Volga German Republic

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Coat of arms of the ASSR of the Volga Germans
Flag of the ASSR of the Volga Germans
Position of the Volga German ASSR within the USSR
Map of the ASSR of the Volga Germans
ASSR of the Volga Germans (yellow) in 1940

The Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of the Volga Germans ( Russian Автономная Советская Социалистическая Республика Немцев Поволжья was / Awtonomnaja Sovetskaya Sozialistitscheskaja Respublika Nemzew Powolschja) a political entity in Soviet Russia and the Soviet Union , whose territory most of the historic settlement area of the Volga Germans encircled, was not identical to the latter. It existed from October 19, 1918 initially as a Soviet labor commune and from January 6, 1924 to August 28, 1941 as the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (ASSR) within the Russian SFSR .

Origins and circumstances of the Volga German autonomy

At the beginning of the 20th century there were around 600,000 German settlers in the Saratov and Samara Governments alone . As citizens of Russia and thus subjects of the Russian Tsar , they mostly populated an area through which the Volga flowed, comparable in size to Belgium (approx. 30,000 km²) above and below the regional metropolis of Saratov (in 1916 approx. 250,000 inhabitants, including approx . 7% German). In the eyes of the later dictator Josef Stalin , the Volga Germans , who were compactly settled in Soviet Russia, fulfilled certain characteristics of a nation as a “historically stable community of people” that was characterized by four characteristic characteristics: “Community of language, territory, economic life and the The psychological nature that reveals itself in the community of culture. ”This Stalinist understanding of the nation formed the basis of Soviet nationality policy from the end of the Russian Civil War to the dissolution of the Soviet Union .

The right of self-determination of the peoples promised in the “Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia” of November 2nd (15th, 1917) found a certain approval among the Volga German population . The new government saw the Volga Germans as a genuinely independent people and granted them the right to national development and the creation of their own territorial autonomy. The later Governing Mayor of Berlin , Ernst Reuter , was entrusted in 1918 by Stalin, then People's Commissar for Nationality Issues , with the management of the provisional commissariat for the Volga Germans.

The main aim of the Bolsheviks' activity on nationality issues was to gain the support of numerous peoples in the struggle with their opponents. In the resolution of the Xth party congress of the RKP (B) in 1921 "On the party's next tasks in the national question" it was stated accordingly:

“The RSFSR and its associated Soviet republics have a population of about 140 million. Of these, around 65 million are non-Great Russians (Ukrainians, Belarusians, Kirghiz, Uzbeks, Turkmens, Tajiks, Azerbaijanis, Volga Tatars, Crimean Tatars, Bukhars, Khivans, Bashkirs, Armenians, Chechens, Kabardians, Ossetians, Cherkess, Ingush, Karachais (the last The seven peoples mentioned above are combined to form the group of the 'mountain peoples'), Kalmucks, Karelians, Avars, Darginians, Kasikumuchen, Kjuriners, Kumücken (the last five peoples mentioned are combined to form the group of 'Dagestans'), Mari, Tschuwaschen, Votjaken, Volga Germans, Buryats, Yakuts and others).
The policy of tsarism, the policy of the landlords and the bourgeoisie towards these peoples, consisted in destroying all attempts at a state, mutilating their culture, imposing restrictions on their language, keeping them in ignorance and finally, if possible, Russifying them . The result of such a policy was a low level of development and political backwardness of these peoples. "

The legal basis for the proclamation of an autonomous territory was formed by Article 11 of the Constitution of the Russian Soviet Republic of July 10, 1918, which granted the Soviets of areas with a different national population the right to establish autonomous territorial provinces. On the other hand, the settlement area of ​​the Volga Germans, in which large quantities of food could be procured, proved of vital importance for the new rulers. The aim was to use the abundant grain stocks primarily to supply the two revolutionary centers of Moscow and Petrograd (since 1924 Leningrad) and to protect this granary from requisitions and looting by the local government soviets or troops passing by. In addition to domestic and economic considerations, foreign policy considerations also played a role in the case of the Volga Germans. Above all, it was about the role model function of their national autonomy. This was particularly emphasized in the resolution of the 11th Regional Congress of the Councils of the Volga Germans on the Proclamation of the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of the Volga Germans (ASSRdWD):

“The Congress draws the attention of the fighting proletariat of Germany to our small autonomous unit and thus once again strongly underlines the difference between the democratic freedom of Germany, which is oppressed by both its own and European capital, and the [actual] freedom of the Nationalities that are united in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. "

Establishment of the autonomous region

At the beginning of German autonomy was Ernst Reuter , a well-known functionary of the Social Democratic Party of Germany , 1948–1953 governing mayor of West Berlin. While still in Soviet captivity, he became an active communist and internationalist and, as Josef Stalin's confidante, headed the “ Commissariat for German Affairs in the Volga Region ” from April 1918 , which pursued the Sovietization of the Volga Germans. His work ended in November 1918 when he spoke of the November Revolution learned and returned to Germany.

On October 19, 1918, Lenin, as head of government, after two days of extensive deliberation, signed the decree establishing the labor commune (the autonomous region) of the Volga Germans. A total of 214 villages had been spun off from the Saratov and Samara Governments by March 1919 . The Volga German area therefore consisted of several, not always interconnected territories and sprinkles of different sizes that only included German settlements. The total area was initially 19,694 km². The center of the labor commune was relocated from Saratov to Katharinenstadt ( renamed Marxstadt on June 4, 1919 ) in May 1919 .

Civil war and famine

War communism

Lenin's policy of war communism in the civil war permanently ruined the economy of the rural population. Under threats of violence, the farmers were forced to deliver large quantities of food to the headquarters and provide recruits, horses and fodder for the Red Army . There were numerous arbitrary acts and attacks. Armed uprisings took place in Balzer and in the Kamenka district as early as July and August 1918. As a reaction to the particular brutality of two procurement squads and ongoing forced mobilizations, the unrest in January 1919 in Warenburg quickly assumed the character of a popular uprising. The angry settlers murdered several Red Guards . Only after a week could the uprising be put down; As a measure of atonement, 32 active participants were shot and a contribution of 780,000 rubles was imposed on the wealthy part of the village.

Conversely, there was a considerable proletarian share among the Volga Germans even before 1914, which consisted primarily of those farmers who had sold or leased their small shares of land and whose main source of income was seasonal or home work. Quite a few sympathizers and German functionaries were recruited from this group, to whose radicalization the bitterness during military service and the Bolshevik agitations undoubtedly contributed. As early as the summer of 1918, the establishment of voluntary associations began. After the confirmation of autonomy, the First Katharinenstadt Communist German Regiment was formed , which went to the front in Ukraine on December 15 with 2,000 men . Further Volga German units of the Red Army were formed by 1920.

The ruthless exploitation was the main reason why the labor commune of the Volga Germans was hit hardest by the catastrophic famine of 1921–1922 , which was repeated in a weakened form in 1924. A Russian contemporary said:

“There were moments, moments of relief, when the bread of the [German] commune in Petrograd and Moscow arrived on time, when it seemed that the local population had no hope of getting the daily ration of an eighth pound of bread. In the 1919/20 supply year, the area was obliged to deliver 14.5 million poods of grain. If you take into account that the territory of the colonies was no more than the eighth part of the territory of the Saratov governorate and the tenth part of the Samara governorate, and that, among other things, the Saratov governorate only had to pay 36 million puds in the same year, it falls to you apparent mismatch of these orders and their uneven distribution, their non-coordination with local conditions and needs. At that time, the opinion prevailed that in the small commune there was 'a lot and plenty of everything', and this explains the wrong approach to paying the grain delivery obligation and the wrong approach to the local population. "

In 1921 alone, more than 80,000 German residents fled the Volga region and moved to Turkestan , the Trans- and North Caucasus , central Russia , the Ukraine or emigrated to Germany . In addition, there were 47,777 recorded deaths, the majority of which were starvation victims. How many emigrants died as a result of the famine and rampant diseases cannot be determined. If you consider that 516,289 Germans were counted on the territory of the future autonomous republic before the war and the 1926 census only recorded 379,630, the extent of the population decline becomes clearly visible.

Hunger riots

The hopeless economic situation and impending starvation drove the mass of desperate German farmers to violent protest actions. The real impetus came from outside. The invading "insurgent army" under the leadership of the former officer Mikhail Pyatakov captured Seelmann (now Rownoje) on March 17, 1921 . The uprising quickly spread throughout the autonomous region. State granaries were broken into and the requisitioned grain was distributed among farmers, the cattle slaughtered or driven out of the village. A few days later the siege of the district centers of Balzer and Marxstadt began , but they could not be captured. The whole uprising was marked by extreme brutality: Almost all of the arrested Communists and Komsomolians, as well as Red Guards and members of the requisitioning troops in the German settlements were murdered, sometimes put alive under the ice, and many Soviet activists were severely mistreated. It was not until April 16 that the area could be fully brought back under Bolshevik control. The punishment was no less merciless: Hundreds of participants or sympathizers, not infrequently also bystanders, were killed during the storming or were later convicted by the hastily formed tribunals and shot immediately. During the recapture of the Mariental settlement (Tonkoschurowka, today Sowetskoje) by the Red Army units on April 3, around 550 farmers were killed; a further 74 were shot after judgments by a military tribunal.

Help from abroad

Famine relief stamp of the RSFSR (1922)

The Moscow leadership soon realized that it was unable to defuse this dangerous situation and therefore showed great interest in foreign support. Dramatic appeals by the world-famous writer Maxim Gorky , Foreign Minister Georgi Tschitscherin and other prominent personalities in the summer of 1921 to the world public and the governments of all countries, with the request for immediate help and support, did not fail to have an effect. Numerous international organizations responded to urgent calls for help. The “ American Relief Administration ” (ARA) under the direction of Herbert Hoover and the “Children's Fund” created by the important polar researcher Fridtjof Nansen saved the lives of millions of people in Russia through the food deliveries : in the labor community alone, they were able to end the They feed around 80,000 children each year, and by April 1, 1922, their number had risen to 158,000. In the summer months, ARA and the “Children's Fund” temporarily took over feeding 181,000 adults. Thus, these two charitable organizations made a decisive contribution to the physical rescue of the Volga German population, which was literally threatened with extinction. High-ranking Soviet representatives also turned to the German government with the request that they provide urgently needed medical help. So at the beginning of 1922 u. a. A medical aid expedition of the German Red Cross (DRK) started its work to combat the risk of epidemics, especially cholera , lower abdominal typhus and the widespread malaria in the Volga region. The action group “Brothers in Need - Reich Collection for Starving Germans” developed its activities in numerous localities . The Germans from Russia who emigrated to Germany also tried to establish as close a relationship as possible with their compatriots and remaining relatives. The Soviet authorities allowed the “ Association of Volga Germans ” in Berlin to set up a contact point in Saratov for the coordination of aid activities by the emigrant organizations from North America and Germany. In 1924, however, the foreign aid organizations had to cease their activities in the USSR.

"Rounding" 1922

Labor commune of the Volga Germans in September 1922 (after "rounding off")

In 1922 the labor commune faced almost insurmountable problems. In addition to a significant loss of human life, fleeing emigration and a starving remaining population, all social and economic activity came to a standstill. The sowing area in 1921 was only 313,000 Dessjatinen (1 Dessjatine ≈ 1.1 ha) of land and thus only 29% of the sowing area in 1914 (1,085,000 Dessjatinen). The decline in the number of animals was even more serious during this period: it was 213,000 head or 5.2 times less than before the war. Industrial production of 4.7 million rubles in 1921 was only 31% of the pre-war level.

The Volga German leadership tried, among other things, by “rounding off”, that is, by including settlements and rural districts of different ethnicities that lay between the German territories and enclaves, to ensure the viability of the national territory. The intended incorporation of the predominantly Russian and Ukrainian population of the Pokrovsk district with the city of the same name would have provided the urgently needed connection to the all-Russian railway network. The government in Moscow approved the proposals from Marxstadt in a decree of June 22, 1922: The area of ​​the German territory initially increased by 29% to 25,447 km² and the population by 64% or 527,876 people. According to official information, the Germans with 67.5%, Russians with 21.1% and Ukrainians with 9.7% of the population make up the most important ethnic communities. The territory was divided into 14 cantons ( rayons ) (today's names in brackets, if changed): Pokrowsk (Engels), Krasnojar (Krasny Jar), ​​Marxstadt (Marx), Mariental (Sowetskoje), Fyodorowka , Krasny Kut , Pallassowka , Staraya Poltawka , Seelmann ( Rownoje ), Kukkus (Priwolschskoje), Balzer ( Krasnoarmeisk ), Frank (Medveditsa), Kamenka , Solotoje . The seat of government was relocated on July 25 of the same year from Marxstadt, which is out of the way and has no railway connection, to Pokrovsk, which is much more easily accessible from the center and which was renamed Engels in 1931.

Overall, the territorial rounding, regardless of potential ethnic conflicts as a negative factor, brought with it much more favorable economic and infrastructural framework conditions and contributed to increased chances of survival of the autonomy.

Status increase

A year later, the local officials were alerted by the news of the possible downgrading of national autonomy to a “district” in the intended “Lower Volga Economic Area”. In order to prevent this, they now sought to upgrade the German territory into an autonomous republic, for which domestic and foreign policy reasons were put forward. A delegation specially sent to Moscow was able to convince the party leadership and Stalin personally of this. On December 13, 1923, the Politburo of the Central Committee of the WKP (b) approved the proposal from Pokrovsk. On January 6, 1924, the XI. Council congress of the area the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of the Volga Germans (ASSRdWD). A few weeks later, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR in the decree of February 20, 1924, confirmed the conversion and placed a. a. states that "German, Russian and Ukrainian are the official languages" of the republic.

1924 to 1930s

In the 1920s, the existence of the Volga German Republic served the Soviet Union to demonstrate its tolerance. Cultural and economic relations with the Weimar Republic were even favored.

The republic was visited by a delegation from the KPD , which was able to report on the "great successes" in the "first socialist German state". There were numerous German cultural associations and their own German-language press in the region, including the newspaper “ Nachrichten ”. The situation in the republic changed when the NSDAP under Adolf Hitler seized power in 1933 . During the 1930s, many Volga Germans were subjected to repression (arrests, exiles) and the cultural life of the inhabitants of the republic was severely restricted. All over the Soviet Union, numerous Germans were suspected of being "agents of the fascist regime" and some of them were arrested. In October 1935, the entire German district of Pulin (in Volhynia , now Ukraine ) was dissolved and the residents were forcibly resettled.

After the Stalin Purges (known as the Great Terror in the Soviet Union ), the Republic's 21st Party Conference was held in July 1938. There were “great successes” in the republic, for example in the “extermination of the Trotskyist- Bukharin and bourgeois-nationalist agents of fascism [and] in the liquidation of the consequences of their hostile actions”. It was also found that many new cadres had been formed.

The last head of state of the republic (chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet 1938–1941) was Konrad Hoffmann (1894–1977; Russian Конрад Генрихович Гофман , transliterated Konrad Genrichowitsch Gofman), the last prime minister Alexander Heckmann (1908–1994 конгиманен ; transcribed by Alexander Iogannesowitsch Gekman).

1939 to 1941

On the other hand, after the signing of the German-Soviet border and friendship treaty (September 1939) there was at least an apparent change. The extremely low autonomy was not restricted any further. A visit from Hitler was allegedly planned for 1940. A reception was prepared and "according to well-documented reports from the party officials, banners and swastika flags have already been assigned" (Elena Lackmann). The visit never took place, but the banners should still serve their purpose for the Bolsheviks, said Elena Lackmann. Soon afterwards, a “German return migration committee” was formed, which wanted to use the improving political climate for the purpose of emigrating to Germany . However, the return movement was a thorn in the side of the communist authorities: the possible return immigrants could have reported too much about the living conditions in the “first German socialist state”.

Population of the Volga Republic

Proportion of nationalities (or ethnic groups) in the population
as of 1939

German 366,685 (60.46%)
Russians 156.027 (25.72%)
Ukrainians 58,248 (9.6%)
Kazakhs 8,988 (1.48%)
Tatars 4,074 (0.67%)
Mordwinen 3,048 (0.5%)
Belarusians 1,636 (0.27%)
Chinese 1,284 (0.21%)
Jews 1,216 (0.20%)
Others 5,326 (0.88%)
total 606.532 (100%)

Deportation and dissolution of the republic in 1941

With the beginning of the German-Soviet war on June 22, 1941, there were initially no fundamental changes. The Soviet leadership even tried to place the Volga German Republic and the German Empire side by side. On July 13 and 14, 1941, Hoffmann and Heckmann addressed the German people. Konrad Hoffmann:

“Soldiers, workers, farmers, intelligent Germans! Do not shed your blood for Hitler's predatory aims! Turn your weapons against your mortal enemy Hitler and his bloodthirsty gang of violent criminals. Only after the annihilation of Hitler and his pack can you have a free and happy life. Down with bloody fascism! Stand up to fight for a free Germany! "

Heckmann seconded him, who declared:

“The life of the Volga Germans in the land of the Soviets is free, happy and prosperous. The life of the working people in Germany under the rule of the fascist gangs is an utter nightmare, full of suffering, unheard of oppression and privation. Turn your bayonets against the fascist cannibals, help the peoples to level the aggressors to the ground, to free the peoples from the atrocities, poverty and suffering that the German fascists have caused them. "

With a decree of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of August 28, 1941 (on the resettlement of Germans living in the Powolschje Rajons ) , the German ethnic group in the USSR was found guilty of collaboration . The entire population of the Volga Republic, the Saratov and Stalingrad regions , was to be deported to Kazakhstan or Siberia .

According to "trustworthy information", "thousands" of Volga German spies and divers "on behalf of signals arriving from Germany " were supposed to carry out sabotage. Since none of the Volga Germans had informed the Soviet authorities about “the presence of such a large number of divers and spies”, the authorities had come to the conclusion that “as a result, the German population of the Volga regions was hiding the enemies of the Soviet people and the Soviet power. "

After the publication of the decree (August 30, 1941) in the newspapers Nachrichten and Bolshevik of the Volga Republic, all German party officials were dismissed or resigned themselves, as the decree made it clear that all Germans in this region were to be resettled. Within a few weeks, the Germans from Russia were deported eastwards from the European parts of the Soviet Union - mainly Siberia, Kazakhstan and the Urals. With the resettlement, the Soviet Union wanted to prevent far-reaching collaboration between the Russian Germans and Nazi Germany. Before the start of the deportation, the NKVD organized a number of provocations . For example, Soviet troops dressed in SS uniforms , who were supposed to play the role of a German vanguard, were deposed. Some German villages were destroyed, all residents of the houses in which the flags distributed by the authorities in the event of Hitler's visit were still found were killed. When it was dissolved in 1941, a good two thirds of the territory of the Volga German Republic went to Saratov Oblast , the rest to Stalingrad Oblast (since 1961 Volgograd Oblast).

After the deportation

During and after the Second World War, the Germans from Russia were subject to a so-called command office with strict reporting requirements and exit restrictions . The commandant's office was not lifted until January 1956. The Russian-German settlements in the Asian part of the country continued to exist; only a few Volga Germans could return to the Volga.

During the Second World War, in addition to the residents of the Volga German Republic, most of the other Russian Germans were obliged to do forced labor (so-called "Trudowaja armija", "Trudarmija" for short, " Labor Army "). These included a certain number of Nazi collaborators who initially stayed in the territories occupied by the German Wehrmacht , such as the North Caucasus or the Ukraine.

In 1939 there were around 860,000 Germans living in Russia, and around 820,000 in 1959, several hundred thousand of them after the resettlement in Kazakhstan. In 1959, the Altai region and the Omsk and Novosibirsk oblasts had the highest proportion of Russian Germans in the population. German settlement areas were established in Siberia as early as 1900. The largest settlements before the deportation were the Omsk Oblast, the Altai Region, the Orenburg Oblast and the Chelyabinsk Oblast . As a result of the resettlement, the population of Russian Germans there multiplied.

Number of Russian Germans by administrative unit in 1939:

Omsk Oblast: 59,832
Altai region: 33.203
Orenburg Oblast: 18,594
Chelyabinsk Oblast: 6,019

Number of Russian Germans by administrative unit in 1959:

Omsk Oblast: 105,728
Altai Region: 143,074
Orenburg Oblast: 34,639
Chelyabinsk Oblast: 48,675

In the late autumn of 1941, the Polish general Władysław Anders , the commander of the Polish armed forces established in the Soviet Union, suggested that the Soviet leadership temporarily settle Polish families in the abandoned villages of the Volga Germans, who were deported by the Soviet occupation authorities to the depths of the Soviet Union in 1939/40 after the Sikorski-Maiski Agreement , which regulated relations between the Kremlin and the Polish government- in- exile in London, but which were to be released. According to Anders' ideas, this should be a stopover for the Poles until the German occupiers were ousted from Poland. He negotiated this with the NKVD general Ivan Serov . But the leadership in Moscow ignored the proposal.

After rehabilitation in 1964

After the complete rehabilitation of the Russian Germans in 1964, which withdrew the allegations in Stalin's 1941 decree of having collaborated with National Socialist Germany , the Volga-German ASSR was not re-established. Since the 1980s, Germans from Russia have been pressing for the restoration of their autonomous republic. The Federal Republic of Germany supported resettlement on the Volga in 1992, and the Russian government temporarily signaled its agreement. However, the project failed due to resistance from the local non-German population. Since 1987, the willingness of Russian Germans to leave the country had assumed great proportions and could only be regulated in Germany by introducing an upper limit of a maximum of 100,000 people per year. Between 1990 and 2000, more than two million Russian Germans and their (partly non-German) relatives came to Germany, but since 1995 the trend has been falling sharply.

See also

literature

  • Nina Berend: Volga German Language Atlas . Francke, Tübingen / Basel 1996, ISBN 3-7720-1995-1 .
  • Dittmar Dahlmann , Ralph Tuchtenhagen (ed.): Between reform and revolution. The Germans on the Volga 1860–1917. Essen 1994.
  • Alfred Eisfeld : German colonies on the Volga 1917–1919 and the German Empire. Wiesbaden 1985.
  • Alfred Eisfeld: The Russian Germans . With contributions by Detlef Brandes and Wilhelm Kahle. 2., ext. and updated edition. Langen Müller Verlag, Munich 1999, ISBN 3-7844-2382-5 .
  • Victor Herdt (Ed.): Between Revolution and Autonomy. Documents on the history of the Volga Germans from 1917 and 1918. Cologne 2000.
  • A. German: Nemeckaja Avtonomija na Volge. 1918-1941. Čast 'I. Avtonomnaja Oblast' 1918–1924. Saratov 1992.
  • A. German: Nemeckaja Avtonomija na Volge. 1918-1941. Čast 'II. Avtonomnaja respublika 1924–1941. Saratov 1994.
  • Franz Jung: Hunger on the Volga. In: To Russia! Writings on the Russian Revolution. Edition Nautilus, Hamburg 1991, ISBN 3-89401-429-6 .
  • Viktor Krieger: Formation of national cadres in Kazakhstan and in the Republic of the Volga Germans (1920s – 1930s): common and special. In: Anton Bosch (Ed.): Russia-German Contemporary History. Volume 4: Under Monarchy and Dictatorship. Nuremberg 2005, ISBN 3-9809613-2-X , pp. 339-370.
  • Viktor Krieger: Patriots or Traitors? Political criminal trials against Germans from Russia 1942–1946. In: Karl Eimermacher, Astrid Volpert (Hrsg.): Seductions of violence. Russians and Germans in the First and Second World Wars. (= West-East reflections. New series. Volume 1). Wilhelm Fink Verlag, Munich 2005, ISBN 3-7705-4089-1 , pp. 1113-1160.
  • Viktor Krieger: Persons in the lower right: Russian Germans in the years 1941–1946. In: Heimatbuch der Deutschen aus Rußland 2004. Stuttgart undated, pp. 93-107. ( Full text ; PDF; 283 kB).
  • Viktor Krieger, Hans Kampen, Nina Paulsen: Germans from Russia yesterday and today. People on the way. 7th edition. Stuttgart 2006. (full text)
  • Benjamin Pinkus, Ingeborg Fleischhauer: The Germans in the Soviet Union. History of a National Minority in the 20th Century. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 1987, ISBN 3-7890-1334-X .
  • Gerd Stricker (Hrsg.): German history in Eastern Europe - Russia. Siedler Verlag, Berlin 1997, ISBN 3-88680-468-2 .
  • Viktor Diesendorf: "Dictionary of the Volga-German Marxstädter Mundat" Saratow, 2015. - 602, ISBN 978-5-91879-552-1 (Volume 1) and ISBN 978-5-91879-553-8 (Volume 2)

Web links

Footnotes

  1. ^ Richard H. Rowland, The demographic development of the Volga Germans before 1914. In: Dahlmann / Tuchtenhagen (1994), pp. 72-75.
  2. ^ JW Stalin: Marxism and the national question. 1913. (full text)
  3. ↑ Herdt (2000), p. 211 f. German translation of the declaration in: ( full text ; PDF; 17 kB).
  4. ↑ Stricker (1997), p. 146; Pinkus / Fleischhauer (1987), p. 70.
  5. ^ IW Stalin: Works. Volume 5 (full text) ( Memento of the original dated September 8, 2005 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.stalinwerke.de
  6. ↑ Text of the first constitution of the RSFSR (full text) ( Memento of the original from April 6, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.verfassungen.de
  7. ↑ Eisfeld (1985), pp. 108-130; German (1992), pp. 14-35.
  8. ↑ Quoted from: Krieger: Aufbildung , 2005, p. 344.
  9. ^ Statute of the Commissariat, signed by Stalin
  10. ↑ Decree of the Council of People's Commissars on the formation of the Volga Germans (1918)
  11. ↑ Pinkus / Fleischhauer (1987), p. 86; Diesendorf V., Herber J .: Katharinenstadt-Baronsk-Jekaterinograd-Marxstadt-Marx: The fate of the largest German colony on the Volga
  12. ↑ German (1992), p. 38.
  13. ↑ Eisfeld (1999), p. 97.
  14. ↑ F. Serebrjakov: Nemeckaja kommuna na Volge i vozroždenie Jugo-Vostoka Rossii. Moscow 1922, pp. 10-11. Pud - an old Russian measure of weight, 1 pud = 16.38 kg.
  15. ↑ Stricker (1997), p. 145; Krieger / Kampen / Pauls (2006), p. 12.
  16. ↑ German (1992), pp. 97-113; Stricker (1997), pp. 139-141.
  17. ↑ Pinkus / Fleischhauer (1987), pp. 158-162.
  18. ↑ Stricker (1997), p. 144.
  19. ↑ Wolfgang Eckart: Provide active help to the best of your ability
  20. ↑ Pinkus / Fleischhauer (1987), p. 86; German (1992), p. 155.
  21. ↑ Stricker (1997), p. 152.
  22. ↑ Eisfeld (1999), p. 103.
  23. ^ Decree on the formation of the Volga German Republic ( Memento of March 19, 2003 in the Internet Archive )
  24. ↑ Elena Lackmann: The deportation of the Soviet Germans in World War II and the accusation of collaboration. (pdf; 371 kB) Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg, Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg, July 1, 2006, p. 6 , archived from the original on June 7, 2007 ; accessed on March 19, 2018 .
  25. ↑ Elena Lackmann: The deportation of the Soviet Germans in World War II and the accusation of collaboration. (pdf; 371 kB) Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg, Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg, July 1, 2006, pp. 6–7 , archived from the original on June 7, 2007 ; accessed on March 19, 2018 .
  26. ↑ LN Shumilova (Л. Н. Шумилова): Судьба политической элиты Республики немцев Поволжья в годы в в годы великой веочы. (pdf; 295 kB) Saratov State University , March 24, 2007, archived from the original on March 19, 2012 ; accessed on March 19, 2018 .
  27. ↑ Автономная Область Немцев Поволжья (Трудовая Коммуна Немцев Поволжья) October 19, 1918– December 19, 1924. In: narod.ru. Archived from the original on September 21, 2009 ; Retrieved March 19, 2018 (Russian). The leading functionaries of the republic (government) were often Russians, but there were several ethnic Germans in the lower echelons of the party apparatuses. B. At canton level 56% were representatives of the executive committees Volga Germans. Other well-known functionaries of German descent: Adolf Dening, David Ungefug.
  28. ^ The deportation of the Soviet Germans in the Second World War and the accusation of collaboration by Elena Lackmann. ( PDF ( Memento of June 7, 2007 in the Internet Archive ))
  29. ↑ ДНИСО. Ф. 1. Оп. 1. Д. 4835. Л. 156-161. Quoted from Л. Н. Умилова. Судьба политической элиты Республики немцев Поволжья в годы Великой Отечественной войны. ( PDF ( Memento from March 19, 2012 in the Internet Archive ))
  30. ↑ Michael Schwartz : Ethnic “cleansing” as a consequence of the war. In: Rolf-Dieter Müller (ed. On behalf of the MGFA ): The German Reich and the Second World War . Volume 10/2: The collapse of the German Empire in 1945 and the consequences of the Second World War. Volume 2: The dissolution of the Wehrmacht and the effects of the war. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Munich 2008, ISBN 978-3-421-04338-2 , p. 571 ff.
  31. ↑ "According to credible news that the military authorities have received, there are thousands and tens of thousands of divers and spies among the Russian-German population living in the Volga Rayons, who, following a signal from Germany, are supposed to carry out blasting attacks in the Rayons populated by the Volga Germans. "- decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of 28 August 1941" on the resettlement of russian Germans living in the Volga Rayon "(russian Указ Перезидиума Верховного Совета СССР« О переселении немцев, проживающих в районах Поволжья " ), in : Deportation, special settlement, labor army: Germans in the Soviet Union 1941 to 1956. Ed. Alfred Eisfeld and Victor Herdt, Cologne 1996, p. 54 f. ( PDF ( Memento of June 7, 2007 in the Internet Archive ))
  32. ^ Anne Applebaum : Gulag: A History , Doubleday, 2003, ISBN 0-7679-0056-1 , ch. 20; Conquest, Soviet Deportation of Nationalities. P. 49 f.
  33. ↑ Elena Lackmann, The Deportation of Soviet Germans in World War II and the Accusation of Collaboration . P. 12, term paper (Uni Freiburg) ( Memento from June 7, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
  34. ^ The Russian-German Nazi criminal Alfons Götzfrid , in Spiegel Online, March 16, 1998.
  35. ^ Censuses in Russia (1939 to 2010) , in Ria Novosti, 2011.
  36. ^ Władysław Anders: Bez ostatniego rozdziału. Wspomnienia z lat 1936-1946. Warsaw 2007, pp. 112-113.
  37. ↑ Foreign Office: The Rehabilitation of German Victims of Soviet Political and Criminal Prosecution
  38. ↑ Peter Hilkes, After the fall of the Soviet Union. Problems of Russian Germans in shaping their future in the successor states ( Memento of May 13, 2001 in the Internet Archive )