Bruno Bleckmann: Historical remarks on the letters to and about Johannes . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, pp. 207–226, here: 218–224; Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 580–641. Another view (Synesios as commander of a private army) takes Ana de Francisco Heredero: Synesios of Cyrene and the Defense of Cyrenaica. In: Ana de Francisco Heredero (ed.): New Perspectives on Late Antiquity in the Eastern Roman Empire , Newcastle upon Tyne 2014, pp. 163–190, here: 182–189.
16. ↑ Bruno Bleckmann: Historical remarks on the letters to and about Johannes . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, pp. 207–226, here: 221 f .; Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesios of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 148 f., 156, 203, 573-575.
17. ↑ Tassilo Schmitt: The Conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 113-139, 474-495. Cf. Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, pp. 267–274.
18. ↑ For the dating see Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in der Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, p. 159 and note 27.
19. ↑ Simon Goldhill : Rethinking religious revolution. In: Simon Goldhill, Robin Osborne (eds.): Rethinking revolutions through ancient Greece , Cambridge 2006, pp. 141–163, here 155–158; Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, pp. 274–280; Samuel Vollenweider: Neo-Platonic and Christian theology in Synesios of Cyrene , Göttingen 1985, p. 18.
20. ^ Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, pp. 169, 175, 202 f., 228.
21. ^ Synesios, Letter 126.
22. ↑ On the dating of Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, p. 54 f .; John HWG Liebeschuetz : Why did Synesius become Bishop of Ptolemais? In: Byzantion 56, 1986, pp. 180-195, here: 180-183.
23. ^ Synesios, Letter 96.
24. ^ Synesios, letter 105. Cf. Albrecht Dihle : The decision of conscience of Synesios. In: Christoph Elsas, Hans G. Kippenberg (eds.): Loyalty conflicts in the history of religion , Würzburg 1990, pp. 324–329.
25. ↑ Synesios, Letter 90. See Joachim Gruber, Hans Strohm (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene: Hymnen , Heidelberg 1991, p. 14; Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, p. 238 f .; John HWG Liebeschuetz: Why did Synesius become Bishop of Ptolemais? In: Byzantion 56, 1986, pp. 180-195, here: 188-191; Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Synesios of Cyrene between Platonism and Christianity . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, pp. 119–150, here: 140–146; Denis Roques: Synésios de Cyrène et la Cyrénaïque du Bas-Empire , Paris 1987, pp. 195-206, 369 f.
26. ↑ Synesios, Letter 126. See also Helmut Seng: The Sons of Synesios. In: Studia Patristica 34, 2001, pp. 227-234; Antonio Garzya, Denis Roques (eds.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 3, 2nd edition, Paris 2003, pp. 259, 381.
27. ↑ Denis Roques: Études sur la Correspondance de Synésios de Cyrène , Bruxelles 1989, p. 54.
28. ↑ On the dating of death see Tassilo Schmitt: Die Bekehrung des Synesios von Kyrene , Munich 2001, p. 55; Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to philosophy in late antiquity , Stuttgart 2008, p. 159.
29. ↑ Helmut Seng: The controversy about Dion of Prusa and Synesios of Cyrene. In: Hermes 134, 2006, pp. 102–116, here: p. 103 and note 8; Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, p. 49 f., 299-302.
30. ↑ See Idalgo Baldi: Le due perdute opere grammaticali di Sinesio di Cirene. In: Medioevo greco 10, 2010, pp. 13-24.
31. ↑ Alan Cameron, Jacqueline Long: Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius , Berkeley 1993, pp. 52-54; Matteo Martelli (Ed.): Pseudo-Democrito: Scritti alchemici , Paris / Milano 2011, pp. 117–124.
32. ↑ Antonio Garzya, Denis Roques (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 2, 2nd edition, Paris 2003, pp. X-XIII; Katharina Luchner: Introduction . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, pp. 3–34, here: 19–21. But see Martin Hose: Synesios and his letters. Attempt to analyze a literary draft. In: Würzburg Yearbooks for Classical Studies 27, 2003, pp. 125–141, here: 129–133; Henriette Harich-Schwarzbauer: On the character of the work of the letters of Synesius of Cyrene. In: Helmut Seng, Lars Martin Hoffmann (eds.): Synesios von Kyrene. Politics - Literature - Philosophy , Turnhout 2012, pp. 96–109.
33. ^ Antonio Garzya, Denis Roques (eds.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 2, 2nd edition, Paris 2003, pp. LVI – LXX.
34. ^ Synesios, Letter 79.
35. ↑ See Joseph Vogt: Encounter with Synesios, the philosopher, priest and general , Darmstadt 1985, pp. 33–47 (with translation of the letter); Pietro Janni (ed.): Sinesio: La mia fortunosa navigazione da Alessandria a Cirene , Firenze 2003, pp. 7-35; Joëlle Soler: Écritures du voyage , Paris 2005, pp. 320–329.
36. ↑ Synesios, Hymn 1, 187-190. Cf. Joachim Gruber, Hans Strohm (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene: Hymnen , Heidelberg 1991, pp. 154–156.
37. ^ Synesios, Hymn 9.67.
38. ^ Synesios, Hymn 1,175.
39. ↑ Synesios, Hymn 1,145 f .; 1.164; 1.168. Cf. Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Synesios of Cyrene between Platonism and Christianity . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, pp. 119–150, here: 124–127.
40. ↑ Synesios, Hymn 1,186; 1.404-405; Hymn 2.94-105.
41. ↑ Joachim Gruber, Hans Strohm (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene: Hymnen , Heidelberg 1991, p. 187; Verena Wodtke-Werner: The Holy Spirit as a female figure in Christian antiquity and the Middle Ages , Pfaffenweiler 1994, pp. 451–459; Samuel Vollenweider: Neo-Platonic and Christian theology in Synesios of Kyrene , Göttingen 1985, pp. 77-79.
42. ↑ Synesios, Hymn 1,191 f .; 1,227 f .; 1.236-240.
43. ↑ Verena Wodtke-Werner: The Holy Spirit as a female figure in Christian antiquity and the Middle Ages , Pfaffenweiler 1994, pp. 451–459; Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Synesios of Cyrene between Platonism and Christianity . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, pp. 119–150, here: 128 f.
44. ↑ Synesios, Hymn 2.72-79. See Joachim Gruber, Hans Strohm (eds.): Synesios von Kyrene: Hymnen , Heidelberg 1991, p. 186.
45. ↑ Synesios, Hymn 1,571-576; 1,714 f.
46. ↑ Synesios, Hymn 1, 4 f .; 1.549-553; 1,586-592; 1.648-661; 1.715-718.
47. ^ Synesios, Hymn 1, 32-41; 1,375 f.
48. ↑ Synesios, Hymn 9,133 f.
49. ↑ Synesios, Hymn 1: 1–11; 1.60-85; Hymn 2: 28-43. Cf. Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, pp. 229–238; Jay Bregman: Synesius of Cyrene, Philosopher-Bishop , Berkeley 1982, pp. 29-40.
50. ↑ See also Frank Schleicher: Cosmographia Christiana , Paderborn 2014, pp. 110–113.
51. ↑ Joachim Gruber, Hans Strohm (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene: Hymnen , Heidelberg 1991, pp. 21, 34 f.
52. ^ Sara Lanna: Sinesio e Mesomede: continuità di ritmi, significanti e significati tra religosità orfico-pagana e neoplatonico-cristiana. In: Seminari romani di cultura greca 12, 2009, pp. 95-113.
53. ↑ Alan Cameron, Jacqueline Long: Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius , Berkeley 1993, pp. 131-133; Timothy D. Barnes : Synesius in Constantinople. In: Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 27, 1986, pp. 107-109; Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 282–288; Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Synesios of Cyrene between Platonism and Christianity . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, pp. 119–150, here: p. 136 note 75; Gerhard Albert: Goten in Konstantinopel , Paderborn 1984, pp. 63–66. Hartwin Brandt suspects that the speech in the traditional wording was actually given before the emperor : The speech περί βασιλείας of Synesius of Cyrene - an unusual prince mirror. In: François Chausson, Étienne Wolf (ed.): Consuetudinis amor , Rom 2003, pp. 57–70, here: 58 f., 62–64.
54. ↑ See the analysis of the speech in Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 5, Paris 2008, pp. 49–82. Cf. Franca Fusco: Il problema germanico nel de regno di Sinesio. In: Marcello Rotili (ed.): Società multiculturali nei secoli V – IX. Scontri, convivenza, integrazione nel Mediterraneo occidentale , Napoli 2001, pp. 21-32.
55. ↑ Synesios, King's Speech 25.5–26.2.
56. ↑ See also Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , vol. 5, Paris 2008, p. 69 f.
57. ↑ Synesios, King speech from 25.1 to 2.
58. ^ Synesios, King's Speech 27: 3–5.
59. ^ Alan Cameron, Jacqueline Long: Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius , Berkeley 1993, pp. 107-109, 118-121; Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 282–288.
60. ↑ Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 5, Paris 2008, pp. 38-40.
61. ↑ Otto Seeck: History of the fall of the ancient world , Vol. 5, Berlin 1913, pp. 314–326.
62. ↑ Ernst Stein: Histoire du Bas-Empire , Vol. 1, Paris 1959, pp. 235-237.
63. ↑ Ludwig Schmidt: Die Ostgermanen , Munich 1969 (reprint), p. 433 f.
64. ↑ Otto Seeck: History of the Fall of the Ancient World , Vol. 5, Berlin 1913, p. 317.
65. ↑ See the research overview in Gerhard Albert: Goten in Konstantinopel , Paderborn 1984, pp. 23–26.
66. ^ Gerhard Albert: Goten in Konstantinopel , Paderborn 1984, pp. 47, 54–63, 80–85; Alan Cameron, Jacqueline Long: Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius , Berkeley 1993, pp. 9 f., 109 f., 118-124.
67. ↑ Alan Cameron, Jacqueline Long: Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius , Berkeley 1993, pp. 109-126.
68. ^ Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat (Ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 6, Paris 2008, pp. 29–57 (detailed research report); Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 304–358.
69. ↑ Synesios, Egyptian Tales 1, 1–12. Cf. Martin Hose: Introduction to Scripture. In: Martin Hose u. a. (Ed.): Synesios von Kyrene: Ägyptische Erzählungen or About Providence , Tübingen 2012, pp. 3–36, here: 23–30.
70. ↑ Synesios, Egyptian Tales 1,13-18.
71. ↑ Synesios, Egyptian stories 2, 1–5.
72. ↑ Synesios, Egyptian stories 2,6–8.
73. ↑ Aglae MV Pizzone: Simboli di regalità nel De providentia di Sinesio di Cirene: taxis e eukosmia. In: Prometheus 27, 2001, pp. 73-92, 175-186, here: 179-183.
74. ↑ Tassilo Schmitt: The Conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 78 f., 81–86; see. but the criticism of Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, p. 267 f.
75. ↑ Antonio Garzya: Synesios' Dion as a testimony to the struggle for education in the 4th century AD. In: Yearbook of Austrian Byzantine Studies 22, 1973, pp. 1–14, here: 6–8; Tassilo Schmitt: The Conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 81 f., 111 f.
76. ↑ Synesios, Dion 4.3. Cf. Franz Tinnefeld : Synesios of Cyrene: Philosophy of joy and coping with suffering. In: Christian Gnilka , Willy Schetter (ed.): Studies on Literature of Spätantike , Bonn 1975, pp. 139–179, here: 156–158.
77. ↑ Synesios, Dion 8: 1-4; 11.2.
78. ↑ Synesios, Dion 9: 1-2. Cf. Franz Tinnefeld: Synesios of Cyrene: Philosophy of joy and coping with suffering. In: Christian Gnilka, Willy Schetter (ed.): Studies on the literature of late antiquity , Bonn 1975, pp. 139–179, here: 142–149; Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Synesios of Cyrene between Platonism and Christianity . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, pp. 119–150, here: 121–123.
79. ↑ Synesios, Dion 11: 4-5. See Franz Tinnefeld: Synesios of Cyrene: Philosophy of joy and coping with suffering. In: Christian Gnilka, Willy Schetter (Ed.): Studies on the literature of late antiquity , Bonn 1975, pp. 139–179, here: 150 f.
80. ↑ Synesios, Dion 9.5 to 8. Cf. Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Synesios of Cyrene between Platonism and Christianity . In: Katharina Luchner (ed.): Synesios von Kyrene. Polis - friendship - afterlife punishments. Letters to and about Johannes , Tübingen 2010, pp. 119–150, here: 119 f.
81. ↑ Synesios, De insomniis 130C-131D.
82. ^ Synesios, De insomniis 131D-133D.
83. ^ Synesios, De insomniis 134A-134D. Cf. Anne Sheppard : Phantasia in De insomniis. In: Donald Andrew Russell, Heinz-Günther Nesselrath (Ed.): On Prophecy, Dreams and Human Imagination. Synesius, De insomniis , Tübingen 2014, pp. 97–110.
84. ^ Synesios, De insomniis 135A-145D. Cf. Lutz Bergemann: Kraftmetaphysik und Mysterienkult im Neuplatonismus , Leipzig 2006, pp. 394–399.
85. ↑ Synesios, De insomniis 147D-148D.
86. ↑ Synesios, De insomniis 148D-150A. See Sebastian Gertz: Dream Divination and the Neoplatonic Search for Salvation. In: Donald Andrew Russell, Heinz-Günther Nesselrath (Ed.): On Prophecy, Dreams and Human Imagination. Synesius, De insomniis , Tübingen 2014, pp. 111–124, here: 117–124.
87. ^ Synesios, De insomniis 150A-155B.
88. ↑ See Joseph Vogt: Encounter with Synesios, the philosopher, priest and general , Darmstadt 1985, pp. 48–51, 58–67; German translation of the treatise pp. 51–58. Compare with the epigrams Hendrich Schulte: Greek Epigrams of the Imperial Age. Handwritten , part 1, Trier 2009, pp. 104–106.
89. ^ Alan Cameron, Jacqueline Long: Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius , Berkeley 1993, p. 55 and note 198; Tassilo Schmitt: The conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 278–281.
90. ↑ Synesios, Calvitii encomium 63D.
91. ↑ See also Werner Golder (Ed.): Synesios von Kyrene - Lob der Kahlheit , 2nd edition, Würzburg 2007, pp. 99-107.
92. ↑ Werner Golder (Ed.): Synesios von Kyrene - Lob der Kahlheit , 2nd edition, Würzburg 2007, p. 105 f. See Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 4, Paris 2004, pp. 29–32.
93. ↑ Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 6, Paris 2008, pp. 193-195, 200 f.
94. ↑ Joseph Vogt: Encounter with Synesios, the philosopher, priest and general , Darmstadt 1985, pp. 110–122.
95. ↑ Denis Roques provides a detailed account of the Byzantine reception: Lecteurs de Synésios, de Byzance à nos jours (VI ^e –XXI ^e s.). In: Helmut Seng, Lars Martin Hoffmann (eds.): Synesios von Kyrene. Politics - Literature - Philosophy , Turnhout 2012, pp. 276–387, here: 279–310.
96. ↑ Euagrios Scholastikos, Church History 1.15.
97. ↑ Johannes Moschos, Geistliche Wiese 195. Cf. Pietro Janni (ed.): Sinesio: La mia fortunosa navigazione da Alessandria a Cirene , Firenze 2003, p. 37 and note 3.
98. ^ Photios, library cod. 26th
99. ↑ Suda , keyword Synesios ( Συνέσιος ), Adler number: sigma 1511 , Suda-Online .
100. ↑ Aglae MV Pizzone: Sinesio e la 'sacra ancora' di Omero , Milano 2006, pp. 158-167.
101. ↑ Nikephoros Kallistu Xanthopulos, Church History 14.55.
102. ↑ Antonio Garzya, Denis Roques (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 2, 2nd edition, Paris 2003, pp. XIII – XV, LVI, CXXXI – CXXXIV.
103. ↑ Critical Edition: Paolo Pietrosanti (Ed.): Nicephori Gregorae explicatio in librum Synesii 'De insomniis'. Scholia cum glossis , Bari 1999; for dating see pp. XXXVI – XLI. See Börje Bydén: Nikephoros Gregoras' Commentary on Synesius, De insomniis. In: Donald Andrew Russell, Heinz-Günther Nesselrath (Ed.): On Prophecy, Dreams and Human Imagination. Synesius, De insomniis , Tübingen 2014, pp. 163-188 (on Metochites pp. 166-168); Foteini Kolovou : A bishop kat 'oikonomian in late Byzantine judgments: Synesios of Cyrene and Nikephoros Gregoras' Protheoria to De insomniis. In: Helmut Seng, Lars Martin Hoffmann (eds.): Synesios von Kyrene. Politics - Literature - Philosophy , Turnhout 2012, pp. 388–403, here: 397–400.
104. ^ Börje Bydén: Nikephoros Gregoras' Commentary on Synesius, De insomniis. In: Donald Andrew Russell, Heinz-Günther Nesselrath (Ed.): On Prophecy, Dreams and Human Imagination. Synesius, De insomniis , Tübingen 2014, pp. 163–188, here: 168.
105. ↑ Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 4, Paris 2004, pp. LXXIII-LXXVII; Denis Roques: Lecteurs de Synésios, de Byzance à nos jours (VI ^e -XXI ^e s.). In: Helmut Seng, Lars Martin Hoffmann (eds.): Synesios von Kyrene. Politics - Literature - Philosophy , Turnhout 2012, pp. 276–387, here: 312–317.
106. ↑ See on Frees translations Roberto Weiss: Humanism in England During the Fifteenth Century , 2nd edition, Oxford 1957, p. 109 f .; Roberto Weiss: New Light on Humanism in England during the Fifteenth Century. In: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 14, 1951, pp. 21–33, here: 27–31.
107. ^ Laurent Pernot: Beatus Rhenanus commentateur de Synésios: philologie et paradoxe, ou l'art d'être chauve. In: James Hirstein (ed.): Beatus Rhenanus (1485–1547), lecteur et éditeur des textes anciens , Turnhout 2000, pp. 67–81, here: 74 f.
108. ↑ For the history of the early editions and translations, see Jacques Lamoureux, Noël Aujoulat (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 4, Paris 2004, pp. LXXVIII – LXXXI.
109. ^ Agrippa von Nettesheim, De occulta philosophia 1.59.
110. ↑ Markus Fierz: Girolamo Cardano (1501–1576) , Basel 1977, pp. 97–100. The manual is edited and translated into French by Jean-Yves Boriaud: Girolamo Cardano: Somniorum Synesiorum libri quatuor , 2 volumes, Firenze 2008.
111. ↑ Denis Roques: Lecteurs de Synésios, de Byzance à nos jours (VI ^e –XXI ^e s.). In: Helmut Seng, Lars Martin Hoffmann (eds.): Synesios von Kyrene. Politics - Literature - Philosophy , Turnhout 2012, pp. 276–387, here: 343 f.
112. ↑ Denis Roques: Lecteurs de Synésios, de Byzance à nos jours (VI ^e –XXI ^e s.). In: Helmut Seng, Lars Martin Hoffmann (eds.): Synesios von Kyrene. Politics - Literature - Philosophy , Turnhout 2012, pp. 276–387, here: 351.
113. ↑ Idalgo Baldi: Giorgio, copista o innografo? L'inno X del corpus sinesiano. In: Sileno 34, 2008, pp. 193-204, here: 193 f .; Tassilo Schmitt: The Conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, p. 45 f.
114. ↑ Denis Diderot: Jesus Christ . In: Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers , vol. 8, Neuchâtel 1765, pp. 516–521, here: 518 f.
115. ↑ Denis Roques: Lecteurs de Synésios, de Byzance à nos jours (VI ^e –XXI ^e s.). In: Helmut Seng, Lars Martin Hoffmann (eds.): Synesios von Kyrene. Politics - Literature - Philosophy , Turnhout 2012, pp. 276–387, here: 355–358.
116. ^ Edward Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire , Chapter 30.
117. ^ Edward Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire , Chapter 20.
118. ↑ An overview of the history of research is provided by Tassilo Schmitt: Die Conversation des Synesios von Kyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 50–60.
119. ↑ Nicola Terzaghi (ed.): Synesii Cyrenensis hymni et opuscula , Rome 1939-1944.
120. ↑ A compilation of positive and critical judgments is offered by Antonio Garzya, Denis Roques (ed.): Synésios de Cyrène , Vol. 2, 2nd edition, Paris 2003, pp. XV – XVIII.
121. ↑ Henriette Harich-Schwarzbauer: Silence and yet not silent. Observations on the literary technique of Synesius of Cyrene. In: Siegfried Jäkel, Asko Timonen (ed.): The Language of Silence , Vol. 1, Turku 2001, pp. 113–126, here: 114.
122. ^ Eduard Zeller: The philosophy of the Greeks in their historical development , part 3, division 2, 3rd edition, Leipzig 1881, p. 744 f.
123. ^ Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff u. a .: Greek and Latin literature and language , 3rd, improved edition, Leipzig 1912, p. 297.
124. ↑ Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff: The Hymns of Proklos and Synesios , Berlin 1907, p. 16.
125. ^ Karl Praechter: The Philosophy of Antiquity , 12th, expanded edition, Berlin 1926, p. 640 f.
126. ↑ Georg Misch: History of the Autobiography , Vol. 1, 2nd half, 3rd, increased edition, Frankfurt 1950, pp. 609–611.
127. ↑ Antonio Garzya: Synesios' Dion as a testimony to the struggle for education in the 4th century AD. In: Yearbook of Austrian Byzantine Studies 22, 1973, pp. 1–14, here: 13 f.
128. Jump up ↑ Joseph Vogt: Encounter with Synesios, the philosopher, priest and general , Darmstadt 1985, p. 1.
129. ↑ Günther Zuntz: Greek philosophical hymns , Tübingen 2005, p. 157.
130. ^ Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff u. a .: Greek and Latin literature and language , 3rd edition, Leipzig / Berlin 1912, p. 338.
131. ↑ An overview is provided by Ilinca Tanaseanu-Döbler: Conversion to Philosophy in Spätantike , Stuttgart 2008, pp. 160–162.
132. ^ Samuel Vollenweider: Neo-Platonic and Christian theology with Synesios of Cyrene , Göttingen 1985, p. 13 f .; Tassilo Schmitt: The Conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, pp. 21-25, 46-48; Bengt-Arne Roos: Synesius of Cyrene , Lund 1991, pp. 5-8.
133. ↑ See the detailed research overview in Denis Roques: Synésios de Cyrène et la Cyrénaïque du Bas-Empire , Paris 1987, pp. 15–26.
134. ↑ Denis Roques: Synésios de Cyrène et la Cyrénaïque du Bas-Empire , Paris 1987, pp. 29-33, 433-435.
135. ^ Alan Cameron: Synesius and late Roman Cyrenaika . In: Journal of Roman Archeology 5, 1992, pp. 419-430.
136. ^ Tassilo Schmitt: The Conversion of Synesius of Cyrene , Munich 2001, p. 57.
137. ↑ Carl Gustav Jung: About Schiller's ideas on the type problem. In: Carl Gustav Jung: Psychological Types (= Collected Works , Vol. 6), 10th, revised edition, Zurich 1967 (first published in 1921), pp. 114–116.
138. ↑ Erich Fromm: Märchen, Mythen, Träume , Stuttgart 1980 (American original edition New York 1951), p. 98.
139. ^ Charles Kingsley: Hypatia, or New Foes with an Old Face ( English text online , German translation online ).
140. ^ Susan Chitty: The Beast and the Monk. A Life of Charles Kingsley , London 1974, p. 154; Helmut Rahn : Literature and Life. In: Herbert Eisenberger (Ed.): Hermeneumata , Heidelberg 1990, pp. 231–255, here: 233–235.
141. ↑ Stefan Andres: The Temptation of Synesios , Munich 1971. See Sieghild von Blumenthal: Christianity and antiquity in the work of Stefan Andres , Hamburg 1999, pp. 163–178; John Klapper: Stefan Andres , Bern 1998, pp. 75 f., 175–177; Helmut Rahn: Literature and Life. In: Herbert Eisenberger (Ed.): Hermeneumata , Heidelberg 1990, pp. 231-255, here: 235-250.

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