Beate Klarsfeld

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Beate Klarsfeld (2015)

Beate Klarsfeld (* 13 February 1939 in Berlin as Beate Auguste Künzel ) is a Franco-German journalist . She became known for her commitment to investigating and prosecuting Nazi crimes. Together with her French husband Serge Klarsfeld , she used detailed documentations to draw attention to numerous Nazi perpetrators who were living undisturbed : Kurt Lischka , Alois Brunner , Klaus Barbie , Ernst Ehlers , Kurt Asche and others. a. In March 2012, Klarsfeld ran for Die Linke in the election of the German Federal President in 2012 against Joachim Gauck , to whom she was defeated with 126 to 991 votes.

Life

origin

She is the only child of Helen and Kurt Künzel, who was an insurance employee. According to Klarsfeld, the parents were not Nazis, but they had voted for Hitler. The father was drafted into the infantry in the summer of 1939. From the summer of 1940 his unit fought in France and was transferred to the Eastern Front in the summer of 1941, from where he was transferred to Germany the following winter due to the illness of bilateral pneumonia and was subsequently employed as an accountant. Beate Künzel spent a few months in Łódź with her godfather, who was a National Socialist civil servant. The apartment in Berlin was bombed out and Beate Künzel and her mother were taken in by relatives in Sandau (now Poland). In 1945 the father came there after his release from British captivity. The house and property in Sandau were expropriated by the Polish authorities and the family expelled. Beate Künzel returned to Berlin. From the age of about fourteen she often began to quarrel with her parents because they did not feel responsible for the Nazi era, regretted the injustices and material losses they had suffered, accused the Soviets, but did not feel sorry for other countries themselves felt.

Relocation to Paris

Klarsfeld with her husband Serge in Jerusalem (2007)

In 1960 Beate Künzel went to Paris as an au pair girl for a year . According to her own admission, at that time “politics and history were completely alien”. But she was confronted with the consequences of the Holocaust in Paris . In 1963 she married the French lawyer and historian Serge Klarsfeld , whose father was a victim of the persecution of the Jews and murdered in Auschwitz . According to Beate Klarsfeld, her husband helped her “to become a German with a conscience and awareness”.

The marriage resulted in two children: Arno David (* 1965) and Lida Myriam (* 1973). After changing positions, she worked from 1964 as a secretary at the newly established Franco-German Youth Office (DFJW) . There she published the guide to German girls au pair in Paris . During an unpaid vacation year after the birth of her son, Klarsfeld became increasingly concerned with feminist literature and the emancipation of women in Germany. At the end of 1966 she moved into an apartment together with her family, her mother-in-law and the family of three from Serge's sister.

On the occasion of a visit to Paris by Kurt Georg Kiesinger , who was elected as the new German Chancellor of a grand coalition of CDU and SPD after the government crisis in October and November 1966 , Klarsfeld, who was then a foreign member of the SPD, participated in a discussion contribution for the French newspaper Combat on January 14, 1967 against Kiesinger's chancellorship, but for Willy Brandt position. More articles for Combat followed in March and July 27 of that year. Among other things, she held against Kiesinger for having “just as good a reputation among the ranks of the brown shirts” as “as in those of the CDU”. As a result, she was terminated by the Franco-German Youth Office for political reasons at the end of August 1967. The Klarsfelds decided to take legal action against the decision and started a journalistic campaign against Kiesinger.

Actions against Kiesinger

To point out Kiesinger's National Socialist past, Beate Klarsfeld initiated a campaign with various public actions. Kiesinger had registered as a member of the NSDAP at the end of February 1933 and had risen to the position of deputy head of the broadcasting policy department in the Foreign Ministry since 1940 , which was responsible for influencing foreign broadcasting. Kiesinger was responsible for liaising with the Reich Ministry of Propaganda. Klarsfeld accused Kiesinger of having been a member of the board of directors of Interradio AG , which bought out foreign radio stations for propaganda purposes. In addition, he was primarily responsible for the content of German international broadcasting, which included anti-Semitic propaganda and war propaganda, and worked closely with SS functionaries Gerhard Rühle and Franz Alfred Six , who was directly responsible for mass murders in Eastern Europe. Kiesinger continued the anti-Semitic propaganda even after he knew about the murders of Jews. These allegations were based in part on documents that the for the refurbishment of the war and Nazi crimes and agitation competent member of the SED Politburo , Albert Norden had published.

On April 2, 1968, Klarsfeld called out Kiesinger from the visitors' gallery in Bonn's Bundestag: “Nazi, step back!” And was taken away, but was immediately released. According to an archived conversation note, she traveled to East Berlin at the end of April 1968 in order to “consult with the National Council, the supreme body of the National Front , about the preparation of certain actions against Kiesinger and receive appropriate support”. On May 9th, a protest event of the extra-parliamentary opposition "about Kiesinger's Nazi past" was to take place in West Berlin . A press conference was scheduled for May 10th. On May 14th, Klarsfeld wanted to organize a "Kiesinger Colloquium" in Paris. The West Department of the SED Central Committee immediately informed chairman Walter Ulbricht of Klarsfeld's plans. Thereupon the National Council was instructed to “give Ms. Klarsfeld all relevant help”. In the end she was supported in printing a brochure with a print run of 30,000, but not financially as she wished. At the event on May 9th in the Audimax of the Technical University of Berlin , Klarsfeld, Günter Grass , who had asked Kiesinger to resign in an open letter in 1966, Johannes Agnoli , Ekkehart Krippendorff , Jacob Taubes and Michel Lang from the student "Jewish Working Group for Politics" a panel discussion in front of 2000 to 3000 students. Before starting his speech, Grass was whistled from the audience. Klarsfeld, who portrayed Kiesinger as the main threat to Germany and described the National Democratic Party of Germany as the right wing of the CDU , promised those present to publicly slap him. She, too, was not taken seriously by representatives of the SDS and part of the audience and laughed at for her statements . Agnoli and Krippendorff contradicted Grass' thesis that Kiesinger's resignation was a prerequisite for an efficient fight against the NPD. The meeting passed a resolution by a 3/4 majority calling on Kiesinger to resign. Grass rejected Klarsfeld's plan to slap the face.

Kiesinger stated as a witness in a court case in mid-1968 that he had not heard of the murder of the Jews until 1942 and that reports from abroad did not believe it until the end of 1944. During the CDU party conference in Berlin on November 7, 1968, Klarsfeld climbed the podium in the Berlin Congress Hall, slapped Kiesinger and shouted: “Nazi, Nazi, Nazi!” A few days after the fact, she told Spiegel that she was already slapping the face on May 9, 1968 planned and prepared for a long time. You wanted to express that part of the German people - especially the youth - rebels against a Nazi at the head of the federal government. Berlin was chosen as the scene of the action because Beate Klarsfeld and her husband expected that she would only be punished mildly because of the city's four-power status as a French citizen.

Beate Klarsfeld was sentenced to one year in prison in an accelerated procedure on November 7, 1968, the day of the crime, but did not have to serve this sentence because of her French nationality. Your defense attorney was Horst Mahler . The judge justified the amount of the sentence - it was the highest possible in the context of an accelerated procedure - with the fact that political convictions should not be represented by force. Such a thing must be nipped in the bud in view of the German past. The fact that the injured was Chancellor had no influence on the amount of the sentence. Klarsfeld appealed against this judgment. In recognition of her deed, the writer and later Nobel Prize laureate Heinrich Böll sent her red roses to Paris. Grass, on the other hand, described Klarsfeld's act as "irrational" and criticized Böll's reaction, which Böll protested against. During a wave of violent actions and attacks by the student movement after the verdict against Klarsfeld, stones were also thrown at the judge's windows, which the SDS described as "an adequate response to a terrorist ruling beyond compare". Later, in the second half of 1969, the penalty for Klarsfeld to four months in prison was reduced, to probation were suspended. Klarsfeld justified the act in a poem, which she recorded in a version on November 23, 1968 for a record. Accordingly, Klarsfeld wanted her slap in the face of 50 million dead of the Second World War and future generations to be understood in the "repulsive face of the ten million Nazis". In her opinion, Germany needed the slap in the face to prove the guilt of Nazi supporters, to revenge for dead Soviets and German young soldiers deceived in the Battle of Stalingrad , for the victims of the Holocaust, so that Germans sympathize with concentration camp victims, to cleanse those with the Swastika flags occupied countries and memory of opponents of the occupation like Manolis Glezos , in honor of the Scholl siblings , for reconciliation with the Jewish, Russian and Polish people, for a common anti-fascism, for an association "freed from the urge for domination" by "three or two" Germany to one in "socialism and peace that respects the other peoples of the earth" and to respect the women among the victims of the Holocaust, bombing and torture.

Beate Klarsfeld immediately continued her actions and, accompanied by her mother-in-law, traveled to Brussels on November 11, 1968 , where Kiesinger was supposed to speak in front of the Grandes Conférences Catholiques on the evening of November 13, 1968 . On the morning of that day, the Klarsfelds received an order from the Belgian police to leave the country, which they did not comply with until the afternoon after Beate Klarsfeld had given lectures to students and distributed leaflets. In her absence, Kiesinger's speech was interrupted several times by around 100 students in the audience.

At the end of 1968 she referred to Kiesinger again in the Munich cabaret Rationaltheater as a “desk offender”. Kiesinger refrained from further prosecution, however, as well as a copy of the verdict against Klarsfeld, which the court had allowed him, in six large newspapers, the cost of which she would have had to bear of around 30,000 D-Marks. In 1969 she entered the Bundestag election campaign in the constituency of Waldshut as a direct candidate for the Democratic Progress Party against the CDU direct candidate, Chancellor Kiesinger. Kiesinger received 60,373 votes, Klarsfeld received 644.

Further commitment

Beate Klarsfeld (1970)

In February 1971 Klarsfeld demonstrated in front of Charles University in Prague against “Restalinization, persecution and anti-Semitism”. As a result, she was temporarily banned from entering the GDR. In the same year, together with her husband, she tried to kidnap Kurt Lischka , who was responsible for the deportation of 76,000 people from France, from Germany and extradite him to the judiciary in Paris, as an earlier conviction of Lischka blocked further legal steps. Beate Klarsfeld was sentenced to two months' imprisonment by a Cologne court on July 9, 1974, but the sentence was suspended after international interventions and protests. The war criminal Lischka also initially remained at large; it was not until 1980 that he was convicted.

In the 1970s, Beate Klarsfeld repeatedly referred to the involvement of the FDP politician Ernst Achenbach in the deportations of Jewish victims from France. In 1976 she succeeded in his political activities a. a. as a lobbyist for Nazi perpetrators shortly before his planned posting as a German representative to the European Community in Brussels. In 1984 and 1985 she toured the military dictatorships in Chile and Paraguay to draw attention to the search for the Nazi war criminals Walter Rauff and Josef Mengele suspected there. In 1986, Beate Klarsfeld stayed for a month in West Beirut, Lebanon, and offered to go to prison in exchange for Israeli hostages.

Beate Klarsfeld (1986)

Since 1986 she has campaigned against the candidacy of the former UN Secretary General Kurt Waldheim as Austrian Federal President , who was accused of having been involved in war crimes as an officer in the Wehrmacht. She attended his election campaign events and after his election disrupted performances in Istanbul and Amman , where she was supported by the World Jewish Congress .

On July 4, 1987, the aggregate on their initiative was SS - war criminal Klaus Barbie (aka the Butcher of Lyon condemned). Barbie has been shown to have crimes against humanity . Found guilty, he was sentenced to life imprisonment.
Klarsfeld rated this success as the “most important result” of their actions. She had already discovered his whereabouts in Bolivia in 1972 . It is thanks to their commitment that the Maison d'Izieu (Children of Izieu) memorial is founded , which commemorates the victims of the crimes committed by Barbie.

In 1991 she fought for the extradition of Eichmann's deputy Alois Brunner , who lived in Syria and was charged with the murder of 130,000 Jews in German concentration camps . In 2001, through the efforts of the Klarsfelds, Brunner was sentenced to life imprisonment in absentia by a French court.

In July 2001 Klarsfeld called for a demonstration in Berlin against the state visit of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad .

Beate and Serge Klarsfeld published a memorial book in which the names of over 80,000 victims of the persecution of Jews in France during the Nazi era are listed. They successfully sought photos of over 11,400 Jewish children deported between 1942 and 1944. The French railways SNCF welcomed the project and held a traveling exhibition (Enfants juifs déportés de France) at 18 stations for three years . The Deutsche Bahn , legal successor of the Deutsche Reichsbahn , refused a corresponding exhibition in the DB stations "for security reasons" and referred them to the DB Museum in Nuremberg . The DB boss at the time, Hartmut Mehdorn, argued that the subject was "far too serious to be considered to be chewing on bread rolls" at train stations. Transport Minister Wolfgang Tiefensee campaigned for the position of the Klarsfelds. At the end of 2006, Tiefensee and Mehdorn agreed to support a new, DB-owned exhibition on the role of the Reichsbahn in World War II.

As part of the touring exhibition “ Special Trains to Death ” designed by Deutsche Bahn, some of the documents have also been shown at numerous German train stations since January 23, 2008. Over 150,000 people have seen this exhibition since it opened. The hunt for Klaus Barbie was filmed in the 2008 film Die Hetzjagd ("La Traque"). In 2009, Beate Klarsfeld was proposed by the parliamentary group Die Linke for the Federal Cross of Merit. The Foreign Office , headed by Federal Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle , which is responsible for awarding the award to German citizens living abroad, rejected this. During Joschka Fischer's term of office as Foreign Minister (1998 to 2005), the award had already been rejected. In 2015 she was awarded the Federal Cross of Merit, 1st class.

Beate Klarsfeld and Michel Cullin have been representing France in the International Council of Austrian Service Abroad since 2008, and above all supports the memorial service of young Austrians in Holocaust memorials and Jewish museums around the world.

On November 8, 2009, she was awarded the Georg Elser Prize in Munich ; however, their nomination was in violation of the statute.

Beate Klarsfeld (2012)

Candidate for Federal President

On February 27, 2012, after Luc Jochimsen and Christoph Butterwegge had previously been named as possible candidates, the board of the party Die Linke unanimously nominated as a candidate for the election of the German Federal President 2012 .

Klarsfeld declared that she felt that Die Linke supported her one hundred percent in the fight against fascism. The fact that the party nominated her with knowledge of her commitment to Israel shows that the party is united with her in this regard. She did not set a program for her administration in the event of her election, but declared that she wanted to improve Germany's image. A moral Germany must be created that can also bring about social justice in other European countries. Klarsfeld announced that he would support incumbent Nicolas Sarkozy in the 2012 presidential election in France . She has no "stomach ache that I'm running for the Left, of all places", although she would have preferred a nomination from the CDU or the SPD. The election as Federal President would be the "highest honor" that could be bestowed on her.

In the election on March 18, 2012, 126 members of the Federal Assembly voted for Klarsfeld. That was three more than the Left Party delegates. Klarsfeld was thus defeated by Joachim Gauck , whose candidacy had been supported by the CDU / CSU, SPD, Greens and FDP and who received 991 votes.

Stasi contacts and support from the SED

As part of Klarsfeld's candidacy for Federal President, the Saxon State Commissioner for Stasi Records, Lutz Rathenow , made her contacts with the GDR Ministry for State Security the subject of the Tagesspiegel at the end of February 2012 . Klarsfeld did not provide any reports and was not an informant, but he kept getting material from the GDR secret service. She wanted that too. According to Rathenow, “a reflection is required as to how far the Stasi work served the investigation of Nazi crimes and where it did harm.” He asked further: “Would such an intelligence trust also have been applied to the American CIA or the Federal Intelligence Service ? Where did it lead politically to those who made themselves vulnerable to blackmail by constantly accepting material? ”As early as 1991, the former Stasi officers Günter Bohnsack and Herbert Brehmer had made public in an article for SPIEGEL that“ Ms. Klarsfeld ”was“ incriminating material against the then Federal Chancellor Kurt Georg Kiesinger ”,“ with whom she has been denouncing Kiesinger's Nazi past since 1967 ”. Her husband Serge was also with them several times. The two had received "stacks of documents" from them. According to Bohnsack, this collaboration began in 1966 and did not end until 1989. Klarsfeld “probably concocted the“ plan with the slap in the face ”; he knew nothing of it before it was carried out. Klarsfeld confirmed that she was not an informant, but that the GDR had suggested that she open “archives on Nazi criminals in Potsdam”. After Klarsfeld's actions against anti-Semitism in the early 1970s in Prague and Warsaw , however, the GDR closed these doors again. At that time she did not know anything about the Stasi background of her interlocutors in the GDR: "I met people who I assumed were historians with access to the GDR State Archives ."

On March 5, 2012, Klarsfeld was elected by the Saxon state parliament via the list of the left parliamentary group as one of 33 voters to be a member of the 15th Federal Assembly in 2012 .

On March 7, 2012, Welt online published an internal instruction from SED Politburo member Albert Norden under the article heading “2000 D-Mark for the most famous German slap in the face” , with which on November 14, 1968, one week after the slap against Kiesinger , Klarsfeld 2000 DM should be made available "for further initiatives". Officially, the amount should be shown as the fee for an article that she had written for the foreign magazine DDR-Revue .

Referring to this publication, CDU General Secretary Hermann Gröhe Klarsfeld denied any suitability for the office of Federal President. The director of the Berlin-Hohenschönhausen Memorial , Hubertus Knabe , made a similar statement and attested her lack of “democratic awareness”. When asked about the allegations, Klarsfeld said it was outrageous to reduce her involvement to support from the GDR because of Kiesinger's Nazi past. She never worked on behalf of the GDR, but on her own behalf. In 1968, a few days after the slap in the face, she spent 2,000 marks on organizing the disruption of an event with Kiesinger in Brussels. She already described this in her autobiography in 1972.

In her autobiography, published in 1972, Klarsfeld describes that she received 2000 D-Marks for an article in the East Berlin magazine Horizont . With the money she paid for the flight costs of supporters of her campaign on November 13, 1968 in Brussels, who came from Berlin with copies of the brochure about Kiesinger.

Klarsfeld's answer was interpreted by Welt Online as an indirect and first-time admission that she had actually received the 2000  DM at the time. FDP General Secretary Patrick Döring commented: "If it should turn out that Ms. Klarsfeld was nothing but an accomplice for a PR campaign paid for by the SED , her candidacy for the highest German state office is a slap in the face for all democrats in our country." The general secretary of the CSU , Alexander Dobrindt , called Klarsfeld an "SED puppet ". The federal managing director of the DIE LINKE party, Caren Lay , described it as an "absurd charge" to discredit Klarsfeld's commitment as a "commissioned work by the GDR". The deputy chairman of the parliamentary group Dietmar Bartsch said that Klarsfeld wanted to set an example with the slap in the face of Kiesinger, but had done a lot more. He opposed equating GDR and National Socialism and called it legitimate that Klarsfeld was supported in her “fight against Nazis” by France, Israel and also by the GDR.

In the world that Klarsfeld had honored three years earlier on her birthday, opinion comments appeared, according to which "it had little to do with the Klarsfelds" that Klaus Barbie was brought to court, and the slap in the face was also doubtful because Kiesinger was one "Follower of the Nazi regime" was.

Political positions

Klarsfeld stated that her family supported the incumbent President Nicolas Sarkozy of the conservative UMP in the 2012 French presidential election . Her son Arno was Sarkozy's personal advisor and was a UMP candidate in the 2007 general election.

In the course of her candidacy for the office of German President , Klarsfeld spoke out in favor of a ban on the NPD .

Honors

Works and writings (selection)

  • German girls au pair in Paris , Voggenreiter, Bad Godesberg 1965.
  • The truth about Kiesinger (PDF; 275 kB), article in the journal elan , July / August 1968.
  • The history of the PG 2 633 930 Kiesinger: Documentation with a foreword by Heinrich Böll . Melzer, Darmstadt 1969.
  • K or subtle fascism : with Joseph Billig and a foreword by Heinrich Böll. Extra-Dienst-GmbH, in connection with the Jewish Action Group (JAK), Berlin, 1969. Signature of the German National Library Frankfurt am Main: D 69/23806 and Leipzig: SA 22217-2 .
  • Wherever they may be! Vanguard Press, New York 1972, ISBN 0-8149-0748-2 .
    • French original edition: Partout où ils seront , 1972.
  • with Serge Klarsfeld: The children of Izieu . A Jewish tragedy . Ed. Hentrich, Berlin 1991 (Series German Past, No. 51) ISBN 3-89468-001-6 (also in French and English).
  • with Serge Klarsfeld: Auschwitz terminus: the deportation of German and Austrian Jewish children from France; a memory book . Böhlau, Cologne 2008, ISBN 978-3-412-20156-2 .
  • with Serge Klarsfeld: memories . Piper, Munich / Berlin 2015, ISBN 978-3-492-05707-3
    • as editor: love letters from the waiting room on death; Letters from Charlotte Minna Rosenthal, written from January to August 1942 from the internment camps Gurs and Brens in France to her lover Rudolph Lewandowski , Stiftung Demokratie Saarland , Saarbrücken, 2013. Signature of the German National Library Frankfurt am Main: 2013 A 81226 and Leipzig: 2013 A 99942 .

Movies

literature

  • “The slap in the face was a release.” In: Der Spiegel . No. 46 , 2015, p. 148–152 ( online - Spiegel interview).

Web links

Commons : Beate Klarsfeld  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Interviews and discussions

Individual evidence

  1. Beate Klarsfeld: Wherever They may be , 1972, page 3 -4.
  2. a b c “The slap in the face was a liberation.” SPIEGEL conversation, in: Der Spiegel, No. 46, November 7, 2015, pp. 148–152.
  3. See Beate Klarsfeld on Arte.tv ( Memento from November 19, 2009 in the Internet Archive ).
  4. a b Beate Klarsfeld: Whereever They may be , 1972, page 16 -21.
  5. The formal reason for the dismissal was that she had "violated the personal statute of fiduciary duty"; see. Süddeutsche Zeitung v. July 3, 2019, p. 4: Nadia Pantel, Beate Klarsfeld . -
  6. a b Sascha Lehnartz: Beate Klarsfeld - Nazis hunt, Chancellor slaps ( memento from November 17, 2010 in the Internet Archive ) (Internet Archive, November 17, 2010), Welt , February 13, 2009
  7. ^ The Kiesinger Record ( Memento from June 20, 2011 in the Internet Archive ), chapter from: Beate Klarsfeld: Whereever they may be , 1972, pages 26-35.
  8. Irresistible Power . In: Der Spiegel . No. 49 , 1966, pp. 31 ( online ).
  9. The slap in the face was a political act. Interview with Beate Klarsfeld . In: Der Spiegel . No. 47 , 1968, p. 34 ( online ).
  10. Jochen Staadt : Federal President candidate Klarsfeld - visit of the old lady In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Sonntagszeitung , March 4, 2012.
  11. ^ Philipp Gassert : Kurt Georg Kiesinger, 1904–1988 . DVA, 2006.
  12. Beate Klarsfeld: Whereever They may be , 1972, page 46 -47.
  13. Ronald Düker: A slap in the face and forty years of work ( memento from September 11, 2012 in the web archive archive.today ), interview with Beate Klarsfeld, Netzzeitung , September 2, 2005
  14. ^ Gerhard Mauz : Like all Germans . In: Der Spiegel . No. 28 , 1968, p. 24 ( online ).
  15. Beate Klarsfeld's private campaign . In: Die Zeit , No. 17/1969. Hans-Helmut Kohl: In the name of conscience . Frankfurter Rundschau , December 8, 2004.
  16. a b c Tiergarten District Court sentenced Beate Klarsfeld to 1 year imprisonment for slapping Chancellor Kurt Georg Kiesinger in the face . Gratis-urteile.de, March 12, 2012.
  17. Very pretty . In: Der Spiegel . No. 46 , 1968, pp. 30 ( online ).
  18. Klaus Dahmann: Beate Klarsfeld: The "Nazi hunter". In: Deutsche Welle , February 27, 2012.
  19. a b Red Roses . In: Der Spiegel . No. 47 , 1968, p. 34 ( online ).
  20. Beate Klarsfeld . In: Der Spiegel . No. 36 , 2006, p. 193 ( online ).
  21. When and how . In: Der Spiegel . No. 7 , 1969, p. 23-34 ( online ).
  22. ^ The story of a slap in the face , audio file, Neues Deutschland , March 8, 2012.
  23. Beate Klarsfeld: Slap in the face for Pg. 2633930 (PDF; 128 kB) In: elan , December 1968 (with Klarsfeld's speech and the author's declaration)
  24. Don't be surprised . In: Der Spiegel . No. 50 , 1968, p. 24 ( online ).
  25. ^ Alfred Grosser : History of Germany since 1945. Eine Bilanz , dtv, 4th edition, Munich 1976, p. 250
  26. Miriam Hollstein: The chaos in the candidate selection of the left . In: Welt Online from February 23, 2012.
  27. Ulrich Blank: Beate Klarsfeld and the Germans [a comment]. In: Humanist Union (ed.): Processes. Journal of Social Policy. Our negroes. Marginalized groups of society. 1974th edition. tape 10 , no. 4 . Beltz, Weinheim 1974, p. 7 .
  28. Newspaper article on the occupation of the office on June 4, 1971 in Essen on Essen-stell-sich-quer.de
  29. Manfred Bleskin: “This is recognition of my work” , interview with Beate Klarsfeld, N-tv , March 17th, 2012
  30. ^ Ivo Bozic: Damascus experience for anti-imperialists. In: Jungle World No. 8, February 23, 2012.
  31. www.deutschebahn.com/site/bahn/de/konzern/geschichte/themen/ausstellung__deportation/ausstellung__deportation.html .
  32. handelsblatt.com: Westerwelle takes a stand against "Nazi hunter" , March 26, 2010.
  33. ^ Georg Elser Working Group Heidenheim : Georg Elser Prize . Retrieved January 17, 2014.
  34. ^ Björn Hengst: Federal President Election: Left is looking for a way out of the candidate dilemma . Spiegel Online , February 26, 2012.
  35. suc / dpa: Presidential Poker of the Left: Butterwegge withdraws . Spiegel Online , February 26, 2012.
  36. ^ As / dpa / dapd: Presidential candidate: Linke send Klarsfeld into the race against Gauck . Spiegel Online , February 27, 2012.
  37. Left Party nominates Klarsfeld as a candidate. In: FAZ.NET . February 27, 2012, accessed February 27, 2012 .
  38. a b Left candidate Klarsfeld expresses sympathy for Sarkozy In: FAZ , February 29, 2012.
  39. ^ A b Björn Hengst: Gauck rival Klarsfeld in Berlin: The new love of the left . Spiegel Online , February 29, 2012.
  40. Decision in Berlin - Joachim Gauck is Federal President In: SPIEGEL online , March 18, 2012.
  41. ^ A b Matthias Meisner : GDR civil rights activist Rathenow questions Klarsfeld's Stasi contacts In: Der Tagesspiegel , February 29, 2012.
  42. ^ Günter Bohnsack, Herbert Brehmer: Meeting on the park bench . In: Der Spiegel . No. 30 , 1991 ( online - Ex-Stasi officers Günter Bohnsack and Herbert Brehmer on their tricks against secret services and the media (II)).
  43. a b Peter Wensierski: Klara and the detectives . In: Der Spiegel . No. 10 , 2012 ( online ).
  44. Saxony's electorate for the Federal Assembly has been determined ( Memento from December 31, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) In: Sächsische Zeitung , March 5, 2012. Accessed on December 31, 2015.
  45. Uwe Müller , Sven Felix Kellerhoff : 2000 D-Mark for the most famous German slap in the face In: Welt online , March 7, 2012.
  46. dapd , jm: CDU general considers Klarsfeld to be “completely intolerable” . Welt Online , March 9, 2012.
  47. a b Klarsfeld finds the discussion about support from the GDR outrageous . ( Memento of July 22, 2015 in the Internet Archive ) dapd, March 9, 2012.
  48. ^ I had asked the help of Belgium's Jewish Students' Union and of Michel Lang's Jewish Club in Berlin. We made plans for a conference to take place at the Free University of Brussels a few hours before Kiesinger's address. I paid for the Berliners' trip with the two thousand marks I had received for an article in Horizont, an East German magazine of international politics. The students' suitcases, stuffed with copies of 'The Truth about Kurt Georg Kiesinger', went astray at the Berlin air terminal but turned up on the next plane ”, from: Beate Klarsfeld: Wherever they may be , 1972, p. 65 .
  49. ^ Claus Christian Malzahn: Politburo money brings Beate Klarsfeld into distress . In: Welt online , March 9, 2012.
  50. Anne Raith: Beate Klarsfeld is a good candidate . Interview with Dietmar Bartsch In: Deutschlandfunk , March 10, 2012.
  51. Sven Felix Kellerhoff: Nazi hunter Klarsfeld is more myth than truth . Welt Online , March 5, 2012.
  52. Claus Christian Malzahn: Ulbricht also deserved a slap in the face from Klarsfeld . Welt Online , March 10, 2012.
  53. "Federal President candidate introduces herself: Klarsfeld for quick NPD ban" ( Memento from March 1, 2012 in the Internet Archive ), tagesschau.de from February 29, 2012. Retrieved on March 1, 2012.
  54. Georg Elser Prize 2009 .
  55. Severin Weiland: Nazi hunters: Gauck distinguishes Beate and Serge Klarsfeld . Spiegel Online , May 13, 2015.
  56. The most famous slap in the face of post-war history In: FAZ.NET , July 20, 2015.
  57. Beate and Serge Klarsfeld, UNESCO Ambassadors. In: UNESCO. Retrieved September 18, 2016 .
  58. Israel honors the Nazi woman Beate Klarsfeld with citizenship . Welt Online , February 15, 2016.