Political theory

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The Political Theory (depending on the institution and Political Theory and Philosophy and Political Theory and History of Ideas ) is adjacent subdivisions Comparative Politics and International Relations of the three central generally regarded as subjects of political science , according to which even the most professorships are named. Political theory belongs to the social sciences .

Political theory itself can in turn be divided into two areas, each with two sub-areas:

Structure of the department of political theory
  • Classical Political Theory :
    • In political philosophy (also normative political theory called), the oldest area of political science, it's about normative issues, such as for the best State beings or whether there are just wars. As a rule, instructions are also given as to how the desired target state can be achieved.
    • The history of political ideas explores the political ideas and concepts that have been employed since ancient Greece . It thus represents the scientific history of political philosophy and all of political science.
  • Modern Political Theory :

In the field of political theory in particular, the character of political science as an integrative science of human action is strongly expressed. Relevant contributions to the understanding of politics come in particular from philosophy , history ( legal and constitutional history ), jurisprudence ( political and legal philosophy ) as well as sociology and psychology ( anthropology ). The boundaries are sometimes fluid.

Common terms and much discussed concepts in political theory include: a. Politics , state , law , government , legitimacy , law , power , justice , rule , freedom and democracy .

Classic political theory

Classical political theory includes political philosophy or normative political theory as well as the history of political ideas :

Political philosophy

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Political philosophy (also called normative political theory ) deals with a variety of political problems from a normative point of view. The philosophy of the state seeks a good and just political order. The social philosophy deals with the social structure and the relationship of the citizens with each other and to the social system, the philosophy of law with the legitimacy possibilities of rights and legal norms . Political anthropology explores the essence of human beings and political ethics is about finding moral norms ( equal opportunities , fairness , justice, etc.) for the political action of those who are governed and governed. Now that the empirical-analytical approach has also established itself in political science, political philosophy is partly looking for a new direction in terms of the theory of science.

Modern contract theory works come from John Rawls ( A Theory of Justice , 1972 and Political Liberalism , 1992), Robert Nozick ( Anarchy, State, and Utopia , 1974) and James M. Buchanan ( The limits of Liberty , 1975), the so-called new contractarians . The philosopher William K. Frankena discusses justice as equal opportunities in Some beliefs about justice , 1966. Robert Goodin presented Reasons for Welfare , 1988, the first modern welfare state justification. An analytical variant of the public interest debate based on utilitarianism was represented by social choice theory , especially Kenneth Arrow , Amartya Sen and Otfried Höffe . All these concepts have in common the exit from the individual .

The political philosophy of communitarianism opposes such an individualistic basic position, which has been attested to have a socially disintegrating effect . Michael Sandel , Alasdair MacIntyre , Charles Taylor and Michael Walzer are the best-known protagonists of this diverse movement.

One research question - posed by feminists in particular - is to what extent the categories devised by traditional and modern political theory that have become fundamental categories of our thinking are steeped in traditions of gender order. For example, the distinction between the public sphere and the private sphere, which is central to political theory, is closely linked to an imagined gender dichotomy of the inward-looking woman caring for the family and the outward-looking man caring for the common good.

Political history of ideas

Political philosophy was one of the first directions in philosophy itself. Above all, the right constitution, that is, the most suitable state order, and the right government of the state are considered.

Antiquity

As an academic discipline, political philosophy has its origins in ancient Greek society, in which the various city-states experimented with various forms of government. These included monarchy , tyranny , aristocracy , oligarchy , democracy (though not entirely congruent with the modern conception of it) and ochlocracy . Important written works from this period come from Plato ( Politeia ) and Aristotle ( Politika ), whereby both works are designed differently and come to very different results. While Plato is of the opinion that a just government exists when every part of the state (aristocracy, warriors, bourgeoisie) "does its own thing", from which an oligarchic form of government is derived and what identifies it as an opponent of democracy, Aristotle describes a combination from aristocratic and democratic rule as optimal ( politics ). In order to substantiate his views, Aristotle also presents the first empirical study of constitutions. In Hellenism the principle of monarchy prevailed.

In Rome, too, philosophical considerations were made (which were influenced by the Stoics , among others ): With his de re publica, Cicero wrote the state-theoretical work of the Romans (in republican times) par excellence. Building on this, he followed de legibus . The Roman Empire , however, was built on a different foundation, namely on the principate established by Augustus .

Notable contributions to the political thought of antiquity came not only from philosophers, but also from statesmen and polis reformers such as Solon and Kleisthenes , from historians such as Herodotus , Thucydides and Polybius, and from tragedy poets such as Sophocles and Euripides . On the ancient constitutional discussion see also: cycle of constitutions , mixed constitution

middle Ages

The central theme of political thought in the Middle Ages is the relationship between church and state. In late antiquity and the early Middle Ages , political philosophy was shaped by the idea of ​​a god-fearing state. The work De civitate Dei by Augustine , created in late antiquity, with its juxtaposition of a civitas Dei and a civitas terrena, was very influential in the Middle Ages.

In the high and late Middle Ages, very different theories were developed in the conflict between papacy (sacerdotium) and empire (empire). The conflict in this regard began in the 11th century with the investiture dispute and ended (at least apparently) with the fall of the Hohenstaufen in the middle of the 13th century. Thomas Aquinas assumed a mediating position, but also gives spiritual rule a priority over secular power. The Staufer Emperor Friedrich II formulated the universal imperial idea most impressively, but after his death his successors no longer succeeded in building on what had been achieved, the (western) empire increasingly lost its influence; unaffected by this, the Byzantine emperors continued to assert their claim to leadership over the Orthodox Church.

In the late Middle Ages , there were a number of political theoretical debates. In the conflict between Pope Boniface VIII and the French King Philip the Fair, several works emerged that either attempted to underpin the Pope's claim to absolute power ( Aegidius Romanus , Jacob von Viterbo, etc.) or advocated a separation of spiritual and secular power ( John from Paris ). Dante, on the other hand, argued in his work Monarchia for the office of world emperor, which the Roman-German emperors would hold. When the conflict between the papacy and the empire came up again in the time of Ludwig the Bavarian , Marsilius of Padua clearly supported the independence of the empire from the papacy in his influential work Defensor Pacis . At the end of the Middle Ages, the council idea also gained many supporters.

Modern times

During the Renaissance , political philosophy became secular. The human being moves more and more into the center of the considerations, in which the formation of sovereign states is prepared in thought. The Italian Niccolò Machiavelli played a central role in the political philosophy of this period. In the 16th century he analyzed the laws of power and politics in an extremely sober way. Machiavelli is considered one of the pioneers of the unification of Italy. Jean Bodin has a similar, albeit less prominent, role in France. The Englishman Thomas More described in his work Utopia a fictional state model without private property and held up a critical mirror to his contemporaries. This book gave rise to the genre of social utopia .

In the 17th century, the Dutch international law teacher Hugo Grotius (1583–1649) and the legal and state theorist Samuel Pufendorf (1632–1694) should be mentioned, who is considered to be one of the first important representatives of the rational law of nature and reason. Pufendorf is the only German political thinker of the Enlightenment whose ideas were historically effective to a considerable extent and were able to find expression in the codification of modern natural law in the Enlightenment in a worldwide distribution and reception internationally.

The English philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) is regarded as one of the most important political thinkers of the 17th century . Hobbes' work is considered fundamental to modern political philosophy. With his individualistic understanding of reason, with which he breaks with political Aristotelianism, the contractualist delivers the first systematic draft of the state of the political philosophy of the early modern period. He represents an understanding of natural law that the state legitimizes itself in particular through the security that it creates for its citizens.

For Hobbes, state authority is not based on the fact that it is understood as a matter for the entire bourgeoisie (as Cicero assumes), nor on conformity with the divine will (that would be Augustine's position), nor on the divine right of the monarchs . Only the maintenance of public order is the legitimation basis of the state, but this is also completely sufficient as a legitimation basis, while the power of the state is in principle unlimited.

The most modern political thinker and founder of the liberal constitutional state is the philosopher John Locke, (1632–1704), who, like his English compatriot Thomas Hobbes, was one of the most important political theorists of the early modern age of the Enlightenment. Locke shaped the philosophical, political and economic worldview of the early bourgeois age according to Walter Euchner (classic of political thought) like no other and, as a political theorist, formulated the principles of the modern constitutional state.

In contrast to Hobbes, the British polymath John Locke formulated at the end of the 17th century in the early age of the Enlightenment that every citizen had the right to life, liberty and property, and the preservation of these goods was the purpose of the state. That is why the state must respect these goods, and citizens have the right to resist against unreasonable interference by the state in these goods. With Locke begins the introduction of the doctrine of popular sovereignty in the form known today; the term itself comes from Marsilius of Padua .

At about the same time in France , Montesquieu formulated the postulate of the separation of powers in the legislative , executive and judicial branches . Jean-Jacques Rousseau developed the teachings of Locke and Montesquieu. In his view, all state authority emanates from the people, and those in power have to act according to the volonté générale of the people. For Rousseau, direct democracy is the only appropriate form of government; these and other radical views of the French philosopher are still hotly contested to this day.

Modern and present

The economic, social and political upheavals of the late 18th, 19th and 20th centuries, including the demand of broad social classes for political representation and then also economic participation, which manifested itself in the French Revolution of 1789, and the spread of capitalism pose completely new challenges for political thinking. Immanuel Kant sees the solution based on Rousseau in the republican form of government and on this occasion puts forward the thesis of democratic peace , which states that democracies are not inclined to wage wars against one another. The terms republic and democracy were largely used synonymously at the time. In contrast, Hegel glorified the monarchical Prussian rational state.

As a result, the thinkers of liberalism , conservatism, and soon afterwards socialism too, endeavor to find answers here. On the conservative side, Edmund Burke emphasizes the value of the existing, pre-revolutionary social order and, if necessary, wants to accept cautious, gradual reforms. Alexis de Tocqueville sees the development towards democracy as irreversible, a process that he describes as ambivalent. Naturally, the liberals see it quite differently. You are vehemently in favor of the republican form of government. Important documents of liberalism of this time are the Federalist Papers by Alexander Hamilton , James Madison and John Jay and the work On Liberty by John Stuart Mill . But Jeremy Bentham should also be mentioned. Robert Owen , Pierre-Joseph Proudhon , Wilhelm Weitling ( early socialists ), Karl Marx ( scientific socialism ) and, already in the 20th century, Rosa Luxemburg , Lenin and Trotsky were the most important representatives of the socialist school of thought. A minority of thinkers turned to anarchism ( Max Stirner , Michail Bakunin , Peter Kropotkin ) or nationalism ( Herder ).

Political thinking in the 20th century is becoming almost unmanageable. At the turn of the century, Gaetano Mosca , Vilfredo Pareto , Max Weber and Robert Michels introduced sociological approaches and research methods into political theory. As a result, Joseph Schumpeter and Eric Voegelin set standards on the conservative side. Ernst Fraenkel , Ralf Dahrendorf , Isaiah Berlin and Karl Popper , among others , lead liberal thinking to a climax, whereby the liberal school of thought disagrees with regard to state intervention in the economy and the positions from state interventionism ( John Maynard Keynes ) to economic liberalism , even anarcho-capitalism pass. The Marxist or critical-dialectical school of thought is further developed by Antonio Gramsci , Max Horkheimer , Theodor W. Adorno , Herbert Marcuse , and Jürgen Habermas . Many of these authors, like their predecessors, influenced contemporary political theorists and philosophers such as Niklas Luhmann , Robert Nozick, John Rawls, Michael Walzer and Iris Marion Young .

The question of the state has determined contemporary political thinking in a special way.

The state as a content of thought

In the subsequent phase of intellectual history, the state is often thought of as an end in itself. There is a discussion between the various concepts of a state. Particular highlights of this discussion are the reflections of Thomas Hobbes with the state as Leviathan and the political-philosophical works of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel , who depicts the state as morality .

The state as an instrument

In recent times, the state has mostly been viewed as an instrument, and sometimes it is viewed as completely superfluous. Karl Marx taught that the state would deteriorate once the classless society was reached. Before that the proletariat had to take power. This is different in anarchism , where the state is to be abolished. The state is seen as a means to an end in many ideologies. Hitler won many supporters with the demand that the state should serve the people. Benito Mussolini saw it differently , but he also saw the state as an instrument, namely to reestablish an ancient order. Even the conservative German lawyer and political philosopher Carl Schmitt saw the state primarily as a regulatory factor that creates law.

pluralism

The political theorist Hannah Arendt advocates a concept of “plurality” in political space. There is a potential for freedom and equality in politics between people. Everyone should be able to take each other's perspective. Willing and suitable persons should be involved in political agreements, treaties and constitutions at the most concrete levels possible. It therefore rejects purely representative political democracies and prefers council systems or forms of direct democracy .

In the more recent pluralistic concepts, as developed primarily by the British theorist Harold Laski ( Labor Party ), the state is seen as one of many active forces, but no longer as the representative of the whole. These considerations have meanwhile been carried over to other political philosophies. Liberalism, which has always been skeptical of the state, conceived a system poor in the state, which was polemically referred to as the night watchman state . These thoughts have recently run together with Laski's pluralism ideas and are now practically fused into one.

Modern political theory

Modern political theory includes positive political or empirical-analytical political theory as well as the philosophy of science of political science:

Positive political theory

The epistemological foundation of modern or empirical-analytical political theory is the empirical-analytical approach of political science.

While political philosophy refers to theories that mostly seek to answer normative questions on the basis of a normative-ontological or critical-dialectical approach or also want to contribute to the improvement of the world, empirical-analytical political theories, according to their epistemological approach, aim to be purely descriptive and be value neutral. The aim is to achieve as precise an understanding as possible of the real, existing conditions. The developed theories must then prove themselves through their explanatory and predictive power for reality. As a result, however, they can only be refuted ( falsified ) and never finally designated as true (verifiability). A so-called valid theory is therefore a theory that has not yet been (fundamentally) falsified.

Alternatively, although somewhat imprecise, the term empirical-analytical political theory is also used when dealing with ideas from the classical history of political ideas or political philosophy on the basis of the (empirical) analytical approach . The attempt is made to remove all evaluative elements with the help of so-called rational reconstruction and to close any existing logical leaps.

Important strands of theory within empirical-analytical political theories are behavioralism , the new political economy , systems theory and rational choice or social choice approaches. For the methodology of empirical-analytical political theory see also: Critical Rationalism .

Behavioralism

The Behavioralism in political science emerged in the 1940s in the United States. The pioneers of this consistently individualistic approach were Harold Lasswell and Charles Edward Merriam ( Chicago School ). A distinction can be made between an empirical ( behavioral theory , action theory ) and a theoretically oriented behavioralism.

New Political Economy

In the so-called New Political Economy (NPÖ), the methods of economics are used to research rational political behavior . Important concepts are rational decision theory and game theory . The anthropological basis is the model of the rational, utility-maximizing homo oeconomicus ( methodological individualism ).

On this basis, the economist Joseph Schumpeter , the approaches to the economic theory of democracy designed in which democracy is a pure method is political for making decisions, "in which individual the power to decide by means of a competitive struggle for the votes of the people buy." Formulated and to the Declaration rational However , it was only applied to voting behavior by Anthony Downs in his 1957 work " An Economic Theory of Democracy ".

Another branch of the NPÖ deals with the political organizations that are always emerging in pluralistic societies , Mancur Olson and James Wilson have developed a theory of collective action which, using the collective goods concept, is able to explain why people organize themselves in political organizations at all and which social groups do so are most likely to assert their interests (small organizations with homogeneous interests: e.g. pilots, farmers; on the other hand bad: the unemployed). W. Niskanen deals with bureaucracies as a special form of political organization and explains the thesis of the budget-maximizing bureaucracy ( economic theory of bureaucracy ) through the individual profiling interests of employees .

The social choice theory or theory of collective decisions deals with the aggregation of individual preferences into a collective preference / decision , which are influenced by the type of voting and elections . The problems and paradoxes that arise in this aggregation process are considered from the perspective of the probability of certain decision outcomes in order to help avoid and solve them.

Systems theory

The sociological systems theory works on the basis of methodological collectivism . From 1945 the American sociologist Talcott Parsons began to develop the theory of structural functionalism . He analyzes systems of action using the so-called AGIL scheme , the four functions of which each system of action must develop for self-stabilization by means of functional differentiation . David Easton then concretized this conception for political science through his system model. The society (social system) provides the political system with an input in the form of support, demands and needs. The political system can ensure its acceptance in society by means of a corresponding output .

Another system-theoretical variant is the model of autopoiesis , going back to the Chilean biologists Humberto Maturana and Francisco Varela . On this basis, the Bielefeld sociologist Niklas Luhmann developed his functional-structural system theory. In the political science debate, Luhmann's theory, which he devised as a modification of and rejection of Parson's concept, hardly appears. Critics attribute this to the fact that his model constructions are too unclear and therefore difficult to operationalize, which makes his theory seem ill-suited for empirical application. Luhmann's supporters reject this and rather suspect that Luhmann's, in their view, pioneering theory is not given the status it actually deserves due to irrelevant considerations.

Philosophy of Science of Political Science

General philosophy of science is a meta-science ; H. they want about the science itself insights win. The philosophy of science of political science tries to make this gained knowledge fruitful for the investigation of political phenomena.

Fundamental to all sciences is the postulate of rationality , which has three requirements:

  1. Linguistic and logical precision requires that ambiguous everyday language be replaced with expressly defined terms ( scientific language ) and that it is logically correct, i.e. H. To argue without contradiction and by means of deduction .
  2. The intersubjectivity principle requires that, in principle, all people use the same methods to arrive at the same results (verifiability). Therefore, the terms used must be defined and the method of the scientific procedure specified precisely. According to the positivist understanding, this does not yet mean that the result is true . B. the method may be inappropriate for the subject.
  3. The justification requires that comprehensible arguments must be given for the positions . A reference to one's own ( subjective ) opinion or divine enlightenment and belief are not scientific reasons.

The various scientific approaches used by political scientists can be roughly divided into three approaches.

Normative-ontological approach

Also / similar: ontological-normative, normative, practical-philosophical or essentialist approach , Freiburg school (of political science, not political economy ) or Munich school

Plato

The normative-ontological approach is the oldest concept of political science that goes back to classical Greek philosophy ( Plato , Aristotle, and others).

It is characteristic that political science should not be limited to empirical analyzes, but always normative, i.e. H. Have to consider value issues. Common to all of this approach is the doctrine of an absolute being , which assumes that there is a reality, a truth and a morality , and that these can be found with the right methods. Politics therefore has a goal, a model or an ideal state that is inherent in it. Classical paradigms are the concept of the good life, as coined by Aristotle, or Plato's doctrine of the ideal polis , in which he sees justice realized. With Plato, normativity comes close to utopia , which is a major point of criticism of the approach in general. The modern representative Dolf Sternberger describes peace as the norm of all politics. In this variant, the normative approach also plays a role in the political science sub-discipline of international relations . Other options are, for example, orientation towards free democracy.

The norms are rooted in a human being that is regarded as given by analogy. The human being is understood as part of a comprehensive order of being (therefore ontological ) and in this respect cannot be reduced to purely inner-worldly ideas. With Eric Voegelin this is particularly pronounced and takes on features of a political theology .

There is a demarcation from the idea of ​​a value-free social science, as developed above all by Max Weber . As a rule, there is therefore no strict distinction between empirical, analytical and normative methods. It is also possible to work empirically and analytically, but in contrast to purely empirical analysis, always with the focus on a standard. Aristotle in his “Politics” already started from an extensive empirical collection of material in order to examine the types of polis constitutions found to determine to what extent they enable the realization of his idea of ​​the good life. Preferred methods of normative-ontological political scientists are: the historical-genetic procedure, hermeneutics , phenomenology and topics . Typical political science questions based on these approaches include the search for the right political order and the true essence of human beings, advice on how to implement good politics and the interpretation of history in accordance with a found goal orientation, but without this always being associated with a philosophy of history .

Well-known representatives of normative-ontological approaches are theorists Hannah Arendt , Wilhelm Hennis , Leo Strauss , Eric Voegelin and Henning Ottmann, as well as Dolf Sternberger , Karl Loewenstein and Ernst-Otto Czempiel from other political science sub-disciplines . According to Henning Ottmann, the term “normative” is “unfortunate and downright misleading”. Instead, he speaks of neoclassical political philosophy .

Critical-dialectical approach

Similar: neo-Marxist , historical-dialectical approach or Frankfurt School (= critical theory ), Marburg School

Max Horkheimer (left) with Theodor W. Adorno (front right) and Jürgen Habermas (back right) in Heidelberg, 1965

Based on Hegel's idealistic concept of knowledge and the related materialistic philosophy of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in the 19th century, the Frankfurt School in particular developed important modifications. Here, too, there is only one concept of truth and morality, albeit dependent on the prevailing social conditions. The absolute truth and morality can thereby be achieved only on the last stage of historical development ( historicity ). For Marx, this end state is the classless, communist society after the state has become superfluous and has disappeared. In critical theory , the emancipated person and in the variant changed by Jürgen Habermas, the domination-free discourse, is the goal with regard to social change in the political.

The claim of totality is based on the fact that phenomena cannot be viewed in isolation and that knowledge about the dynamic whole can only be made using combined methods. Methodologically, empirical and hermeneutic procedures are supplemented by normative aspects. The tasks of research understood in this way are to grasp the totality of political phenomena and to criticize social conditions in order to contribute to the emancipation of people.

Important representatives of the critical-dialectical theory are Herbert Marcuse , Theodor Adorno , Max Horkheimer , Jürgen Habermas , Wolfgang Abendroth and, in other political sub-disciplines, Claus Offe , Hartmut Elsenhans and Joachim Hirsch .

Empirical-analytical approach

Similar: empiricism , rationalism , positivism , neopositivism , critical rationalism , verificationism , inductivism , Vienna Circle , falsificationism , logical empiricism

Auguste Comte

This approach evolved with the development of science with people like method Galileo Galilei , René Descartes and Francis Bacon (then part of the philosophy) and features for the social sciences with Niccolo Machiavelli , Thomas Hobbes , John Locke , Auguste Comte and Max Weber connected is. It was only through these new empirical and analytical procedures that today's so-called social sciences became independent from philosophy.

Despite various differences, all empirical-analytical approaches to science have two things in common , in addition to hypothetical realism as an ontological basis: (1.) A precise, largely formalized scientific language should minimize the ambiguities of everyday language in order to arrive at value-free descriptions of reality . As explicated Rudolf Carnap distinguishing the language of science in empirical sentences (the statements about the assumed as existing reality make) and analytical sentences , the only logic , linguistic conventions are subjected. (2.) According to the two scientific languages, there are also two concepts of truth: empirical sentences can only be checked for correctness by means of comparison with reality ( correspondence theory ) and analytical sentences can only be checked for correctness using logical procedures ( coherence theory ). A correct analytical sentence (which can be logically derived from other analytical sentences) is called valid, otherwise adversarial . Since it can be analytically defined at will, such sentences contain no truth - they do not make any statements about reality (without empirical support).

In an empirical science like political science, both concepts are used. In the so-called formal sciences such as mathematics , logic , pure linguistics and computer science , only the analytical language is used.

The scientific process in empirical science is divided into two steps. (1.) By means of induction , the researcher uses his observations (of individual cases) to draw general conclusions and puts them into the form of so-called hypotheses (“the more…” or “if… then…”). Inductive inferences are not logically correct, but they are necessary to formulate the empirical conjecture. They therefore have a lot to do with the researcher's intuition and creativity . (2.) On the basis of the deduction , the hypotheses or claims logically derived from them are now checked against reality, i.e. empirically. As long as the hypothesis has not been refuted (falsification), it is called proven or provisionally verified ( falsificationism ). Proven coherent hypotheses are also known as theory, and if they have been proven to be correct for a long time, then finally as law.

As can be seen from the lack of normative elements, this approach tries to meet Max Weber's claim for value neutrality and only to provide descriptions of and prognoses about reality. Critics question this neutrality and emphasize the danger that such non-judgmental science ultimately only benefits those in power and thus stabilizes existing (unjust) systems of rule. Just as Max Frisch wrote in a different context: "Anyone who wants to save themselves a political partisanship has already taken it" (in favor of the current rulers).

Overview and comparison of the three schools

Freiburg School (normative-ontological) Mannheim School (empirical-analytical) Frankfurt School (historical / critical-dialectical)
Research interest Reality layer that lies behind the tangible political reality Logically correct statements that agree with the reference objects Disclose fundamental historical and social processes / causal relationships
Research goal Valid standards that have been obtained can be used as concrete instructions for action To lower the normative content of political problem solving Changes in empirical reality along the lines of the humanistic enlightenment ideals
method Philosophical analyzes, hermeneutical handling of classics, as well as own theories Education / application of non-judgmental theories, statistics and empiricism Presentation of the course of history as a dialectical process, constant conflict between thesis and anti-thesis

Hermeneutical handling of classic Marxist texts and empirical inventory of the political present and past

Similarities of the three schools :

  • are looking for the actual structure of political reality
  • Research must be of practical use
  • Totalitarian claim of all three schools
  • deal with norms of political action
  • All claim the empirical truth of their statements

Differences:

  • Normative-ontological vs. empirical-analytical: understanding (hermeneutics) vs. Analyze / explain; Method: Qualitative vs. Quantitative approach
  • Historical-dialectical vs. empirical-analytical: dialectical school allows contradictions, analytical works with consistent logic. Furthermore, in the dialectical school, bias / partiality (accordingly also value judgments!) Are permissible. E.g. research from the perspective of a companion Group (of workers or similar)
  • Normative-ontological vs. Historical-dialectical: Classical texts as a benchmark vs. Marxist ideas

Retrospect and Prospect

After the successes of the natural sciences in the 20th century, the empirical-analytical understanding of science has also increasingly established itself in the social sciences. This shifted the focus within political theory. Until about the end of the 19th century, the social sciences were predominantly not independent subjects, but attached to philosophy . Accordingly, their methods were mostly philosophical-speculative, often based on a normative-ontological conception of science.

Since political science was established in the 20th century, researchers have increasingly adopted an empirical-analytical approach. As a result, apart from a few exceptions in political philosophy (especially John Rawls A Theory of Justice and Political Liberalism and his libertarian 'counterpart' Robert Nozick Anarchy, State, and Utopia ), the focus of recent political science theory formation within the framework the so-called empirical-analytical political theory (especially systems theory and new political economy ).

At present it is unclear whether this process will continue or whether the increasing social devaluation of traditional values and the rise primarily self-interest oriented settings ( hedonism ) in the modern liberal-democratic not yet systems back to a revival of normative discourses will also result in political science.

See also

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Web links

Remarks

  1. ↑ See Henning Ottmann: History of political thinking . Volume 1/2 (The Greeks). Stuttgart / Weimar 2001, pp. 1 ff. (On Plato) and 111 ff. (On Aristotle).
  2. ↑ On the political theoretical debates in the 14th century see above all Jürgen Miethke : De Potestate Papae . Tübingen 2000.
  3. ↑ Cf. for example Klaus von Beyme: The political theories of the present. An introduction. 8th edition. Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen 2000, pp. 39-69.
  4. ^ Henning Ottmann: History of political thinking Volume 4/1: The 20th century. Totalitarianism and its overcoming . Stuttgart / Weimar 2010, p. 408.