Victor Adler

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Victor Adler (actually Viktor Adler ; born June 24, 1852 in Prague ; † November 11, 1918 in Vienna ) was a doctor, journalist and Austrian politician as well as the founder of the Social Democratic Labor Party .

Although of upper class origin and previously active in the German Nationalist camp , initially with a liberal mindset, he developed into a respected leader of Austrian social democracy through his experiences with the workers, through his preoccupation with Marxism and social democratic views. Through his charisma and the ability to convince people of compromises, he was able to unite the different currents of the Austrian labor movement in 1889.

Through the personal involvement of both the “radicals” and the “reformists”, who were also able to find themselves in Adler's skilful theoretical formulations in party programs, he was able to preserve the unity of Austrian social democracy throughout his life and beyond . As part of the unification party conference in Hainfeld , Victor Adler succeeded in transforming social democracy into a party loyal to the state and the emperor and thus capable of a majority.

Victor Adler (around 1900), photo by Albert Voisard

Life

Early years

Adler (right) with Engelbert Pernerstorfer (around 1870)
Youth portrait (around 1870)
Victor and Emma Adler (around 1880)

Victor was born in Prague as the eldest of five children of the Jewish businessman Salomon Markus Adler and his wife Johanna (née Herzl). In 1855 the family, who had only come to Prague from Lipník in Moravia in 1851 , moved to Vienna- Leopoldstadt , which has been the second district of the growing capital since 1850. Here the father succeeded in acquiring considerable wealth through real estate deals.

Victor was a skinny little child who stuttered. He graduated from the Schottengymnasium , one of the best schools in Vienna. Heinrich Friedjung was one of his few Jewish classmates in the Catholic school. Adler studied at the University of Vienna , first chemistry , then from 1872 to 1881 Medicine and was his former classmate at the initiative Engelbert Pernerstorfer member of the German national fraternity Arminia Vienna (designated because of their hat color as "brown Arminia", in contrast to the "blue Arminia"). He completed his medical studies in 1881 with a doctorate in medicine. med. from. He then practiced as an assistant doctor to Theodor Meynert (1833-1892) at the Psychiatric Clinic of the General Hospital .

In 1878 he met Emma Braun (1858–1935), they married on September 3, 1878, and their son Friedrich was born in 1879. Adler worked from 1882 in his private practice as a doctor for the poor and from 1883 as a neurologist before he started working as a journalist . 1882–1889 he lived and practiced in the 9th district of Vienna in the inherited house at Berggasse 19. In 1891, Sigmund Freud settled in a newly built house at this address.

From German nationalism to social democrats

Victor, his brother Siegmund, who later became a legal historian , Friedjung and Pernerstorfer had been meeting for Sunday discussions on social and national issues in the Adler villa in Vienna- Döbling since 1870 . Politically, Adler was initially close to the German national movement around Georg von Schönerer and, like his friend Friedjung, was a co-author of their Linz program published in 1882 . After the failure of the program and because he saw his social demands hardly taken into account in the German national movement, Victor Adler joined a social democratic workers' education association. Above all, the rapidly growing anti-Semitism of the German Nationals had caused him to distance himself from this group.

“For Adler, Judaism was an invisible ghetto wall that excluded him from the world of European culture, into which he belonged with all the fibers of his being. [...] and precisely as the leader of a hated and ostracized party, he was the target of violent anti-Semitic attacks for years. "

During a trip to Germany, Switzerland and England in 1883 in preparation for an (unsuccessful) application as a trade inspector, he met Friedrich Engels , August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht , among others . Since then he has had lifelong close friendships with Engels and Bebel. But the result of this trip was also that he was able to get a realistic picture of the situation of the labor movement in these countries. And he was encouraged to deal more intensively with Marxism, social democratic ideas and experiences as well as the rights and social conditions of existence of workers. Adler's political activities earned him 17 charges in court between 1887 and 1900 and a total of nine months' arrest.

In 1886, Adler founded the weekly newspaper "Equality" in Vienna with his father's inheritance, in which he described the misery of Wienerberger brick workers in a series of sensational articles . Adler sneaked into the brick factories on Wienerberg and described the brutal exploitation of mostly Czech workers and their families in the form of an investigative social report. For the brickworkers, his campaign brought the abolition of the truck system in the clay pits in the south of Vienna, which had been illegal since 1885, and further social reforms after the brickworkers' strike in 1895. After the prohibition of "equality", Adler founded the " Arbeiter-Zeitung " in 1889, which initially appeared twice a month and from October 18, 1889 onwards weekly. On January 1, 1895, he published the paper, for which he sacrificed most of his fortune, as a daily newspaper and won Friedrich Austerlitz as his successor as editor-in-chief.

Founder of the Social Democratic Labor Party

In the Austro-Hungarian Empire , the delayed modernization and the concentration of industry on the German-Austrian-Bohemian area led to a compact labor movement with a tight organizational structure and the predominance of the central leadership figure, Victor Adler. Although he was initially viewed as an intellectual and an outsider because of his bourgeois origin, he overcame the struggles of the early workers' organizations.

Adler achieved the breakthrough in 1885 at a meeting against the socialist laws planned by Prime Minister Eduard Taaffe , in which all branches of the labor movement took part for the first time in a long time. Through his balancing work, a resolution was reached that “radicals” and “moderates” accepted. Adler's formula that the struggle of the working class should be waged "with all expedient means that corresponded to the natural legal consciousness of the people" successfully bridged the differences.

At the Hainfeld party congress from December 30, 1888 to January 1, 1889, Victor Adler united the various social democratic groups - trade unions, unions and cooperatives, the "radicals" and the "moderates" in imperial Austria and is therefore considered the founder of the Social Democratic Workers' Party, SDAP from which today's Social Democratic Party of Austria , SPÖ, emerged. Adler was elected the first chairman of the new party. “Adler's charisma [...] consolidated the party and held it together. In any case, the history of this man is the history of his party, and to understand the man means to understand the social forces which he personified ”.

Adler, who described himself as the “ Councilor of the Nation”, knew how to find a balance between the wings of the party, between “theory” and “practice”.

Hermann Bahr described Adler's charisma:

“Still, I found myself attracted to him with a mysterious power; I can't say it any other way: He charmed me. Perhaps first of all because he was the first truly clever person I met on my way. [...] And seeing him at work, I only now guessed what passion this man's relentless mind was. "

Adler belonged to the liberal, moderate wing of the party who wanted to enforce workers' rights by democratic means. He was particularly committed to cooperation with the Hungarian and South Slavic labor movement in the Austro-Hungarian dual monarchy .

“His powerful and effective rhetoric and his personal cordiality best explain his rise to the leadership personality that social democracy needed. Theoretically he insisted on the primacy of the economy and the need for revolution, but oriented his life and politics to the criteria of reason, justice and non-violent opposition to capitalism. "

Efforts to reform for old Austria and the general right to vote for men

1899 Adler was instrumental in the creation of the Brno program involved, of where to solve the nationality and language problem kk Austria the formation of a democratic Nationality State was demanded. (The program did not refer to old Hungary, known as Transleithanien .)

From 1901, although he was still chairman of the party, he was only a member of the Lower Austrian state parliament . Since he did not run in promising constituencies, he was only able to move into the Reichsrat , the parliament of old Austria, late in 1905, through by-elections in Reichenberg , Bohemia , where he soon gained considerable prestige.

"In addition, due to his personality structure and his rather authoritarian leadership style in the party, Adler does not seem to have had any personal power beyond political combat groups that would have campaigned for a secure candidacy of the party leader of its own accord."

Adler did not advocate revolution and violence, but advocated moderate action so as not to endanger the workers' cause. His greatest political concern, universal suffrage for men, he achieved not through threats, but with the help of clever arrangements with the powerful. In 1906, as a mediator between the parties in the Reichsrat and the Imperial and Royal Government, he contributed significantly to the adoption of universal male suffrage under Prime Minister Beck . After the first elections, in which all men could participate, the Social Democrats moved into the Reichsrat as the strongest party in 1907 with 87 out of 516 seats.

Adler strove for the unity of the social democrats in imperial Austria, but could not prevent the split of the Czech socialists in 1911. At the Second International , the Basel Congress, he campaigned for a unified peace policy of social democracy in Europe.

Critique from Otto Bauer

From 1889 to the First World War, the policy of Austrian social democracy was largely determined and shaped by Victor Adler with his emphatically reformist attitude. He led the struggle against the imperialist Austrian Balkan policy with some reserve . This led to the criticism of Otto Bauer , who, in great German wishful thinking, rejected the association of the German people with the decaying corpse of the Habsburg monarchy .

For Bauer, Adler's struggle for democracy, for restructuring and modernizing the old monarchy, tended to break it up. But Adler also described the domestic political stagnation since the Koerber government 1900–1904 as a horror without end .

Adler's “Burgfriedenspolitik” until summer 1916

When the First World War broke out , the Reichsrat was adjourned (and remained so until 1917). Adler nevertheless stood up for the acceptance of the war credits , since he saw Austria-Hungary in a defensive war. At the beginning of the war, Adler's anti-Russian orientation, which saw the worst in tsarist foreign rule, made him believe in the defensive character of the war. He was ready to stop politics in war for the "purpose of self-defense". He was violently attacked for this policy, referred to by his opponents on the left wing of the party as the "truce policy".

It is about the existence of Germany, about the self-assertion and being of the German people, whose goals, in view of the Russian threat, are identical to those of the proletariat. Here Adler's older German national attitude with its fixation on Berlin and its fear of Russia broke through again. He believed that the German Social Democrats' approval of war credits and truce in the German Reichstag was right. He said that the Austrian Social Democrats would have voted in a working parliament as well.

At the end of March 1916, the Reich Conference of the Social Democratic Workers' Party in Austria decided:

“A permanently satisfactory order of the south-east of Europe that fulfills the needs of the peoples can only be achieved by shaping Austria-Hungary into a democratic federal state in which all nations are guaranteed equal rights and equal development opportunities and their strength to form a great political and economic whole is summarized and to which a free and independent Poland in the north and an independent union of free Balkan peoples in the south could join in their own as well as in common interest to form a large association. "

Economic rapprochement with Germany was only accepted if free trade was guaranteed; a protectionist Central Europe was rejected as imperialist. Renner's demand for a comprehensive territorial reorganization in order to achieve a lasting peace aroused the open criticism of Adler. But even Adler was prevented by the Poland question from picking up the popular slogan of peace without annexations at an early stage .

Until the summer of 1916, Adler expected a victory and therefore tried not to hinder the expected relent of the Western powers through domestic opposition.

Social Democratic Peace Policy 1916–1918

In the autumn of 1916, however, the goals and attitudes of the Social Democrats changed decisively: the Reich Conference of the German Social Democratic Party of Austria decided on November 5, 1916:

"The government is to be urged, after agreement with the allied governments, to declare clearly in a public rally that the Central Powers are ready at any time to enter into peace negotiations on the condition that all powers renounce direct and indirect annexations and war indemnities."

On October 21, 1916, one of Victor Adler's sons, Friedrich , shot and killed the kk Prime Minister Karl Stürgkh in protest against the war dictatorship in old Austria . He was sentenced to death but pardoned to life imprisonment by the Emperor Karl, who came to the throne on November 21, 1916 (and released at the end of the monarchy in 1918). The extremely shaken father attributed this act to the "almost pathological idealism" of the war opponent Friedrich.

On December 11, 1916, the regional conference of the German Social Democrats in Lower Austria demanded that the kk government, in addition to a peace without annexation, also give full and immediate approval of the discussion of the war aims in the press and meetings, which was prevented by war censorship.

At a social democratic peace meeting on December 28, 1916, Adler reacted positively to the peace offer made by the Central Powers , of the seriousness of which he was convinced. Diplomats and politicians had finally propagated the ideas of peace that the Social Democrats had been pursuing since the beginning of the war. So far this has not been possible, because if you are stronger you don't want to make peace; if one is weaker, one cannot , in order not to give a sign of weakness. Now they want an early peace in which no state will be humiliated, but no peace agreement that carries the seeds of a future war .

The Russian threat had passed since the October Revolution of 1917, and Adler abandoned his original policy of resigned adjustment . He used the influence of the party, which had grown since the Reichsrat was convened in the spring of 1917, to obtain domestic political concessions and to strengthen the government's willingness for peace. In connection with the negotiations in Brest-Litovsk , Adler realized the need to support the kuk Foreign Minister Czernin's policy towards the imperialist ambitions of the Third Supreme Army Command of the German Reich. At the socialist peace conference that took place in Stockholm in June 1917, Adler called for an end to the war on the basis of a mutual agreement .

Between January 3 and 25, 1918, the so-called January strike covered large parts of the monarchy. More than 700,000 workers went out on strike, mainly because of the materially stressed situation, but also because of the peace expectations nurtured by Brest-Litovsk. Adler used the January strikes, the political causes of which were also the German war aims in Brest-Litovsk, which threatened peace, to fix the kk government in Vienna against the annexation demands in Brest. Otto Bauer, in turn, used it to try to change the social democratic nationality policy towards the right of peoples to self-determination and the greater German socialist alliance.

The new nationality program of the left aimed at the dissolution of the monarchy into independent nation states and the unification of the German territories with the German Reich. Adler, on the other hand, stuck to the program of democratization of old Austria and the creation of a federal state. Adler finally won approval to break off the strike because the military did not hesitate to use military force to counter it. Nevertheless, he managed to maintain the unity of the party by integrating the left wing with Bauer as his deputy and designated successor.

The party leadership around Adler demanded in an appeal on January 16, 1918:

"Peace without open and without veiled conquests, [...] peace on the basis of the undistorted right to self-determination of both peoples. [...] Allowing negotiations fail in Brest-Litovsk on this issue, we should continue the war against Russia, so that the Emperor of Austria am elected King of Poland and the King of Prussia economically and militarily over Kurland and Lithuania dispose ! "

Adler's rejection of the Zimmerwald movement , which has called the war since 1915 the “war of the capitalists”, against which the international workers' movement had to oppose peace and solidarity, was also based on the erroneous view that the German government was too moderate in terms of peace in the spring of 1918, especially in the West, ready. The German Social Democrats, who made him believe this, did not want to renounce Alsace-Lorraine for domestic political reasons .

Adler's long-term goal in the east was an independent Poland, Galicia would remain with the monarchy, which required an alliance solution within the framework of the overall monarchy or a central European reorganization. Adler's attitude towards war was ultimately based on a misjudgment of the war aims of the Central Powers.

State Office and Death

In a speech in the Provisional National Assembly for German Austria in November 1918, Adler described the collapse of the Habsburg Monarchy as “a partial phenomenon of the general victory of democracy” in the entire cultural world, which would make it possible “to erect socialism on the ruins of the capitalist world order”. According to Mommsen, however, he had “illusions” about a bloodless transition to a “democratic society”.

Wiener Zentralfriedhof - grave complex with the final resting places of Victor Adler, Otto Bauer , Karl Seitz and Engelbert Pernerstorfer
detail

In the first government of the new state, the Renner I state government , appointed by the Executive Committee (later Council of State) of the Provisional National Assembly on October 30, 1918 , Adler was State Secretary for Foreign Affairs until his death on November 11, 1918, although he was already seriously ill with heart ). In this function he met with Emperor Karl and Empress Zita in Schönbrunn Palace to negotiate the transition from the old to the new order. After his original proposal of a democratic federal state of nationalities had failed due to a lack of interest from the other nationalities of Old Austria, he advocated the annexation of German Austria to the German Empire . This was formulated as a motion on November 11, 1918, when Adler was still alive and Emperor Charles I renounced any share in state affairs, and was formulated as a motion by the Provisional National Assembly on November 12, 1918, the day after Adler's death, as was the Republic definitive form of government decided. Adler was still involved in the preparations. In the last meeting of the Reichsrat , an obituary for Adler was held on November 12th.

Afterlife

Otto Bauer later wrote in the introduction to Adler's essays, speeches and letters :

“Adler fought the struggle for democracy in the belief that democracy could transform and modernize old Austria; in reality she had to blow it up. "

Adler took great personal, health and financial risks in building up the social democratic movement; in particular, he used all of his fortune to build up the social democratic idea, the party and the workers' newspaper. Adler's policy was to involve the radicals and thereby prevent violent revolts. In this way, he ensured German Austria the largely non-violent transition from the monarchy to the democratic constitution of the First Republic, with the particularity of the direct sovereignty of parliament. His wish to become part of Germany also resulted from the fear that German Austria might not be able to practice democracy on its own due to its authoritarian internal structures and traditions. Adler's policy of democratic socialism permanently condemned its opponents within the labor movement to be an insignificant minority.

In the early 1920s, Adler's private library was acquired by the Social Science Study Library of the Chamber for Workers and Employees for Vienna .

Honors

Bust of Anton Hanak , 1928

In Austria numerous public traffic areas or residential complexes were named after him, for example:

The Social Democratic Party of Austria honors particularly deserving members with the "Viktor Adler Plaque".

Fonts

  • Party executive of the Social Democratic Workers' Party in German Austria (ed.): Victor Adler's essays, speeches and letters . Wiener Volksbuchhandlung publisher:
    • Volume 1. Victor Adler and Friedrich Engels . 1922
    • Volume 2. Victor Adler in court . 1923
    • Volume 3. Adler as a social hygienist . 1924
    • Volume 4. Victor Adler on worker protection and social reform . 1925
    • Volume 5. Victor Adler on factory inspection, social security and chambers of labor . 1925
    • Volume 6. Victor Adler the party man . 1. The building of social democracy . 1929
    • Volume 7. Victor Adler the party man . 2. International tactics . 1929
    • Volume 8. Victor Adler the party man . 3. Austrian politics . 1929
    • Volume 9. Victor Adler the party man . 4. About war and peace . 1929
    • Volume 10. Victor Adler the party man . 5. The struggle for the right to vote . 1929
    • Volume 11. Victor Adler the party man . 6. Party history and politics . 1929
  • Victor Adler - Friedrich Engels correspondence . Association for the history of the labor movement. Documentation 1-4 / 2009. Vienna 2009.

literature

  • Julius Braunthal : Victor and Friedrich Adler two generations of workers' movement . Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, Vienna 1965.
  • Emma Adler, Wanda Lanzer (ed.): Victor Adler in the mirror of his contemporaries . Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, Vienna 1968.
  • Franz Kreuzer : What we long for from the distant future. The origin of the Austrian labor movement. The age of Victor Adler . Verlag Kremayr & Scheriau, Vienna 1988, ISBN 3-218-00473-X .
  • Helge Dvorak: Biographical Lexicon of the German Burschenschaft. Volume I: Politicians. Sub-Volume 1: A-E. Winter, Heidelberg 1996, ISBN 3-8253-0339-X , pp. 5-6. (with picture)
  • Peter Kurth: In the shadow of Victor Adler. Austrian Social Democracy between the Suffrage Struggle and the Revisionism Controversy (1889–1907) . Verlag Matthiesen, Husum 1998, ISBN 3-7868-1454-6 .
  • Lucian O. Meysels : Victor Adler. The biography. Amalthea, Vienna 1997, ISBN 3-85002-403-2 .
  • Franz Steiner: Viktor Adler: the friend, teacher and champion of the Austrian workforce; told for the social democratic youth of the ČSR by Franz Steiner in 1937 , edited for the present with care by Peter Lhotzky. Stein Maßl, Grünbach 2009, ISBN 978-3-902427-58-8 .
  • Madeleine Wolensky : Pernerstorfer's harem and Viktor Adler's favorite property or two socialist bibliophiles, her books and the Chamber of Labor library . Chamber for Workers and Salaried Employees, Vienna 1994 ( series of publications by the Social Science Study Library ).
  • Karl Gottfried HugelmannAdler, Victor. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 1, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1953, ISBN 3-428-00182-6 , p. 72 f. ( Digitized version ).
  • Eagle Viktor. In: Austrian Biographical Lexicon 1815–1950 (ÖBL). Volume 1, Publishing House of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna 1957, p. 7 f. (Direct links on p. 7 , p. 8 ).

Web links

Commons : Victor Adler  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files
Wikisource: Victor Adler  - Sources and full texts

Individual evidence

  1. Entry of the father in Vienna 2nd, Czerningasse 6, in Lehmann's address book 1864
  2. ^ Julius Braunthal: Victor and Friedrich Adler two generations of workers' movement . Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, Vienna 1965, p. 13ff.
  3. ^ Hans-Georg Balder: The German fraternities. Their representation in individual chronicles. WJK-Verlag, Hilden 2005, ISBN 3-933892-97-X , p. 391.
  4. ^ Julius Braunthal: Victor and Friedrich Adler - two generations of workers' movement . Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, Vienna 1965, p. 29ff. As well as Peter Lhotsky: Victor Adler: A short biography. ( Memento from May 1, 2008 in the Internet Archive )
  5. a b Felix Czeike (Ed.): Adler, Viktor (Victor). In:  Historisches Lexikon Wien . Volume 1, Kremayr & Scheriau, Vienna 1992, ISBN 3-218-00543-4 , p. 17 ( digitized version , Viktor Adler - entry in the Vienna History Wiki of the City of Vienna).
  6. ^ Chronology Sigmund Freud ( Memento of December 14, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) Sigmund Freud Museum
  7. ^ Wolfgang Fritz , Gertraude Mikl-Horke : Rudolf Goldscheid - financial sociology and ethical social science. Verlag Lit, Vienna 2007, ISBN 978-3-7000-0521-6 , p. 17f.
  8. ^ Karl R. Stadler: Victor Adler. In: Walter Pollak (Ed.): A thousand years of Austria. A Biographical Chronicle , Volume 3: Parliamentarism and the Two Republics. Verlag Jugend und Volk, Vienna 1974, ISBN 3-7141-6523-1 , pp. 50–60, here p. 52.
  9. ^ Karl R. Stadler: Victor Adler . In: Walter Pollak (Ed.): A thousand years of Austria. A Biographical Chronicle , Volume 3: Parliamentarism and the Two Republics , Verlag Jugend und Volk, Vienna 1974, ISBN 3-7141-6523-1 , pp. 50–60, here p. 57; and Peter Lhotzky: Victor Adler: A short biography. ( Memento from May 1, 2008 in the Internet Archive )
  10. ^ Karl R. Stadler: Victor Adler . In: Walter Pollak (Ed.): A thousand years of Austria. A Biographical Chronicle , Volume 3: Parliamentarism and the Two Republics. Verlag Jugend und Volk, Vienna 1974, ISBN 3-7141-6523-1 , pp. 50–60, here p. 57.
    SPÖ favorites: Victor Adler and the brick workers
  11. Trade Regulations 1859 - Commercial auxiliary staff: §78 wage payments , effective date June 8, 1885, Austrian National Library : ALEX - Historical legal and legal texts
  12. Friedrich Austerlitz. In: dasrotewien.at - Web dictionary of the Viennese social democracy. SPÖ Vienna (Ed.)
  13. Peter Kurth: In the shadow of Victor Adler. Austrian Social Democracy between the Suffrage Struggle and the Revisionism Controversy (1889–1907). Matthiesen, Husum 1998, ISBN 3-7868-1454-6 , p. 19.
  14. ^ Karl R. Stadler: Victor Adler . In: Walter Pollak (Ed.): A thousand years of Austria. A Biographical Chronicle , Volume 3: Parliamentarism and the Two Republics , Verlag Jugend und Volk, Vienna 1974, ISBN 3-7141-6523-1 , pp. 50–60, here pp. 50f.
  15. ^ Karl R. Stadler: Victor Adler . In: Walter Pollak (Ed.): A thousand years of Austria. A Biographical Chronicle , Volume 3: Parliamentarism and the Two Republics , Verlag Jugend und Volk, Vienna 1974, ISBN 3-7141-6523-1 , pp. 50-60, here p. 52.
  16. Allan Janik, Stephen Toulmin: Wittgensteins Wien , Verlag Hanser (original edition: Simon and Schuster, New York 1973), Munich 1984, ISBN 3-446-13790-4 , p. 63
  17. ^ Walter Goldinger , Dieter A. Binder: History of the Republic of Austria. 1918-1938. Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, Vienna 1992, ISBN 3-7028-0315-7 , p. 15.
  18. Hermann Bahr: Victor Adler on the sixtieth. In: Emma Adler, Wanda Lanzer (ed.): Victor Adler in the mirror of his contemporaries. Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, Vienna 1968, p. 38f.
  19. Allan Janik, Stephen Toulmin: Wittgensteins Wien (original edition: Simon and Schuster, New York 1973), Hanser, Munich 1984, ISBN 3-446-13790-4 , p. 64
  20. ^ Peter Schöffer: The struggle for the right to vote of the Austrian social democracy 1888 / 89-1897. From the Hainfeld Unification Party Congress to Badeni's electoral reform and the entry of the first Social Democrats into the Reichsrat , Verlag Steiner, Stuttgart 1986, ISBN 3-515-04622-4 , p. 579; and Karl R. Stadler: Victor Adler . In: Walter Pollak (Ed.): A thousand years of Austria. A Biographical Chronicle , Volume 3: Parliamentarism and the Two Republics , Verlag Jugend und Volk, Vienna 1974, ISBN 3-7141-6523-1 , pp. 50-60, here p. 58
  21. ^ Peter Schöffer: The struggle for the right to vote of the Austrian social democracy 1888 / 89-1897. From the Hainfeld Unification Party Congress to Badeni's electoral reform and the entry of the first Social Democrats into the Reichsrat , Verlag Steiner, Stuttgart 1986, ISBN 3-515-04622-4 , p. 580
  22. ^ Inge Zelinka: The authoritarian welfare state. Gaining power through compassion in the genesis of state welfare , Lit Verlag, Vienna 2005, ISBN 978-3-8258-8448-2 , p. 285.
  23. ^ Karl R. Stadler: Victor Adler . In: Walter Pollak (Ed.): A thousand years of Austria. A Biographical Chronicle , Volume 3: Parliamentarism and the Two Republics , Verlag Jugend und Volk, Vienna 1974, ISBN 3-7141-6523-1 , pp. 50-60, here p. 58.
  24. ^ Hans Mommsen : Viktor Adler and the politics of Austrian social democracy in the First World War . In: Isabella Ackerl (Hrsg.): Politics and society in old and new Austria. Festschrift for Rudolf Neck on his 60th birthday , Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, Vienna 1981, ISBN 3-7028-0189-8 , pp. 378–408, here p. 378 ff.
  25. ^ Hans Mommsen : Viktor Adler and the politics of Austrian social democracy in the First World War . In: Isabella Ackerl (Hrsg.): Politics and society in old and new Austria. Festschrift for Rudolf Neck on his 60th birthday , Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, Vienna 1981, ISBN 3-7028-0189-8 , p. 378–408, here p. 378ff.
  26. ^ Hans Mommsen: Viktor Adler and the First Republic of Austria . In: Isabella Ackerl (Ed.): Austria November 1918. The emergence of the First Republic. Protocol of the symposium in Vienna on October 24 and 25, 1978. Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, Vienna 1986, ISBN 3-7028-0243-6 , pp. 17-26, here p. 19.
  27. ^ Hans Mommsen: Viktor Adler and the politics of Austrian social democracy in the First World War . In: Isabella Ackerl (Hrsg.): Politics and society in old and new Austria. Festschrift for Rudolf Neck on his 60th birthday , Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, Vienna 1981, ISBN 3-7028-0189-8 , p. 378–408, here p. 385ff.
  28. ^ Hans Mommsen: Viktor Adler and the politics of Austrian social democracy in the First World War . In: Isabella Ackerl (Hrsg.): Politics and society in old and new Austria. Festschrift for Rudolf Neck on his 60th birthday , Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, Vienna 1981, ISBN 3-7028-0189-8 , pp. 378–408, here p. 387ff.
    Günther Ramhardter: History and Patriotism. Austrian historian in World War 1914–1918. Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, Vienna 1973, ISBN 3-486-47551-7 , p. 10.
  29. ^ Rudolf Neck: Workers and State in the First World War 1914-1918 , (A. Quellen), Volume 1: The State (1. From the beginning of the war to the trial of Friedrich Adler, August 1914-May 1917). Europa-Verlag, Vienna 1964, p. 160.
  30. ^ Richard W. Kapp: Divided Loyalities. The German Reich and Austria-Hungary in Austro-German Discussions of War Aims, 1914–1916. In: Central European History , 17 (1984), pp. 120-139, here: pp. 128f.
  31. ^ Hans Mommsen: Viktor Adler and the politics of Austrian social democracy in the First World War . In: Isabella Ackerl (Hrsg.): Politics and society in old and new Austria. Festschrift for Rudolf Neck for his 60th birthday. Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, Vienna 1981, ISBN 3-7028-0189-8 , pp. 378–408, here pp. 391f.
  32. ^ Rudolf Neck: Workers and the State in the First World War 1914–1918. (A. Quellen), Volume 1: The State (1. From the beginning of the war to the trial of Friedrich Adler, August 1914 – May 1917. ) Europa-Verlag, Vienna 1964, p. 157.
  33. ^ Rudolf Neck: Workers and the State in the First World War 1914–1918. (A. Quellen), Volume 1: The State (1. From the beginning of the war to the trial of Friedrich Adler, August 1914 – May 1917. ) Europa-Verlag, Vienna 1964, p. 186.
  34. ^ Rudolf Neck: Workers and the State in the First World War 1914–1918. (A. Quellen), Volume 1: The State (1. From the beginning of the war to the Friedrich Adler trial, August 1914 – May 1917. ) Europa-Verlag, Vienna 1964, pp. 190ff.
  35. ^ Hans Mommsen: Viktor Adler and the politics of Austrian social democracy in the First World War. In: Isabella Ackerl (Hrsg.): Politics and society in old and new Austria. Festschrift for Rudolf Neck for his 60th birthday. Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, Vienna 1981, ISBN 3-7028-0189-8 , pp. 378–408, here pp. 392 and 407.
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  43. cit. after Hans Mommsen: Viktor Adler and the First Republic of Austria. In: Isabella Ackerl (Ed.): Austria November 1918. The emergence of the First Republic. Minutes of the symposium in Vienna on October 24 and 25, 1978. Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, Vienna 1986, ISBN 3-7028-0243-6 , pp. 17–26, here p. 23.
  44. Lucian O. Meysels : Victor Adler. The biography. Amalthea, Vienna 1997, ISBN 3-85002-403-2 , p. 92ff.
  45. ^ Hans Mommsen: Viktor Adler and the First Republic of Austria. In: Isabella Ackerl (Ed.): Austria November 1918. The emergence of the First Republic. Minutes of the symposium in Vienna on October 24 and 25, 1978. Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, Vienna 1986, ISBN 3-7028-0243-6 , pp. 17–26, here p. 24.
  46. Dr. med. Viktor Adler. In: Grave data in the grave database of the Vienna cemeteries, accessed on July 5, 2018.