Anwar as-Sadat

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Anwar as-Sadat (1980)
As-Sadat's signature in Arabic script

Anwar as-Sadat , Egyptian-Arabic Mohamed Anwar el-Sadat ( Arabic محمد أنور السادات, DMG Muḥammad Anwar as-Sādāt , * December 25, 1918 in Mit Abu el-Kum ; † October 6, 1981 in Cairo ), was an Egyptian statesman . From 1970 to 1981 he held the office of President.

With Gamal Abdel Nasser and others, he was a co-founder of the secret society of free officers , and since the coup in 1952 he has held high offices. When Nasser died in 1970, he succeeded him as President. Sadat led Egypt into the 1973 Yom Kippur War , but subsequently released the country from its close ties to the Soviet Union and signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1979 . For his efforts in the peace process with Israel , he and Menachem Begin received the 1978 Nobel Peace Prize . In 1981 he was assassinated by opponents of his politics.

Childhood and adolescence

Anwar Sadat was born under the family name Sadati . He was very connected to his homeland and his native village, Mīt Abu 'l-Kūm (ميت أبو الكوم) in the Nile Delta , which can also be seen from the fact that he donated all of the proceeds from his biography as well as the prize money of his Nobel Prize to the village from which he came. Sadat was always proud of his rural origins and emphasized that he was originally a Fellache , i.e. a farmer.

Sadat grew up with his grandmother in Mit Abu 'l Kum with his 13 siblings , while his father, Muhammad Muhammad al-Sadati , lived with his second wife Chairallah in Sudan , where he worked as an interpreter for a British medical service. Sadat experienced illness, poverty and illiteracy in his childhood. These early impressions were reflected in his later social policy, in which he campaigned for poor relief, a good health system and education for all. In 1924 he and his father moved into an apartment in the Cairo suburb of Kubri el-Kubba .

The following years as an adolescent in Cairo were shaped for Sadat by the search for himself. After Sadat had been interested in acting for a short time and also applied for roles, he finally decided to join the army for this Was held in high regard for the time. With some difficulties, he managed to get into the military academy , which he left after a nine-month short course in February 1938 as a lieutenant in the infantry .

resistance

After his release from the military academy, in 1940 he married Iqbāl Māḍī (إقبال ماضي), the daughter of the mayor of his home village Mīt Abu 'l-Kūm, with whom he had two children, Rudayyah Sadat and Camila Sadat. He was then transferred to a communications unit in the Cairo suburb of Maadi , where his political interest began to sprout. Above all, this meant that frustration at Egypt's status as a quasi-vassal state of Great Britain grew within him. He found it outrageous that Egypt was dependent on a monarchy that was not Egyptian, and that Egyptian politicians tolerated and even legitimized British rule in Egypt .

Sadat had come to believe that Egypt could only be liberated from both the English and the corrupt ruling government of the time by force . To do this, he wanted to form an organization within the armed forces to carry out the revolution. During his stationing in Manqabad (Sudan) in Upper Egypt , he met some like-minded people. It was at this time that he first met Gamal Abdel Nasser . 1939 she founded the first secret organization of the military, which The Free Officers (Free Officers) called and was headed by Nasser.

In February 1941, the Second World War also spread to North Africa and made Egypt a theater of war. The Egyptians sympathized with the Germans, who fought the hated British and with whom they had not had bad experiences. The successes that General Rommel was able to record in North Africa at the beginning were admired.

Sadat, who was transferred to Marsa Matruh in the summer of 1941 , was also fascinated by this man. But for him it was not just a matter of admiring his enemy's enemy, but secretly forging plans to make the Germans useful. He came into contact with a secret society within the Egyptian Air Force , the aim of which was to contact the Germans and with their help to drive the British out. Sadat became a member of this force, and there was actually an attempted conspiracy with two German spies . Sadat was supposed to help them smuggle a transmitter into the British. The plot was exposed and Sadat was arrested by the British security police. He was first taken to the immigration prison in Cairo and then transferred to a prison in Minieh , 260 kilometers south, at the end of 1942 .

In October 1944, Sadat managed to escape from a military hospital after spending two years in different prisons. From then on he had to live underground as a refugee . The years of imprisonment had not left Sadat without a trace. In prison he had a lot of time to concentrate on himself. Although he was now isolated from his group, he did not stop feeling part of this community and continuing to work for the goal of the revolution .

After his escape - the war was over - Sadat became a political fighter with the aim of eliminating the British. He got entangled in various murder plots against the Egyptian leadership, which worked together with the British occupation forces. The first target of the conspirators was Mustafa an-Nahhas Pascha , the leader of the Wafd government, which had been installed with the help of a British ultimatum in 1942. When an attempt on him failed, Amin Osman , also a member of Nahha's government, was the next target. This time the attack succeeded: Osman was shot on January 6, 1946. Sadat and his accomplices were arrested.

Sadat waited two years for his trial , which began in January 1948 and required 84 sessions. Critics call it a farce . The presiding judge of the college that eventually acquitted eleven of the accused, including Sadat, later received from his hands the highest Egyptian award, the Nile chain .

In 1949 he married Jehan Sadat , née Safwat Raouf. The couple had three daughters and two sons.

Ascent

Sadat in 1953

After the revolution of 1952 , King Faruq I went into exile on July 26th. On June 18, 1953, the Republic of Egypt was proclaimed and from then on the Revolutionary Command Council , as the leadership council of the free officers now called itself, was in charge. After some internal debate, Egypt was declared a republic in March 1953. Muhammad Nagib was named first president and many members of the revolutionary command council became ministers; Nasser held the post of Interior Minister. He himself held the post of information minister from 1954 to 1956 and was editor of the magazines Al Jumhuriya and Al Tahrir . From 1957 Sadat was vice-chairman and from 1960 chairman of the National Assembly , which he remained until 1968. In the meantime, the United Arab Republic existed temporarily . From 1964 to 1966 and 1969 to 1970, Sadat was Vice President of Egypt.

Nasser and Parliament President Sadat at their swearing-in in 1965
Nasser and Khrushchev conduct the filling of the 1964 Vice President Sadat Aswan Reservoir a

The Six Day War of 1967 brought the Arab states and with it Egypt a major defeat. After the suicide of Defense Minister Abd al-Hakim Amr , only Hussein Shafei , Zakarah Muhi ad-Din and Anwar as-Sadat remained of the Revolutionary Command Council besides Nasser . Nasser worked on rebuilding the army and the country. With Nasser's death on September 28, 1970, Sadat took over the presidency as vice-president - as provided by the constitution - provisionally. Thereafter there was a transition period of 60 days. On October 15, 1970, Sadat was confirmed as the new President of Egypt by a referendum .

The long road to peace

The failed peace initiative of 1971

Anwar Sadat faced major challenges at the beginning of his term in office. The 1967 Six Day War left a trauma in Egypt and across the Arab world. They did not want to come to terms with the consequences of the war, the shame and humiliation had been too great. The populations searched for reasons for the defeat and tried to find someone to blame. Another effect of the defeat was the resurgence of Islamism, which Sadat also took over. He connected with the voice of the people , the voice of God and believed that he executive a divine mission was. Egypt's foreign policy ambitions had been clear since the war: recapturing the occupied territories, revenge on Israel and supporting the Palestinians .

The first task that Sadat had to master was to win the domestic power struggle. There were many critics and competitors, especially in the army leadership. Some had bet on Sadat's weakness and waited in wait to see a favorable moment to take power. There were major differences in particular with the pro-Soviet group around Ali Sabri , which did everything in its power to curtail Sadat's power. But this quickly showed that he knew how to deal with power: He filled all important positions in government, cabinet and mass media with loyal supporters.

Sadat's first and unexpected foreign policy step was the announcement of a peace initiative on February 4, 1971, just four months after he came to power. He had proclaimed 1971 the year of decision , which he did not want to let go of without making progress in the dispute with Israel. The content of his peace plan was as follows: Israel should withdraw from Sinai as far as the passes; in return, Egypt would reopen the Suez Canal . A ceasefire agreement would then be signed, Egypt would restore diplomatic relations with the United States, and finally a peace treaty with Israel , with the help of the UN Special Envoy for the Middle East, Gunnar Jarring , would be concluded.

The peace initiative announced by Sadat in 1971 had by far not the same effect as his initiative six years later. It seemed that the time for such an initiative was not yet ripe, and there were serious doubts about the credibility of Sadat, who had been prevented from continuing the war of attrition with Israel only by a lack of military resources . The first official response from Israel came from Prime Minister Golda Meir in an NBC interview on February 6, 1971. A more detailed and more cautious response from the Prime Minister came on February 9 after a long debate in the Knesset. For her, Sadat's utterances are “far too vague”, she said, and she sees them as “repetition of common phrases”.

Sadat's first major foreign policy act was the signing of a friendship and alliance treaty with the Soviet Union on May 27, 1971. This confused the Americans not least because they couldn't understand why Sadat had first eliminated the Egyptian pro-Soviet members of the government and then one signed such a contract. Sadat managed to hide his foreign policy motives despite the strongest surveillance by the secret services of the USSR, the USA and Saudi Arabia. Secretly, however, he had long since made up his mind about what he put into practice on July 8, 1972: the expulsion of all Soviet experts. The reason for this drastic step was the renewed lack of Soviet arms deliveries. Sadat decreed that all experts (around 15,000) should leave Egypt within a week and that all equipment, including four MiG-25 aircraft, should be returned to the USSR.

The 1973 Yom Kippur War and its aftermath

Sadat had been working on the change of course in Egyptian foreign policy that took place in 1972. The Saudis in particular had given him hints that the US could help him regain the occupied territories. Sadat began planning a "limited" war with a twofold objective: to regain the honor of the Egyptian army, which it had forfeited in the shame of 1967, by taking revenge on Israel, and to alert the superpowers - particularly the US - to them to intervene in the peace process.

The consequence of this policy was the Yom Kippur War . It was carefully prepared in coordination with Syria and began a surprise attack on October 6, 1973. Shortly before and during the war, a decisive development began to emerge: Henry Kissinger became involved in the matter, the foreign minister first under US President Nixon and then under his successor Ford . Kissinger contacted Sadat four days after the start of the war to inform him that a ceasefire would give both warring parties a good chance of finding a satisfactory solution. Sadat, who was under the influence of Egypt's initial successes, rejected this initiative and an initiative suggested two days later by British Prime Minister Edward Heath with the same goal. This and the opening of the second wave of Egyptian attacks on October 14th prompted Washington to open the arms airlift to Israel. Ultimately, however, the pressure of the superpowers USA and USSR and the inclusion of his 3rd Army in Sinai meant that the Egyptian President had to agree to a ceasefire based on UN resolutions 242 and 338 . Israel did the same, and the fire ceased on October 24th.

In November 1973, Sadat agreed to a six-point plan by Golda Meir. They agreed talks between Egypt and Israel to return to the October 22nd front lines. These negotiations were conducted under the supervision of the United Nations , but dragged on for a long time. In January 1974, the first troop unbundling agreement was signed between Egypt and Israel.

Relations with the US began to intensify despite the reservations on both sides. As a reaction to the October War and the Arab oil embargo, Washington pursued a hugging tactic against the Arab front-line states, above all Egypt, which meant a revision of the previous premises. This new foreign policy found symbolic expression in Nixon's visit to Cairo in June 1974. With the resumption of diplomatic relations and the demonstrative conclusion of an economic agreement, the American willingness to treat Egypt and Syria now apparently on an equal footing with Israel was made known. The Nixon and Ford governments gradually carried out their announcement and gave priority to the Middle East and oil policy after the conclusion of the Vietnam Agreement in 1973.

In contrast to these US interests, which also contained strong economic motivation, were the demands of the Arab states: withdrawal of the Israeli troops from the territories occupied in 1967, restoration of the national rights of the Palestinians and an end to the settlement policy. The most important factor in Sadat's strategy was the recovery of the occupied land.

Gerald Ford with Sadat in Salzburg, 1975

The Nixon visit in 1974 raised new hopes in Sadat. Sadat made it clear that Egypt would regain its lost territories, with or without violence. Kissinger finally convinced Sadat that a step-by-step approach was preferable to a comprehensive peace treaty. A second troop unbundling agreement was signed on September 1st.

From the Sadat Initiative to Camp David

Menachem Begin , Jimmy Carter and Anwar as-Sadat at Camp David

The establishment of the new US administration under Carter (1977) marked the beginning of an attempt to address the parties to the conflict and points of dispute more fully. During the 1976 election campaign, Carter had called for a more ambitious strategy aimed at establishing diplomatic relations between Israel and the Arab states. However, the new US strategy did not yet seem to work. Although it moved away from a one-dimensional Middle East policy that was not very hopeful for the Arab states , the one-sided partisanship for Israel was retained in all controversial issues. This was expressed in a continuation of the US veto policy in the UN Security Council , where in 1976 and 1977 resolutions were blocked against an overwhelming majority, which ultimately called for a complete withdrawal of Israel and granted the Palestinians the right to self-determination.

Sadat decided to go before the Knesset himself to make it clear to the representatives of the Israeli people that it was up to them to decide whether they really wanted peace . Before making his decision, he discussed this in several extensive telephone conversations with the then Federal Chancellor and political friend Helmut Schmidt. This led to the historic speech on the occasion of the opening of the Egyptian parliament on November 9, 1977, in which Sadat announced that he would go to the end of the world - and even to Israel in the Knesset - if that would avoid the death of a single soldier .

Hardly anyone took this seriously, but when the Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin invited Sadat, Sadat said yes. The reactions from the Arab states were devastating. Syria , Iraq , Libya and Algeria broke off diplomatic relations with Egypt , and the PLO strongly condemned the initiative. Sadat had hoped that the Arab states would take part in the negotiations and continued to believe that an Egyptian-Israeli peace could have a domino effect on the region. Sadat's main interest was in reclaiming Sinai .

Sadat's spectacular visit to Israel began on November 19 when he landed at Ben Gurion Airport near Tel Aviv . Begin and President Ephraim Katzir welcomed Sadat with military honors. The next day, Sadat spoke in front of the Israeli parliament. For the first time, an Arab head of state recognized Israel's right to exist , with no ifs or buts.

In his speech, Sadat stated that he did not come to Israel to conclude a separate agreement with Israel, because such an agreement would not lead to lasting peace in the region. This requires a solution to the Palestinian problem, and he does not want to postpone this problem, but instead wants to bring about a comprehensive solution now. As the basis for peace he named the complete Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories including East Jerusalem , the recognition of a Palestinian state including its internationally recognized and secure borders, the establishment of bilateral relations based on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations ; In sum, therefore, renunciation of force in the interests of resolving differences of opinion and ending the state of war in the Middle East.

It was almost a year before Sadat and Begin, after tough negotiations - and moved by the intervention of Jimmy Carter - withdrew to Camp David for peace talks . After 13 tough days of negotiations, a peace agreement with historic significance was finally agreed, as it was the first ever between an Arab state and Israel. However, it quickly became clear that the ideas that Sadat had presented to the world public in his Knesset speech were illusory and not really feasible: the time was far from ripe for a comprehensive peace, which has not yet existed to this day. The other Arab states reacted violently, felt betrayed and were not ready for any further negotiations. Ultimately, Israel was not ready to make any major concessions either. Sadat, however, was able to regain Sinai for Egypt, which strengthened Arab morality and nullified the myth of Israel's invincibility. In 1978 Begin and Sadat received the Nobel Peace Prize for their work for peace . Former Federal Chancellor Helmut Schmidt described Sadat as a friend and person of integrity with a vision.

In the Arab and Islamic world, however, Egypt became isolated as a result of the separate peace. Except for Sudan (which was striving for economic, political and military integration with Egypt), Somalia and Oman, all Arab states severed their relations with Egypt, Egypt's membership in both the Arab League and the Organization for Islamic Cooperation was suspended in 1979, and the League moved their headquarters from Cairo to Tunis. In 1980, Sadat tried in vain to build a counter-organization, the League of Arab and Islamic Peoples , with non-Arab Islamic, especially black African countries .

Islam and the state under al-Sadat

During his presidency, As-Sadat completely turned away from the socialist and pan-Arab nationalist course of his predecessor Nasser and initiated a “re-Islamization” of society. Shortly after taking power, he amnestied for the Muslim Brotherhood imprisoned in concentration camps under Nasser's rule. Sadat was apparently looking for a good relationship with these groups in order to win them over as allies in the fight against left groups. Responding to their demands, he ensured that the "principles of Islamic Sharia law as a main source of legislation" (Art. 2) were enshrined in the new constitution of September 1971 .

Outwardly, too, he was a decidedly pious Muslim. By suddenly emphasizing his middle name Muhammad, Sadat underlined his claim to be a "believing president" (raʾīs muʾmin ) . In 1971, he began giving public talks at the Prophet's Birthday celebrations .

In March 1973 he appointed ʿAbd al-Halīm Mahmūd , a staunch supporter of the application of Sharia law , as sheikh of the Azhar .

In December 1976, Sadat demanded in a government statement that Islam must also become the basis of state education. At his direct instruction, with the beginning of the 1977/78 school year, religious education in schools was elevated to the rank of compulsory major and examination subject. Islam as a culture and value system should be a foundation for the moral construction of a new Egypt. In 1980, Art. 2 of the Constitution was changed again, making Sharia law the main source of legislation. The Muslim Brotherhood had a total of relatively large under Sadat freedom of movement. In 1976 its central organ ad-Daʿwa was re-approved.

When after the beginning of the peace process with Israel criticism of him from Islamic circles grew stronger, he tried to curb the influence of religious authorities. Between 1979 and 1980 he often used the formula in public speeches: “No politics in religion, and no religion in politics.” After signing the Camp David Agreement in March 1979, he went on a trip through the Egyptian province which he severely criticized the Islamist groups and the Muslim Brotherhood.

In 1981, Sadat amended Article 201 of the Egyptian Criminal Code to impose two months' imprisonment on clergymen who, in the exercise of their office or at a public gathering, abusive about the government, a law, decree or acts of public administration can be.

assassination

Tomb of the Unknown Soldier and Tomb of Anwar as Sadat in Nasr City , Cairo

In the summer of 1981 pogroms took place in Cairo in which Copts were massacred by Muslims . Sadat had members of the opposition arrested across the country in 1536, mainly the Muslim Brotherhood . When Lieutenant Khalid Islambuli learned of the arrest of a brother on September 3, he was furious and suggested Faraj , the leader of the Al-Jihad group , that Sadat take part in the upcoming military parade on October 6, which will mark the crossing of the Suez Canal at the beginning of the Yom Kippur War should remember to kill. He himself had been assigned to command a truck for this parade.

Islambuli put three subordinates on leave, replaced them with smuggled accomplices and obtained assault rifles , ammunition and hand grenades , which the group carried with them unnoticed in their vehicle. They benefited from the fact that although carrying loaded weapons was prohibited during the parade, officers were not controlled in this regard. Arrived in front of Sadat's grandstand, Islambuli brought the vehicle to a standstill and jumped off with his accomplices. Then they attacked with their hand grenades and rifles. Sadat was hit by 37 bullets and died like seven of his guests. Vice President Husni Mubarak , standing next to Sadat, was injured. The attack took place in front of the television cameras, and the leader of the assassins shouted in their direction: "I killed the Pharaoh !"

In preparation for the attack, the leaders of groups from Cairo and Central Egypt met on September 26 in Saft al Laban, a slum in Cairo, whose aim was a subsequent popular uprising. While only one bomb exploded in Cairo, insurgents launched an attack in Assiut on October 8 to spark the people's revolution. Since this was the first day of the Feast of Sacrifice, a series of holidays traditionally spent at home with the family, the surprise blow was struck at the headquarters of the security police, which was only manned by a standby service led by a Christian officer. He was beheaded, the Shawish-s, simple police officers, were massacred. Since the Central Egyptian police were unable to bring the city under their control, paratroopers flown in from Cairo smashed the rebellion the next day . The hoped-for Islamic popular revolution failed to materialize, and Sadat's deputy Mubarak was succeeded.

The funeral procession on the day of the funeral was attended by numerous Western politicians, such as the former Presidents of the United States Jimmy Carter , Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford , Prince Charles of Great Britain, the German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt , the then President of France, François Mitterrand , and political leaders the Soviet Union and Africa. Apart from the President of Sudan , Numeiri , and the President of Somalia , Siad Barre , no Arab leader had come to pay their respects to Sadat. His death was even celebrated in Libya and southern Lebanon . In the Iranian capital Tehran , a street was named after Sadat's murderer, but it was renamed Intifada Street in 2001 in order to improve Iranian-Egyptian relations.

After mass arrests of Islamists, most were gradually released. Only the captured al-Jihad members were tried in two trials. In the first trial, five of the 24 accused were sentenced to death, the four assassins and the leader of the Cairo group, the chief ideologist Faraj, were executed on April 15, 1982. In the second trial, 302 people were charged. The assassins' statements recorded in the trial protocols reflect their pride in the attack; they are therefore a valuable testimony to the thinking and attitudes of an Islamist terrorist group.

In her autobiography, Jihan al-Sadat writes about her husband's death: "My husband was not a victim of war: my husband was a victim of peace."

Honors

Movies

  • Days of Sadat , original title Ayam El-Sadat , from 2001. A film from the perspective of Sadat and his wife Jehan. According to the opening credits, the film was based on their respective memoirs. Sadat is played by Ahmed Zaki , who shortly before had played Nasser.

literature

Web links

Commons : Anwar Sadat  - collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. Sadat Mohammed Anwar As, Harenberg Personenlexikon, Dortmund 2000, p. 859
  2. a b c Anwar al-Sadat - Biographical. Nobel Foundation, 1979, accessed July 10, 2013 .
  3. ^ Transformation: Egypt. Bertelsmann Foundation , accessed on July 10, 2013 .
  4. Interview. NZZ , November 19, 2009, accessed on November 11, 2015 .
  5. a b Egyptian leader's Israel trip makes history. BBC , November 19, 1977, accessed July 10, 2013 .
  6. See Kogelmann 87f.
  7. See Kogelmann 87.
  8. See Malika Zeghal: Gardiens de l'Islam. Les oulémas d'al Azhar dans l'Égypte contemporaine. Paris 1996. p. 145.
  9. See Kogelmann 92.
  10. See Kogelmann 98.
  11. See Kogelmann 102.
  12. Cf. Zeghal 238.
  13. Cf. Zeghal 238.
  14. a b c d e Gilles Kepel: The Prophet and the Pharaoh. The Example of Egypt: The Development of Muslim Extremism . Piper Verlag, Munich 1995, ISBN 3-492-03786-0 , chapter Death to the Pharaoh , p. 208 and 224–234 ( English text in the Google book search [accessed on July 6, 2013] French: Le prophète et pharaon . Translated by Gabriele Deja).
  15. Autumn in Cairo. In: Der Tagesspiegel . September 23, 2011, accessed July 21, 2013 .
  16. Gilles Kepel : The Black Book of Jihad. The rise and fall of Islamism . Piper Verlag , Munich 2002, ISBN 3-492-04432-8 , chapter The murder of Anwar as-Sadat and the exemplary character of Egyptian Islamism , p. 109 (French: Jihad - Expansion et dèclin de l'islamisme . Translated by Bertold Galli).
  17. Jehan Sadat: I am a woman from Egypt . 31st edition. Heyne Verlag , Munich 1996, ISBN 3-453-04599-8 , chapter The death of my husband , p. 26 (English: A woman of Egypt . Translated by Gisela Stege).
This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on December 27, 2010 .