Leo of Caprivi
Georg Leo von Caprivi de Caprera de Montecuccoli , from 1891 Count of Caprivi de Caprera de Montecuccoli (born February 24, 1831 in Charlottenburg , † February 6, 1899 at Gut Skyren near Messow , district of Crossen / Oder , province of Brandenburg ), was a Prussian Officer and from 1890 to 1894 Otto von Bismarck's successor as German Chancellor . In terms of foreign policy, his term of office was characterized by rapprochement with Great Britain and an offensive trade policy. This marked the end of the previous protective tariff policy . Domestically, Caprivi was the most important advocate of the “ new course ” with the aim of pacifying the social conflicts sparked under Bismarck. His foreign and domestic policy met with strong opposition from nationalists and conservative agrarians .
The eponymous ancestors of Caprivi came from Carniola . The first verifiable ancestor was an Andreas Kopriva († around 1570). In the 17th century the family settled in Silesia and was knighted by the Holy Roman Empire and the Austrian hereditary lands because of their services in the Turkish Wars in 1653 . They called themselves von Caprivi since the late 17th century. The historian and poet Julius Leopold von Caprivi (1695–1768) was one of the ancestors .
Caprivi was the eldest son of the Prussian High Tribunal Councilor and Crown Syndicate Leopold von Caprivi (1797–1865), member of the Prussian manor , and Emilie Köpke (1803–1871). This came from an educated middle class house. Her father was the theology professor and head of the Graues Kloster Gustav Köpke grammar school .
Caprivi's brother was Lieutenant General Raimund von Caprivi. His nephew Leo von Caprivi was Kaiser Wilhelm II's wing adjutant . He himself remained unmarried. His origins differed from the rest of the Prussian upper class in that they did not focus on large estates. Therefore Caprivi himself described later as "without Ar and stalk." He was a Protestant denomination.
Caprivi attended the Friedrichwerdersche Gymnasium in Berlin. After graduating from high school, he joined the Emperor Franz Guard Grenadier Regiment No. 2 of the Prussian army in 1849 . With the rank of second lieutenant , he attended the military academy . As a captain , Caprivi served in the topographical department of the Great General Staff from 1860 . As a member of the staff of the 5th Division , he served during the German-Danish War in 1864, and in 1865 he became a company commander in an infantry regiment. During the German War of 1866, Caprivi was again a member of the Great General Staff as a major . He took part in the war on the staff of the 1st Army under Friedrich Karl Nikolaus von Prussia . After that he was on the General Staff of the Guard Corps before being temporarily appointed Chief of the General Staff of the X Army Corps in the spring of 1870 .
Caprivi, who has since been considered one of Moltke's most gifted students , was confirmed as Chief of Staff of the X Army Corps with the rank of lieutenant colonel during the Franco-German War of 1870/71 .
This personnel decision in favor of the comparatively young Caprivi attracted public attention. During the war he fulfilled the expectations of his superiors and made a decisive contribution to victories, for example in the Battle of Mars-la-Tour , the Siege of Metz and especially the Battle of Beaune-la-Rolande . For his services he received the order Pour le Mérite .
Chief of the Navy
After the war, Caprivi first went to the Prussian War Ministry as a department head . There he was busy with drafting a barracking law and with the introduction of the Mauser rifle . Since 1878 he commanded various divisions as commander in rapid succession .
After the resignation of the head of the Imperial Navy Albrecht von Stosch , Caprivi was appointed to this post in 1883 with the rank of Vice Admiral . According to some authors, this happened against the express wish of Otto von Bismarck, who did not want to take one of his best officers from the army . Thomas Nipperdey , on the other hand, speaks of a deportation of Caprivi to the Navy. In 1884 he was appointed to the Prussian State Council.
Caprivi was initially not enthusiastic about the task. Nonetheless, he showed a talent for administration, reformed and expanded the navy. Under his aegis, torpedo boats in particular were promoted . He represented the interests of the navy in two large memoranda vis-à-vis the Reichstag . After Wilhelm II ascended to the throne , who made naval policy his personal concern, in 1888 there were quick differences of opinion with the emperor. Wilhelm wanted to separate the naval administration and the military command; both had previously been combined in the Admiralty . The fundamental change of course was even more important. Caprivi advocated a traditional, continental military doctrine; the navy had a purely defensive task for him. On the other hand, Wilhelm dreamed of an offensive deep sea fleet competing with England. Caprivi, who did not want to support these and other measures, resigned from his post without ultimately being able to stop the way to arm the fleet.
After his resignation as naval chief, Caprivi became commanding general of the X Army Corps in 1888 .
Policy of the "New Course"
Against this background, after Bismarck's dismissal in March 1890, Caprivi's appointment as Reich Chancellor (until 1894) and Prussian Prime Minister (until 1892) came as a surprise. The reason for the appointment was that Wilhelm II first saw a man in Caprivi who, in his disputes with Bismarck ( Socialist Law , Kulturkampf , minority issues ), was a tried and tested general who, when the domestic political situation would be resolved vigorously. After taking office, Caprivi wrote to the Berliner Tageblatt that the main task of Bismarck's successors was "to return the nation to an everyday existence after the previous epoch of great men and deeds." This policy became known under the term " New Course " coined by Wilhelm II in 1890 . Caprivi's initial successes seemed to confirm the young emperor's assessment.
The American historian Robert K. Massie describes him at the time of taking office:
“Caprivi, fifty-nine, was the perfect example of a Prussian officer. He led a spartan life, never married, did not smoke, had few close friends and few enemies. He read history and was fluent in English and French. His movements were calm, his demeanor open and friendly, his manner of expression understandable. "
At the beginning of his government, Caprivi promised "to take the good, from wherever and through whom it comes, if it is compatible with the state's welfare." However, essential economic features of his government program came from the leader of the National Liberals, Johannes von Miquel . It announced reforms in various areas, such as social policy. Trade Minister Hans Hermann von Berlepsch , Interior Minister Ernst Ludwig Herrfurth and War Minister Hans von Kaltenborn-Stachau played an important role in the individual policy areas of the Prussian State Ministry . At the national level, the State Secretaries Karl Heinrich von Boetticher and Adolf Marschall von Bieberstein joined them (see also the Caprivi cabinet ). However, the policy of equalization had clear limits; monarchical and state authority should not be restricted. State possibilities of influence and control, for example within the framework of association law , were not eliminated, the disciplinary law against civil servants was in some cases tightened and with a view to political processes consciously conservative judges were appointed. Nipperdey characterized this policy as "enlightened official conservatism".
In order to get his political agenda through, Caprivi, like Bismarck before, was dependent on the approval of the Reichstag. What was new, however, was that the emperor wanted to exercise direct political influence. His changing positions and his seemingly absolutist claims have become a determining political factor since Caprivi's term of office. The opposition of the disappointed Bismarck should not be underestimated either. Another problem Caprivi had was the relationship between the Reich and Prussia. In contrast to that of Bismarck, Caprivi's leadership style was collegial within the Prussian State Ministry . He announced this change in his inaugural speech in the Prussian House of Representatives . Unlike his predecessor, he never asked to be present at a minister's report to the Kaiser. However, this meant that political guideline claims were difficult to implement. In Prussia, Finance Minister Miquel was able to gain influence beyond his department.
Non-renewal of the reinsurance contract
Although military itself, war was not a political option for Caprivi. He therefore rejected calls for preventive warfare, such as those represented by Alfred von Waldersee in the form of an alliance between Austria-Hungary and Germany against Russia . Nevertheless, during his term of office, the non-renewal of the reinsurance treaty with Russia led to a serious deterioration in relations with the Russian Empire. This step was carried out in agreement with the responsible foreign ministry. Ultimately, Wilhelm II could no longer ignore the arguments presented. In particular, the decision on the reinsurance treaty led - as soon as this secret treaty was first known - to sharp criticism from convinced supporters of Bismarck. Caprivi was then attacked in the press as a foreign policy dilettante. The further thesis that Caprivi thus caused the encirclement of the empire, which ultimately led to the two-front war in World War I, was later shared not infrequently by historical scholars. However, relations with Russia had already deteriorated in the final phase of Bismarck and were additionally exacerbated by a regular trade war over Russian grain exports. At the same time, there were strong forces within Russian politics that were pushing for a turn towards France as early as the late 1880s . Even a renewal of the reinsurance treaty could not have prevented this. In this respect, the non-renewal did not mean the beginning of the crisis in German-Russian relations; however, the consequences were considerable. In fact, Russia and France formed an alliance in 1893/1894. Germany was thus tied even more closely to Austria-Hungary. Overall, the decision contributed to the formation of competing blocs in Europe.
Instead of the reinsurance treaty, Caprivi relied on the Triple Alliance with Austria-Hungary and Italy . He tried to supplement this with good relations with Great Britain . The German Empire ceded to England Witu and Zanzibar in East Africa. In the treaty between Germany and England over the colonies and Heligoland ("Sansibar Treaty") still being prepared by Bismarck , Germany received the island of Heligoland and the Caprivi Strip named after the incumbent Chancellor , while giving up territorial claims on Witu and Zanzibar . The acquisition of Heligoland was linked to the strategic goal of securing the German North Sea coast. The treaty was just as important as a signal to Great Britain that Germany would not question its position as a dominant colonial power. Caprivi hoped the treaty would mark the beginning of a rapprochement between the two states, which could end in an alliance. Admittedly, these hopes were not fulfilled. Differences of opinion and interests with regard to the Ottoman Empire also played a role.
Caprivi also found it easy to make concessions on the colonial question because, in his opinion, in the event of war the German forces would not be sufficient to defend an extensive colonial empire against Great Britain militarily. In addition, he was not a supporter of colonial expansion .
Caprivi pursued an offensive trade policy: “Either we export goods or we export people.” In his opinion, the German claim to great power could not be sustained in the long term without an efficient industry. The economic depression turned into an upswing in the mid-1890s. Agriculture lost its weight in the German Empire, while a system of international trade agreements promoted industrial development. At the same time, customs barriers were dismantled. By losing protective tariffs on foreign grain, the big landowners were exposed to greater pressure to innovate.
For Caprivi, trade policy was also a means of general foreign policy, he tried to bind other countries politically to the German Reich through trade agreements. A tightly interwoven "economic area with 130 million people" should form a barrier against possible wars. He also had the rise of the United States and other non-European countries in mind. In addition to Austria-Hungary, long-term trade agreements were also concluded with Italy, Switzerland and Belgium . There were also agreements with Serbia , Romania and Spain .
Overall, this meant an end to the protective tariff policy of the late Bismarckian era, but the empire remained far removed from the earlier free trade policy. With that Caprivi had the majority of the Reichstag behind him, and in this connection the emperor elevated him to the rank of count. However, general approval quickly subsided when Caprivi also ended the trade war with Russia. As a result, not only could German industrial goods be exported, but grain could also be imported back into Germany to a limited extent. This significantly improved the battered relations with Russia, but domestically it brought resistance from the agrarians to Caprivi.
Policy of compensation
Caprivi saw the state as a monarchical-social state of authority based on Christian traditions. He tried to include all political parties to balance the internal differences.
“The government can hold down, put down, but that is not the end of the matter, the damage must be healed from within. ... This includes that the well-being in the state, which feels at home, the participation with head and heart in the tasks of the state is carried into wider circles. "
This was welcomed in the Reichstag and the public. Caprivi saw himself as a kind of mediator between the Crown and the Reichstag. However, it could not rely on a strong party in the Reichstag and often had to seek changing majorities. Nevertheless, at the beginning there were real prospects of success for his equalization policy.
He not only tried to win over the bourgeois liberal and conservative forces, but also sought cooperation with representatives of the Poles and from the province of Hanover, annexed in 1866, in the Reichstag through concessions . The dissolution of the Guelph Fund eased the tension with the Guelph loyalists . With regard to the Polish population, Caprivi believed that in the event of a conflict with Russia he would have to rely on them, and he also needed the votes of their members of the Reichstag. The school language question was relaxed, the work of the Polish cooperative banks was made easier and a Polish archbishop was made possible for Poznan and Gniezno . However, especially after Caprivi's resignation, this did not have any lasting consequences.
More importantly, he also approached the Center and the Social Democrats . With the compensation of the Catholic Church for state funds frozen during the Kulturkampf , he tried to win over the Catholic camp represented by the center. By renouncing a renewal of the Socialist Law and the announcement of reforms in the Prussian three-class suffrage , he accommodated the SPD. However, this had narrow limits: the administration, the police and the judiciary fought the Social Democrats even without a special law.
Social policy and tax reform
In view of the social question, the reforms started with social policy . Initially, this was entirely supported by Wilhelm II and his idea of a “social empire”. Through social policy measures, Caprivi also tried to neutralize the assumed “revolutionary threat” from social democracy. Initially, this policy had the express support of Wilhelm II. The Prussian Trade Minister Hans Hermann von Berlepsch in particular drove the reforms forward. Among other things, Sunday work was banned, as was the work of children who had not yet finished school (which was not the case until the age of 14 at the earliest) in factories; the working hours of young people and women were restricted. In addition, labor regulations and trade courts were set up to settle labor law conflicts between workers and entrepreneurs. The participation of social democrats was expressly accepted. An amendment to the Prussian mining law was also initiated and workers' housing construction was promoted. However, social policy came to a standstill again in the final stages of the Caprivi government.
With the “Miquel tax reform”, a progressive income tax was introduced, which was especially beneficial to the lower earners. However, the property also benefited from it. In connection with the tax reform, a new rural community order was passed by parliament. As a result, 200,000 people previously excluded from political participation were given the right to vote for the first time. The conservative camp succeeded in watering down the reform in such a way that only a minority of the manor districts was affected. The attempt to change the Prussian three-class suffrage also failed because of the traditional power elite. They also forced the resignation of Interior Minister Ernst Ludwig Herrfurth . His successor was the conservative Botho zu Eulenburg .
Resistance to Caprivi's policies
The policy of compromise, but above all its foreign and trade policy, led to widespread opposition to Caprivi.
Opposition from the right
Otto von Bismarck played an important role in this; he took the positive statements about Caprivi on the part of the "revolutionary parties" as an opportunity to take public action against the "left politics" of his successor. Bismarck's stance was reinforced by the clumsy actions of Caprivi, who had prevented a planned meeting between the former Chancellor and Emperor Franz Joseph . Bismarck, who was unpopular at the end of his reign, regained his reputation and became one of the centers of a right-wing opposition.
After the Zanzibar Treaty was signed, the colonial advocates accused Caprivi of selling out German interests. Even Bismarck, who was also only partly a supporter of overseas expansion, took part in it with sharp criticism.
Not least against the cautious colonial policy, a right-wing mass organization formed with the Pan-German Association . With his trade policy, Caprivi made opponents, especially in the conservative agricultural circles. There were massive protests, in which the large landowners in particular participated.
“We must shout that it will be heard up to the steps of the throne! ... I do not propose more or less than that we go under the Social Democrats and seriously oppose the government, show it that we are not willing to continue to be treated as badly as before, and let them feel our power . "
This appeal from 1893 belongs to the immediate history of the establishment of the Federation of Farmers .
On December 20, 1893, the conservative Kreuzzeitung spoke of an “unbridgeable gap between the Chancellor and the Conservatives.” In the German Conservative Party , criticism of the rural community order, the Austrian trade treaty of 1891 and the failure of a school reform on a denominational basis led to the overthrow of the previous pro-government leadership. Instead, supporters of Adolf Stoecker and thus the anti-Semites prevailed at the Tivoli party congress of 1892 .
Conflict over the school law
For completely different reasons, Caprivi aroused criticism from the national liberals, liberals and free conservatives he was courting. The reason was the Prussian elementary school law that he had submitted, which was essentially based on a denominational basis. The aim was to involve the center and the conservatives. After the bill was presented, there was an unexpectedly strong storm of indignation in the bourgeois-liberal to moderately conservative camp. Wilhelm II moved away from the law. After the education minister Robert von Zedlitz-Trützschler resigned in 1892 , Caprivi also offered to resign. In fact, he lost the office of Prussian Prime Minister to Botho zu Eulenburg . However, he remained Chancellor of the Reich, yet he had lost a central power base. Since then there have been two competing and partially blocking power centers, the Reich leadership and the Prussian State Ministry. The contrast between Caprivi and Eulenburg unintentionally led to the strengthening of the emperor's “personal regiment”, and Caprivi lost part of his trust in Wilhelm II.
Dispute over the military bill
The crisis was partially overshadowed by the dispute over a new military bill. In fact, Caprivi succeeded in pushing through the new army bill. This included an increase in army strength and a reduction in military service from three to two years. The shortening of compulsory military service met with considerable criticism from some traditionally minded military personnel in the emperor's vicinity, while some modernizers in the military welcomed this measure because it increased the number of reservists. In the military, Caprivi lost overall support. Wilhelm II initially opposed this, but was finally convinced by the Chancellor. He initially failed in the Reichstag. The result was the dissolution and the early election of the Reichstag in 1893 . The new Reichstag adopted a new bill that essentially corresponded to Caprivi's intentions. Left-wing liberalism collapsed not least on the military question. While Eugen Richter and his Liberal People's Party strictly rejected the plan, the Liberal Association sought an understanding with Caprivi. The center, initially ready to support Caprivi, distanced itself because of the failure of the school plans and criticism of the army bill.
Caprivi's position was weakened in 1893 for various reasons. There was no stable majority in the Reichstag, Prussia had become an independent center of power, in the public, especially the critics from the right heated the mood against the Chancellor more and more and the Emperor also moved away from his Chancellor.
The immediate end of Caprivi's chancellorship triggered the attitude towards social democracy. Under the influence of Carl Ferdinand von Stumm-Halberg, the emperor had long since distanced himself from his initial socio-political course and demanded a law against the “parties to overthrow”.
Eulenburg then announced an imperial law against “revolutionary tendencies”. It was clear that the Reichstag would not approve the law. The consequence would have been its dissolution and new elections. It was also foreseeable that a new Reichstag would reject the law. Afterwards, a new electoral law should be passed, which ensured the desired majority. This was a coup plan from above. Incidentally, you would also get rid of Caprivi, who would not support a special law similar to the socialist law. Wilhelm II made the demand for a fight against the "revolutionary parties" his own. Caprivi opposed this and offered to resign. The emperor first tried to hold him and turned against Eulenburg. But this managed to convince Wilhelm II that Caprivi was behind certain publications about talks between Chancellor and Emperor. The result was that Wilhelm II released both Caprivi and Eulenburg on October 26, 1894.
Chlodwig zu Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst became Reich Chancellor and Prussian Prime Minister on October 29, 1894.
Caprivi burned his private papers on the evening of his resignation and traveled to Montreux the next day , where he stayed away from the public for months. After the end of his chancellorship he withdrew completely from politics, lived with his nephew near Frankfurt an der Oder and refused to talk or write about any questions about his term of office, because that could only cause damage.
Contemporary assessment and historiography
Contemporaries judged Caprivi differently. The social democratic historian Franz Mehring wrote in retrospect in the Neue Zeit : Caprivi had "removed the worst excesses of the dirty corruption that had permeated the German situation under Bismarck. ... As long as the company exists, it will provide a better chancellor more than was Caprivi. " Even Karl Bachem , the expert on the history of the Center Party, Caprivi judged positive.
Otto von Bismarck had explicitly praised Caprivi at the beginning: he “had a clear head, a good heart, a generous nature and a great workforce. All in all, a man of the first order. ”Soon, however, the former chancellor became Caprivi's harshest critic. He and his followers succeeded in making Caprivi a “political dwarf” with appropriate propaganda and permanently harming him. The confidante of Wilhelm II, Philipp zu Eulenburg , mockingly characterized Caprivi as a "mixture of sergeant and accountant."
In Great Britain, in contrast to all his successors as Chancellor, Caprivi enjoyed a high reputation.
Following on from Bismarck's judgment, the non-renewal of the reinsurance treaty with Russia was viewed negatively for a long time. Failure to renew appeared to be a catastrophic departure from the principles of Bismarck's policy. Historians have long described Caprivi as a hard-working, honest, but somewhat limited general who was not made to succeed the brilliant founder of the empire. As evidence of Caprivi's inability in foreign policy, the memoirs published in the 1920s by General von Schweidnitz, who was Ambassador to Russia under Caprivi, are often cited in this context.
“Modestly, honestly and seriously, he explained to me that the greatest difficulty he was facing now was the question of the renewal of the Russian treaty, because he could not join as a juggler like Prince Bismarck, according to the famous parable of Wilhelm I. play five glass balls, he can only hold two glass balls at the same time. "
This picture has been somewhat differentiated over the past few decades. Research no longer regards the non-renewal of the reinsurance contract as a catastrophic wrong decision, especially since the reinsurance contract is no longer seen as a political masterpiece but as a makeshift solution.
It was only gradually that Caprivi was presented in a differentiated manner. Heinrich Otto Meisner characterized him as capable of speaking, but he was not a master of persuasion - despite all willingness to negotiate - impolite to the point of impoliteness when talking to the Empress. He was not a political general, and even as Chancellor in a tunic, he was only a politician of limited skill and instinct. After that, Caprivi was a conscientious personality who wanted to convince and be convinced, who through tenacious diligence and painstaking study acquired what came to others. Compared to the disdain of earlier decades, Golo Mann painted an almost opposite picture of Caprivi at the end of the 1950s. After that he had a clear and stubborn head. He was impartial and incorruptible. “He was the best in the ranks of German chancellors between 1890 and 1918.” After that, he only wanted to do what was right - but he was politically inexperienced. He counted on the support of the good guys, but it wasn't clear to him that very few people in politics are "good" and can still be good. Today's research judges somewhat more soberly, but Caprivi's own achievements are certainly recognized. Klaus Rüdiger Metze believes that it was Caprivi's merit not only to recognize the change in Germany from an agricultural to an industrial state, but also to have helped shape it with its social and trade legislation. He had the ability to compromise and to be self-critical. In addition, there was great tenacity in the implementation of his goals. The fact that his liberal-conservative reform policy ultimately failed was primarily due to his diplomatic inability to deal with his domestic political opponents.
Even after Heinrich August Winkler's judgment, Caprivi and his staff in the Reich offices were steeped in a serious will to reform. But Caprivi repeatedly made “gross mistakes” in the school legislation and the army bill. Nipperdey argued that Caprivi's New Course was a promising and hopeful attempt for a systemic but open reorientation of imperial politics. He once failed because of the party constellation, the resistance of interest groups, the tensions between Prussia and the Reich, the superiority of feudal agrarian conservatism and the semi-absolutist military monarchy over its bureaucratic-rational reform conservatism. Ultimately, however, he failed because of the emperor's volatility and his claim to a personal regiment. Hans-Ulrich Wehler judged that, with his maximum program of the New Course, Caprivi had made a sharp departure from Bismarck's politics, but that the problems were insoluble without firm political support.
- Rudolf Arndt (ed.): The speeches of the Count of Caprivi in the German Reichstag, Prussian Landtag and on special occasions. 1883-1893. With the biography and the portrait. Ernst Hofmann & Co., Berlin 1894 (digitized version) ; Reprint (= German Reich - Reich Chancellor Volume II / I) Severus, Hamburg 2011, ISBN 978-3-86347-147-7 .
- M. Schneidewin (Ed.): Letters. In: German Review . Volume 47/2, 1922.
Literature and Sources
- Heinrich Otto Meisner : In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 3, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1957, ISBN 3-428-00184-2 , p. 134 f. ( ).
- Klaus Rüdiger Metze: Leo von Caprivi (1831–1899). In: Wilhelm von Sternburg (Ed.): The German Chancellors. From Bismarck to Merkel. Aufbau-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Berlin 2006, ISBN 3-7466-8032-8 , pp. 39–54 ( Aufbau-Taschenbuch 8032).
- Thomas Nipperdey : German History 1866-1918. Power state before democracy. CH Beck, Munich 1992, ISBN 3-406-34801-7 .
- Bernhard von Poten : Caprivi, Leo Graf von . In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (ADB). Volume 47, Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1903, pp. 445-450.
- Hartwin Spenkuch (arr.): The minutes of the Prussian State Ministry 1817–1934 / 38. Volume 8 / I (PDF; 2.8 MB) and Volume 8 / II (PDF; 2.3 MB): March 21, 1890 to October 9, 1900. Olms-Weidmann, Hildesheim et al. 2003, ISBN 3-487-11005 -9 (Vol. 8 / I), ISBN 3-487-11827-0 (Vol. 8 / II), ( Acta Borussica. New series, 1st row: The protocols of the Prussian State Ministry 1817–1934 / 38. ).
- Hans-Ulrich Wehler : German history of society . tape 3 : From the German double revolution to the beginning of the First World War. 1849-1914 . Beck, Munich 1995, ISBN 3-406-32490-8 .
- Heinrich August Winkler : The long way to the west. Volume 1: German History 1806–1933. Special edition. Federal Center for Political Education, Bonn 2002, ISBN 3-89331-463-6 ( Federal Center for Political Education. Series 85).
- Metze, Caprivi, p. 41, Meisner, p. 134
- Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 699
- Metze, p. 42.
- Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 243.
- cf. contemporary: Latest reports from March 21, 1883
- Metze, p. 42 f.
- Metze, p. 39.
- See contemporary: Latest communications from March 21, 1890
- Erich Ekkehard (Ed.): Sigilla veri. 2nd edition (by Philipp Stauffs Semi-Kürschner ), Volume 1, Bodung-Verlag, Berlin 1929, p. 949. Anti-Semitic publication.
- Wehler, History of Society Volume 3, p. 1005.
- Robert K. Massie : The Bowls of Wrath. Britain, Germany and the pulling up of the First World War . Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-596-13497-8 , pp. 139-140
- cit. after Metze, p. 43.
- Thomas Nipperdey: Machtstaat , p. 700; Spenkuch: Introduction in Acta Borussica , Vol. 8 / I, p. 5.
- See latest reports from April 18, 1890
- Thomas Nipperdey: Machtstaat , p. 114, p. 485, p. 700.
- Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 212
- Metze, p. 44f., See Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 621f.
- Metze, p. 44f., See Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 623f.
- Metze, p. 45 f.
- Volker Ullrich : The nervous great power. Rise and fall of the German Empire 1871–1918 . Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1999, ISBN 3-596-11694-5 , p. 186.
- On the attitude of the emperor see contemporary: Latest communications from December 22, 1891
- Metze, p. 46 f., Nipperdey, Machtstaat, p. 701 f., Winkler, Weg nach Westen, p. 267.
- quot. after Metze, p. 50
- Nipperdey, Machtstaat , pp. 272 f., P. 704, Spenkuch, introduction to Acta Borussica. Volume 8 / I, p. 5
- see entry Caprivi in deutsche-und-polen.de
- Nipperdey, Machtstaat , pp. 700 f., Metze, p. 49 f.
- Caprivi in the summer of 1890 on the fight against social democracy
- Rolf Weitowitz: German policy and trade policy under Chancellor Leo von Caprivi 1890-1894 . Droste, Düsseldorf 1978, ISBN 3-7700-0484-1 , pp. 9-15.
- Metze, p. 49 f., See Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 700 f., P. 704, Spenkuch, introduction to Acta Borussica. Volume 8 / I, p. 4.
- Metze, p. 51, Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 700.
- Metze, p. 46, Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 603
- Metze, p. 48 f.
- Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 703.
- Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 326.
- Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 705, on the content of the law in the context of school policy also: Thomas Nipperdey: Deutsche Geschichte 1866–1918. The world of work and civic spirit . Munich 1990, ISBN 3-406-34453-4 , p. 535 f.
- see contemporary: Latest communications from July 18, 1893
- Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 533.
- Metze, p. 51 f., Nipperdey, Machtstaat , p. 209, p. 544.
- Nipperdey, power state , S. 707f, R. Geis. The fall of the Chancellor Caprivi , 1930 (= Historical Studies, Vol 192) massacre, p.52.
- Report from the semi-official Neuesten Mittheilungen of October 30, 1894
- Robert K. Massie: The Bowls of Wrath. Britain, Germany and the pulling up of the First World War . Fischer-Taschenbuch-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 1998, ISBN 3-596-13497-8 , p. 147.
- Spenkuch, introduction in Acta Borussica. Volume 8 / I, p. 27
- cit. Spenkuch, introduction to Acta Borussica. Volume 8 / I, p. 27.
- cit. after Ewald Frie: The German Empire (= controversies over history ). Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 2004, ISBN 3-534-14725-1 , p. 57
- on the discussion in detail: Frie, Deutsches Kaiserreich , pp. 57–67.
- Meisner, p. 135.
- Golo Mann: German history of the 19th and 20th centuries. Frankfurt am Main 1992 (first Frankfurt 1958), p. 502 f.
- Metze, p. 53.
- Winkler, Weg nach Westen , p. 268
- Nipperdey, Machtstaat , pp. 708 f.
- Wehler: History of Society , Volume 3, p. 1005.
|SURNAME||Caprivi, Leo von|
|ALTERNATIVE NAMES||Caprivi de Caprera de Montecuccoli, Georg Leo von (full name)|
|BRIEF DESCRIPTION||German military and statesman|
|DATE OF BIRTH||February 24, 1831|
|PLACE OF BIRTH||Charlottenburg|
|DATE OF DEATH||February 6, 1899|
|Place of death||near Messow , District of Crossen / Oder , Province of Brandenburg|