Blockupy

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Blockupy activists with banner on March 18, 2015

Blockupy refers to a left-wing political , capitalism-critical to anti-capitalist and globalization-critical network made up of several organizations, the name of which is derived from his project of a block ade ( English to block 'block') and the Occ upy movement (English to occupy 'occupy'). Because of the many groups involved, it is difficult to make a clear political assignment. The spatial focus is in Frankfurt am Main .

In 2012 and 2013, the alliance called for action days with the aim of disrupting the day-to-day business of the European Central Bank (ECB) in Frankfurt and protesting against European financial policy in view of the euro crisis . In connection with the European elections , the European Business Summit and the anniversary of the 15M movement, Blockupy mobilized in May 2014 for decentralized days of action in several German and European cities ( May of Solidarity ).

The activity that attracted the most public attention was the protests on the occasion of the opening of the new European Central Bank building on March 18, 2015 in Frankfurt. The alliance's call for blockades and a demonstration were followed by 17,000 people. In the course of the protests there were considerable riots.

The alliance

Despite the popular name, Blockupy has "almost nothing in common with Occupy", according to the sociologist Dieter Rucht . The latter no longer played a role in Germany in 2015. The network's organizations include the Left Party , the globalization-critical organization Attac , the Revolutionary Socialist Bund , the Verdi trade union , the Interventionist Left , For All , the Greek Left Party SYRIZA and the Autonome Antifa Frankfurt. In the interest of global criticism , it is the movement in the opinion of political scientist Sebastian Haunss of the University of Konstanz is not a mere symbolism. The network sees itself as a “European project”. According to his self-image, the aim is “to carry the resistance against a crisis regime that plunges millions of people in many European countries into misery and misery to one of its starting points: in the middle of Frankfurt's banking district , to the headquarters of the European Central Bank (ECB) and many powerful German banks and corporations. ”Accordingly, Blockupy called for action days in Frankfurt am Main on May 16-19, 2012, May 31- June 1, 2013, in November 2014 and March 2015. These were directed against the European fiscal pact , the European stability mechanism and the austerity policy of the European Union in the context of the euro crisis . According to the alliance, in 2012 it was not about protesting against the financial system in general, abstractly , but specifically blocking the ECB as a symbol of capitalism on one working day .

activities

Action days 2012

Call for action days 2012

The first days of Blockupy action from May 16 to 19, 2012 were themed “European Days of Action: Occupy, Block, Demonstrate ”.

Apron

Cordon measures around the ECB and the vacated Occupy camp; closed stop on May 16, 2012

In the run-up to the planned 17 events of the Blockupy movement, there were fears of blockades in bank buildings, violence and disruptions to public safety and order, which initially led to a general ban on demonstrations during the days of action. About six weeks earlier, on March 31, an anti-capitalist demonstration called M31 had taken place in Frankfurt , during which several demonstrators, a passerby and around 15 police officers were injured, including one seriously, and 480 arrests and property damage occurred.

A rave event on May 16 and a large demonstration on May 19 (here subject to conditions) were approved by the Administrative Court in Kassel . The camp of the Occupy Germany movement, which had existed since October 2011 at Willy-Brandt-Platz opposite the European Central Bank, was evacuated for security reasons for the duration of these days; the first arrests were made.

The big banks prepared themselves for violent clashes, Commerzbank closed its headquarters , and Goethe University Frankfurt closed its university buildings at all locations on the advice of the city authorities from Wednesday, May 16 at 8 p.m., up to and including Sunday, May 20, and the police responded by deploying 5,000 officers. The Hessen Banking Association canceled its general meeting scheduled for May 15.

The city administration feared riots and changed the local public transport considerably during the campaign period. On the advice of the police authorities, the Frankfurt am Main transport company decided, for example, to completely close stops near the ECB and the Deutsche Bank headquarters , i.e. there were no stops or the lines were diverted. Some bus, tram and subway lines also run very limited or not at all, such as the historic Ebbelwei Express , which normally rolls through the city center. The Freßgass festival was also postponed by a week.

course

Occupy Camp in May 2012
Banner on the demonstration on May 19, 2012

The music demonstration Rave against Troika with 500 participants was banned by the Hessian Administrative Court and therefore peacefully dissolved by the police on the evening of May 16.

The following day, the police initially tolerated a likewise forbidden demonstration with several hundred participants on the Römerberg and Paulsplatz , in which the Blockupy alliance invoked freedom of assembly as a basic right ( Art. 8 ); However, she cleared a spontaneously formed camp after a few hours. This led to scuffles between the police and the demonstrators. The police demanded that they adhere to judicial decisions. Konstantin Wecker was prevented from giving a concert on Paulsplatz. In the interview he stated that it was necessary to "preserve a democracy that is apparently being undermined". Wecker sang the chorus of his song Outraged to the demonstrators over a megaphone . The Jewish peace activist and survivor of the Holocaust , Reuven Moskovitz , who was also present , said he was “shocked by the violence of the police”. The spokeswoman for the responsible regulatory officer said: “It is thanks to the police that the situation has not escalated so far”. There were a total of around 190 arrests on Thursday and Friday.

On May 18, around 1,000 activists tried to demonstrate again in various places in the city center, including at the widely cordoned-off ECB, despite a legal ban. The police initially used police cauldrons to get the situation under control, then responded by evacuating rallies, used batons , irritant gas and water cannons and finally took around 400 demonstrators into custody. Property damage was caused by the demonstrators. The literary critic Michael Hardt and the ethnologist and anarchist David Graeber spoke to the activists and expressed their solidarity with the protests.

On May 19, more than 20,000 people took part in the only approved large-scale demonstration. Participants had also come from other European countries such as Greece, Spain, Italy and France. Among other things, the slogan of the Occupy movement “We are the 99 percent” is said to have fallen. Despite minor incidents, the event was basically peaceful. Violent activists were hermetically sealed by the police. About 400 activists were taken into custody. An estimated 5,000 police officers were deployed over the days. The strong police presence was criticized from the ranks of the demonstrators and the basic right to freedom of assembly was pointed out. The city's retail trade put the missing sales at ten million euros, praised the cooperation with the police and authorities in advance and expressly supported the bans imposed.

Aftermath

Police presence on May 19, 2012, Konrad-Adenauer-Strasse, Frankfurt

At the end of May, the event bans in Frankfurt became the subject of a discussion in the Hessian state parliament . The parties assessed the restriction on the freedom to demonstrate differently. The parliamentary group of the party Die Linke made a small inquiry to the federal government on June 6, 2012 to find out details about the use of the federal police and the use of water cannons or irritant spray devices .

A continuation of the protests in Düsseldorf on June 9th met with little support. The Hessian politician Ulrich Wilken announced further actions of the alliance for autumn 2012 in Frankfurt. On October 20 and 21, an “action weekend” took place in Frankfurt, where 400 to 500 participants discussed European financial policy and freedom of expression. They decided to continue the protests peacefully in 2013 and to draw attention to the grievances in banking and EU politics. They expressed their solidarity with strikers in Greece, Spain and Portugal.

At the beginning of 2013, the Frankfurt police paid compensation to illegally detained demonstrators who had traveled from Berlin and had already been turned away on the autobahn, then demonstrated in Eschborn and arrested there, without going to court .

Action days 2013

Calls for actions planned for 2013 on the Zeil and at Frankfurt Airport

Following on from the previous year, the Blockupy alliance again called for action days on May 31 and June 1, 2013 in Frankfurt. According to the spokesman for the alliance, the aim of the event, which had the motto “Resistance in the heart of the European crisis regime”, was to send a strong signal against the Europe-wide policy of impoverishment. In this regard, the European Central Bank (ECB), which is seen as the seat of European crisis policy, should be effectively blocked and everyday life disrupted. The plan for a blockade was expressly not directed against the employees of the ECB and in the bank towers, as Blockupy spokeswoman Ani Dießelmann emphasized. According to a spokesman, the police reserved the right to clear the way, and an ECB spokeswoman also emphasized that the central bank would take measures, if necessary, to ensure the safety of employees and visitors and the ECB's ability to act.

Specifically planned for 2013 were the blockade of the ECB and various individual actions of civil disobedience such as so-called care mobs and dance blockades in downtown Frankfurt, for example in front of the headquarters of Deutsche Bank and in the clothing stores of the Zeil . On June 1st, a large international demonstration was to lead from Baseler Platz to Willy-Brandt-Platz. Compared to the previous year, the organizers stated that they would make the campaigns more flexible and want to improve their communication.

Apron

Banners at the 2013 campaign on the Frankfurt Rebstock site

In advance, so-called warm-up demos took place in various cities such as Göttingen , Cologne , Berlin and Münster from May 11 to May 20 , which were mostly peaceful. Blockupy activists also protested on May 23rd in front of the Deutsche Bank in Frankfurt, where the general meeting of shareholders took place, against, among other things, the financing of the arms industry , food speculation and environmental destruction. They also tried unsuccessfully to disrupt the congregation itself. An action camp was set up on the Rebstock site in Frankfurt as a place to stay, as a political and social meeting point and opened on May 29th.

In the run-up, the left-wing Blockupy alliance accused the city of Frankfurt of postponing the formalities surrounding the planned large-scale demonstration, as in 2012, in order to make any legal disputes more difficult. From the office of the head of the department for order, Markus Frank (CDU), it said on May 16 that there was no prescribed deadline for issuing conditions and that the police were still examining the risk situation. Werner Rätz, the notifying party of the demonstration, objected to the conditions then imposed - such as a safe distance from the ECB, no bottles, no dogs, no ropes and flags more than two meters long, as well as the changed route - on May 23, referring to the freedom of assembly (Art 8 of the Basic Law) appeal to the court. On the grounds that the city had “no verifiable facts” to suggest that the original route was dangerous for the public and that the Blockupy demonstration had remained peaceful last year and that the police's risk assessment “was not substantiated or substantiated by facts "Is, the Frankfurt administrative court declared the requested relocation of the route to be" obviously illegal "and decided on May 28th that the demonstration should take its original route via Weißfrauenstrasse, Berliner Strasse and Battonnstrasse to Kurt-Schumacher-Strasse. The other conditions remained, however. The city appealed against this decision to the Hessian Administrative Court in Kassel, but it was rejected.

Information from Verkehrsgesellschaft Frankfurt on the occasion of Blockupy 2013

On May 28, the Frankfurt Administrative Court ruled that the Blockupy alliance may demonstrate in the airport terminal on May 31 with a limited number of 200 people. The city of Frankfurt immediately lodged a complaint. As a result, the Hessian Administrative Court (VGH) in Kassel decided on May 29th, incontestable and final, that the large-scale demonstration on June 1st could pass the ECB directly.

As in the previous year, there were considerable restrictions in public transport in the city center in Frankfurt . Around 20,000 demonstrators were expected on the Blockupy days of action. The retail sector was expecting a drop in sales. On May 30, 2013, police at Butzbach temporarily prevented five buses with Blockupy activists from Berlin , who were on their way to the days of action, from continuing. A similar procedure in the previous year had been described as illegal by the district court of Gießen .

course

Protest in front of the headquarters of Deutsche Bank on May 31, 2013
Protester on June 1, 2013
Demonstration paramedics from the Southwest medical group and paramedics / action medics Marburg caring for the injured on June 1, 2013

Blockupy activists from Germany and other euro countries gathered on the morning of May 31 in front of the police-cordoned room in front of the ECB. Blockupy spoke of around 3,000 demonstrators, the police estimated 1,000 to 1,400 participants. It was also controversial whether there actually was a blockade of the bank, as the alliance claimed. Then about 300 people protested loudly in front of the Deutsche Bank in Frankfurt against the speculation with food and in front of shopping chains and the criticized textile discounter Primark and against the working conditions in Bangladesh, for example . In the afternoon, instead of the approved 200, about 800 demonstrators headed into Terminal 1 at Frankfurt Airport , but only 200 of them demonstrated as ordered. Nevertheless, the police briefly used pepper spray and batons. With a delay of several hours, the action against deportations could then be peacefully continued through the airport. According to the police, the first day of action was largely peaceful. Pepper spray and batons were occasionally used against the small number of hooded activists who tried to tear down the police barriers. There were fewer than a dozen arrests.

According to the police, 7,000 people took part in the final demonstration on June 1st, and 20,000 according to estimates by the organizers. After the start of the demonstration , the police surrounded a group of around 900 participants who they suspected were willingness to use violence due to disguise with sunglasses and umbrellas, passive arming and violation of requirements . The demonstration was thus divided and its further course practically prevented. As a result, both parts of the demonstrators and the police used violence , in particular when the police cauldron was evacuated in order to arrest and search the demonstrators in it and to be able to establish their personal details. The federal and state parliament members Katja Kipping and Janine Wissler were also led away from the boiler. The SPD city councilor and district chairman of the Jusos in southern Hesse, Christian Heimpel, experienced the protests as an official demonstration observer for the city of Frankfurt. He described the situation during the demonstration as very depressing and criticized the behavior of the police, who had also taken action against demonstration observers and journalists. There were a total of 45 arrests and around 220 injured. Demonstration paramedics working on site reported up to 275 injuries and also complained that their work was hindered by the police.

aftermath

Police cauldron during the demonstration on June 1, 2013

While the Frankfurt police defended their approach the following day, the South Hessian Young Socialists demanded the resignation of the Hessian Interior Minister Boris Rhein , who was responsible for the "aggressive and disproportionate" behavior of the police. Rhine was asked by the parliamentary group of the Greens to take a position in the Hessian state parliament. The Hessian SPD parliamentary group submitted a comprehensive catalog of questions to Rhein. There is a considerable need for clarification, according to the domestic policy spokeswoman for the SPD parliamentary group, Nancy Faeser . In addition to the action taken by the police towards the demonstrators, it must also be clarified whether the interior minister has violated his duty of care , as individual officers are said to have been on duty for over 20 hours. At a press conference he justified the police operation, in which journalists were also disabled and injured. In the Hessian state parliament, Rhein defended the police cauldron as "understandable, correct and covered by the law".

Katja Kipping announced that the Federal Minister of the Interior, Hans-Peter Friedrich, as the chief employer of the Federal Police, would be called to speech in the German Bundestag. The constitutional lawyer Christoph Gusy also criticized the police operation as disproportionate and contradicted the view of the police, according to which the use of umbrellas and sunglasses by the demonstrators represented a disguise. The law professor and lecturer for police law at the Berlin School of Economics and Law , Clemens Arzt, happened to be a witness to the controversial police action. On June 6, he told the dpa news agency that the boiler was "simply disproportionate". "A cauldron can only be formed if it is not possible to isolate individual troublemakers - and if this is the only way to prevent serious crimes ".

The alliance filed a lawsuit against the state of Hesse, represented by the police headquarters , at the Frankfurt Administrative Court . Due to the legally different accusations, the court has three parallel proceedings: partial exclusion of some participants, stopping the demo and recording personal details. Die Linke Hessen filed a criminal complaint against the police chief. He had violated Section 21 of the Assembly Act by preventing an authorized demonstration with the use of force. For its part, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) criticized police violence against journalists: officials allegedly obstructed journalists and attacked them with pepper spray.

On June 8, a week after the controversial police operation, demonstrated on a call to the Occupy movement organizers out, according to at least 10,000, police said 6,500 people on the originally planned route. Among other things, they demanded clarification of the circumstances and mandatory identification for police officers . The police did not intervene and limited themselves to regulating the traffic .

In June 2014, the Frankfurt Administrative Court found in the first instance that the police cauldron had been lawful. It was a suitable negative measure compared to the dissolution of the entire demonstration . The duration of the encirclement or other circumstances were not negotiated. The unsuccessful plaintiff applied to the Hessian Administrative Court to have the judgment reviewed. In September 2014 the same court ruled that the encirclement of the demonstrators had been lawful and argued again with the view of a suitable negative measure. The Federal Constitutional Court also confirmed the legality of the measure in December 2016.

Actions 2014

Throws paint bags on May 17, 2014 at the House of German Business in Berlin

Before the opening of the new ECB building , which was planned for autumn 2014 but was postponed to 2015 in June, several national and international protests took place in the spring. Starting at the end of March, the alliance called for so-called monthly "fence walks" at the construction site of the new ECB building in Frankfurt, based on the model of a form of action by the Startbahn West in the 1980s . A small opening demonstration took place in Frankfurt on May 10th, with which the organizers wanted to draw attention to the Europe-wide campaigns planned for this month.

In an attempt by 500 Blockupy and other activists to “surround” the European Business Summit in Brussels five days later and to demonstrate against the planned transatlantic free trade agreement , special counterinsurgency units used water cannons. About 250 arrests were made. Two days later, Blockupy organized demonstrations with up to 3,000 participants in several German cities, including Berlin, Frankfurt, Stuttgart and Hamburg. The topics related to refugees in Germany, social cuts and the euro crisis . In Hamburg, at an event with at least 1000 participants against the construction of the controversial Elbphilharmonie , riots, injuries and the use of water cannons and batons occurred. Blockupy had called for a demonstration in Rome that opposed privatization policy, Prime Minister Matteo Renzi and the EU and in which tens of thousands of people took part, as well as for participation in a May of solidarity in Bologna, Brussels, Madrid, and Paris. On May 22 Blockupy activists interfered with reference to land grabbing and business with the defense industry , the general meeting of Deutsche Bank in Frankfurt.

From November 20 to 23, Blockupy organized a “festival” in Frankfurt am Main with panel discussions and working groups on topics such as the international networking of “ counterpower ” and the future of social infrastructure in Europe. About 2,000 activists took part in a demonstration on November 22nd about the new building of the European Central Bank , where about 80 of them invaded the site, damaged parts of the fence and threw paint bags at the building . The damage to property amounted to around 20,000 euros. Pepper spray was used and injuries occurred among both demonstrators and police officers. According to the medical group Südwest , which accompanied the demonstration medically, around 50 participants in the demonstration were injured.

Opening of the new building of the European Central Bank in 2015

Rally on the Frankfurt Römerberg, u. a with Sahra Wagenknecht , here at the microphone (March 18, 2015)

Blockupy used the official opening of the new building of the European Central Bank on March 18, 2015 in Frankfurt as a central protest date against the austerity policy of the European Union. The alliance called for the zone around the ECB to be paralyzed in the early morning by means of peaceful sitting, standing and dancing blocks and thus disrupting the opening ceremony. A rally followed by a demonstration was mobilized for the afternoon. The ECB had already decided in advance to keep the opening ceremony on a small scale. Because of the expected blockages, she advised her employees to work from home that day.

Already in the early morning of the protest day there were violent riots and property damage in Frankfurt's Ostend district , the new location of the ECB . In advance, the police had erected extensive barriers around the bank with the help of NATO wire and posted water cannons from across Germany. Protesters set dumpsters and several police cars on fire and damaged buildings with paint and stones. There was also property damage and injuries to the fire brigade, transport companies and bystanders. The police responded with the use of batons, water cannons and irritants. While some organizers and representatives of the Blockupy movement regretted the violence, others explicitly did not distance themselves from it and blamed the escalation on the police. Even right-wing extremists participated as freeloaders in the actions.

In the afternoon around 8,500 people took part in a rally on the Römerberg , which a broad alliance, including the trade unions, had called for. The speakers there were u. a. Sahra Wagenknecht from the party Die Linke , the globalization critic Naomi Klein , the cabaret artist Urban Priol , Giorgios Chondros from the Greek ruling party Syriza and Miguel Urbán from the Spanish party Podemos . About 17,000–20,000 people took part in the subsequent parade through downtown Frankfurt. It was largely peaceful.

Berlin 2016

Main entrance of the Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs in Wilhelmstrasse (Berlin-Mitte)

In 2016, Blockupy shifted its focus of action from Frankfurt am Main to the federal capital Berlin .

On the open day, August 27, a demonstration took place inside the Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs there. The police removed several activists from the building and took them into temporary custody. A blockade of the ministry was planned for September 2nd. The work process associated with “low wages, Hartz IV , harassment by the job center ” as well as precarity and impoverishment should be “massively disrupted”. The coalition's criticism was also directed against the German government's presumed intention to exploit refugees with the 2016 Integration Act . Any police barriers should be included in your own blockade. Around 1,000 demonstrators, significantly fewer than in previous years, also attempted blockades in front of the Ministry of Finance. The protests remained largely peaceful and shifted to various locations in downtown Berlin during the day.

The following day Blockupy continued his actions in Berlin and took part in the demonstration “Stand up against racism! Your vote against the alternative for Germany ”( AfD ) !. With this demonstration, shortly before the state elections in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and the election for the Berlin House of Representatives, against the background of the refugee debate in Germany against the AfD as a "collecting basin for the extreme right and [...] the center of racist, especially anti-Muslim mobilization", should be demonstrated. The rally counted several thousand participants and was largely peaceful.

reception

The activities of Blockupy are monitored by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution and are reflected in the 2013 reports for the Protection of the Constitution by the state of Hesse and the federal government.

In Criminology Journal in 2013 published an article, which also referred to the days of action in 2012 and to a lesser extent that of, 2013. The authors Tino Petzold and Maximilian Pichl found that the police carried out far-reaching encroachments on fundamental rights on behalf of the state , without having a legal basis for this in any substantial part or even breaking standardized law. In their article, the authors concentrated on the relationship between law and police with reference to the temporary “production” or appropriation of (urban) space by the executive branch . Protests lead to a “struggle for space”, in which both sides try to realize their own interpretation patterns. Both the law and the police apparatus have a “specific obstinacy”. The police are not only executive, but also bear the traits of the judiciary , because they have leeway to interpret the law, and those of the legislature , because that is precisely what makes them law. The separation of powers has been touched. For about ten years or the so-called Battle of Seattle in 1999, the concept of negotiated management ( e.g. management of the event through negotiation) has been replaced by that of summit policing ( e.g., management of protests against summit events), which in Germany has run-up controls , Police cauldron, video surveillance, selective access against demonstrators and the "provision of strong, at any time capable of dominance forces" mean. At Blockupy 2012, the police used spatial summit policing practices in particular by taking control of public space with the aim of controlling and criminalizing the activists. In arguments , for example, shopping streets and bank branches were presented as endangered places, institutions such as the University of Frankfurt am Main and the Frankfurt School of Finance & Management were practically closed as a preventive measure , and a security zone inaccessible to citizens was set up around the ECB by means of police bars , cavalry squadrons , clearing tanks and water cannons. Demonstrators arriving in buses were checked and banned from staying, which expanded the area occupied by the police beyond the city itself. Even after the peaceful final demonstration, during which 12 police cauldrons were erected, these measures were defended with arguments , although in the authors' view “largely unlawful” . Concerning the Frankfurt police cauldron from 2013, Petzold and Pichl found that the police continued to develop their strategy from 2012 and prevented an authorized demonstration in the event of a temporary lack of judicial control, so that a final judgment could be circumvented and acted in a "room of exceptional rights".

The sociologist Peter Ullrich also saw the official reaction to Blockupy 2012 as an example of “a new tendency to deal with protesters in a repressive manner” that has been observed since the “Battle of Seattle” and the 2001 G8 summit in Genoa .

In 2014, the Committee for Fundamental Rights and Democracy published a 123-page report on the police cauldron in 2013, which emerged from the observation of the events by 23 employees. In summary, it is stated that it was "democratically fatal" to prevent the path of the court-approved demonstration through the encirclement. It must “give the impression of a law-breaking and vigilante justice creating executive”. Furthermore, the uncritical use of pepper spray is criticized as a potentially deadly weapon that at least alienates citizens from the state. It was also used against children, the elderly and journalists. During the observation of the demonstration on March 18, 2015, the Fundamental Rights Committee found that parts of the demonstrators had broken the Blockupy consensus for action by using violence and that a minority had dominated media coverage. The police had not countered these groups adequately: Burning barricades and cars had not been extinguished, smoke and smell remained, so that the impression of violent unrest against the press was reinforced.

In November 2014, the Süddeutsche Zeitung quoted the economists and social scientists Oliver Nachtwey and Peter Grottian as saying that the "European crisis protests [themselves] were in crisis", among other things because the left Blockupy alliance could not open up to the center In any case, the issue of the euro crisis was only slightly affected. A large number of young people belong to the precariat and are not very interested in the culture of protest due to the associated uncertainty. In addition, protest behavior is shifting from the street to the Internet, e.g. B. towards the petition platform Campact . Nachtwey repeated in 2015 that Blockupy would "damage the perception of his concerns" also because of the violence that was now being exercised and could not mobilize towards the middle class. However, the political scientist Sebastian Haunss, who had already referred to the demonstrators taking possession of public space in 2012, was not surprised: one knows that violence against property is considered a legitimate form of protest for some of the demonstrators.

In March 2015, the left-wing daily Junge Welt interpreted the results of a study commissioned by the Institute for Macroeconomics and Business Cycle Research of the Hans Böckler Foundation , according to which the austerity and reform program in Greece had failed and hundreds of thousands of Greeks were threatened with their livelihoods because “The austerity policy demanded by the Troika hardly knew any social cushioning” as confirmation of the analyzes by Blockupy. At the same time, the business editor Johannes Pennekamp saw in the comparatively bourgeois FAZ a shift in power from politics to the ECB, which would relieve politics of unpleasant decisions and noted a “ democratic deficit” in this regard . He quoted the political scientist Wolfgang Wessels : "The stabilization of the euro zone is actually a political task, the ECB is involved with a certain conditionality ." According to Pennekamp's assessment, destructiveness and violence should not be justified, but "turning away" and the radicalization of the Blockupy participants should be taken seriously.

In August 2016, the journalist Martin Kaul predicted the end of Blockupy in the daily newspaper . The alliance has "lost its popularity and shine in the left-wing scene", is trying to work on too many topics at the same time and will suffer from a lack of interest from abroad in Berlin despite its international claim.

literature

Web links

Commons : Blockupy  - collection of images

Individual evidence

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at the beginning of the individual proofs